A Grammar of Neo-Aramaic: The Dialect of the Jews of Arbel 9004115102, 9789004115101

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A GRAMMAR OF NEO-ARAMAIC

HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK HANDBOOK OF GRIENTAL STUDIES ERSTE ABTEILUNG

DER NAHE UND MITTLERE OSTEN THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST HERAUSGEGEBEN VON

H. ALTENMÜLLER · B. HROUDA · B.A. LEVINE · R.S. O'FAHEY K.R. VEENHOF · C.H.M. VERSTEEGH

SIEBENUNDVIERZIGSTER BAND

A GRAMMAR OF NEO-ARAMAIC

A GRAMMAR OF NEO-ARAMAIC The Diafeet qf the Jews qf Arbe! BY

GEOFFREY KHAN

BRILL LEIDEN · BOSTON · KÖLN 1999

This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Khan. Geoffrey. A grammar of neo-Aramaie : the dialect of the Jews of Arbe! I by Geoffrey Khan. p. cm. - (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten, ISSN 0169-9423 ; 47. Bd. = Handbook of Griental studies. Erste Abteilung, The Near and Middle East) lncludes bibliographical references. ISBN 9004115102 (cloth) l. Aramaie language-Dialects-lraq-lrb!l Region-Grammar. 2. Jews-lraq-lrb!l Region-Languages. I. Title. II. Series : Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe und der Mittlere Osten ; 47. Bd. PJ5282.K45 1999 492',3-dc2l 99-27864 CIP Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Handbuch der Orientalistik I Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill.

Teilw. hrsg. von H. Altenmüller. - Literaturangaben. - Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler. - Teilw. mit Parallelt.; Handbook of oriental studies

Abt. l, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten = The Near and Middle East I hrsg. von H. Altenmüller ... Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler

Bd. 4 7. Khan, Geoffrey: A grammar of Neo-Aramaic. - 1999 Khan, Geoffrey: A grammar of Neo-Aramaie : the dialect of the Jews of Arbe! I by Geoffrey Khan. - Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 1999 (Handbook of Oriental studies : Abt. I, The Near and Middle East ; Bd. 47) ISBN 90-04-11510-2

ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 90 04 1151 0 2 © Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part qf this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or Iransmitted in ai'!JI form or by ai'!JI means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authori::.ation to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fies are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 91 0 Danvers .MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

FORCOLETTE

CONTENTS Preface.................................................................................................. xix Abbreviations and Symbols...................................................................... xxi

INTRODUCTION.............................................................................. 1 PHONOLOGY 1.

CONSONANTS........................................................................... 17 1.1. Phoneme inventory.................................................................. 17 1.2. Phonetic realization.................................................................. 17 1.2.1. Labials................................................................................. 17 1.2.2. Dentalsand alveolars............................................................. 19 1.2.3. Sibilants............................................................................... 21 1.2.4. Emphatics............................................................................ 21 1.2.5. Affricates.............................................................................24 1.2.6. Palatal. ................................................................................ 25 1.2.7. Velarsand uvulars................................................................ .25 1.2.8. Laryngalsand pharyngals....................................................... 26 1.3. Historical background of the consonants..................................... 27 1.3.1. The BGDKPT consonants...................................................... 27 1.3.1.1. *b.................................................................................... 27 1.3.1.2. *p ....... ............................................................................. 29 1.3.1.3. *t..................................................................................... 29 1.3.1.4. *d.................................................................................... 31 1.3.1.5. *k.................................................................................... 32 1.3.1.6. *g.................................................................................... 33 1.3.2. The affricate IN.................................................................... 34 1.3.3. Uvular stops......................................................................... 35 1.3.4. The voiced velar fricative /g/.................................................. 35 1.3.5. Laryngalsand pharyngals....................................................... 35 1.3.6. Emphatics............................................................................ 39 1.3.7. Diphthongs *ay and *aw ........................................................ 40 1.3.8. Elision of /ll, lnl, Ir/, /d/........................................................ .41

2.

VOWELS................................................................................... 42 2.1. Phoneme inventory.................................................................. 42 Minimal pairs...........................................................................42 2.2. 2.3. Vowellength........................................................................... 44 2.3.1. The lengthening of Ii/, Iei, Iu/ and lol in open syllables.............. .44 2.3.2. The distribution of Ia/ and läl in open syllables........................ .46 2.3.3. Vowellength in closed syllables............................................. .49 2.4. The marking of vowel length in the transcription......................... 51

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2.5. The phonetic quality of the vowel phonemes............................... 51 2.5.1. Short vowels........................................................................ 51 2.5.2. Lang vowels.........................................................................53 2.6. The historical background of the a vowels................................... 54 3.

CONSONANT GEMINATION...................................................... 56

4.

SYLLABLE STRUCTURE............................................................ 62 4.1. Syllabic patterns....................................................................... 62 4.1.1. Epenthetic vowel after syllable with final Iaryngal or pharyngal.. 62 Closure of syllables by the semi-vowels ly/ and Iw! .................. .. 62 4.1.2. 4.1.3. !?! at the beginning of a syllable..............................................63 4.1.4. !hl at the beginning of a syllable ..............................................64 4.1.5. W ord-initial consonant dusters broken by an epenthetic vowel. .. 64 W ord-initial consonant dusters broken by a prosthetic vowel. .....65 4.1.6. Ward-initial consonant dusters without an epenthetic vowel... .... 65 4.1.7. 4.1.8. Ward-initial consonant dusters with initial ly/ ...........................65 Ward-initial consonant dusters with initial /w/.......................... 65 4.1.9. 4.1.10. W ord-initial consonant dusters cantairring a pharyngal. .............. 65 4.1.11. W ord-initial consonant dusters cantairring a Iaryngal. ................ 65 4.1.12. First consonant of duster syllabified with preceding ward.......... 66 4.1.13. First consonant of CV sequence syllabified with preceding word.. 67 4.1.14. Ward-initial duster of three consonants................................... 67 4.1.15. Ward-final consonant dusters................................................. 67 4.1.16. Syllabification of CCC and CC consonant dusters within a word.68

5. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3.

5.4. 6.

WORD STRESS...........................................................................70 Nominals.................................................................................70 Adverbial expressions............................................................... 72 Interrogative words.................................................................. 72 Verbs..................................................................................... 72 STRESS GROUPS........................................................................ 75

MORPHOLOGY 7.

7.1. 7.2. 7.3.

7.4. 7.5. 7.6.

PRONOUNS............................................................................... 81 Independent personal pronouns.................................................. 81 Pronominal suffixes on nouns and prepositions............................. 82 Demonstrative pronouns........................................................... 84 Interrogative pronouns.............................................................. 86 The independent genitive partide did-.................... .....................87 Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns.............................................. 87

CONTENTS

8.

ix

VERBS.......................................................................................89 8.1. Verbal stems........................................................................... 89 8.2. Inflection of present base.......................................................... 90 8.3. Inflection of the past base..........................................................93 8.4. Inflection of the imperative base................................................ 95 8.5. W eak verbs in stem 1................................................................96 8.5.1. Verba primae 1?1...................................................................96 8.5.2. Verba mediae /?!.................................................................. 96 8.5.3. Verba tertiae !?/................................................................... 97 8.5.4. Verba primae /yl...................................................................97 8.5.5. Verba mediae lyl .................................................................. 97 8.5.6. Verba tertiae /yl ................................................................... 98 8.5.7. Verba tertiae lyl, primae lyl ................................................... 99 8.5.8. Verba tertiae /y/, mediae I?1................................................... 99 8.5.9. Verba mediae /w/..................................................................99 8.5.10. Verba mediae Iw/, primae 1?1..................................................99 8.5.11. Verba mediae Iw/, tertiae lyl.................................................. .99 8.5.12. Verba tertiae /w/................................................................. 100 8.5.13. Verba tertiae Iw/, primae /y/................................................. 100 8.6. lrregular and defective verbs.................................................... 100 8.6.1. ?by 'to want'....................................................................... 100 8.6.2. ?ly 'to come'....................................................................... 100 8.6.3. ?my 'to bring'..................................................................... 101 8.6.4. ?zl 'to go'........................................................................... 101 8.6.5. y?/ 'to know' ...................................................................... 101 8.6.6. hw 'to give'......................................................................... 102 8.6.7. hwy 'tobe' and copula.......................................................... 102 8.7. Weak verbs in stem II............................................................. 106 8.7.1. Verba mediae /y/................................................................ .106 8.7.2. Verba tertiae /y/..................................................................106 8.7.3. Verba primae ly/, tertiae /y/.................................................. 106 8.7.4. Verba mediae /w/................................................................ 106 8.7.5. Verba mediae Iw/, tertiae /y/................................................. 107 8.7.6. Originally stem li verbs conjugated like stem I verbs............... 107 8.8. Semantic distinction between stem I and stem II.. ....................... 108 8.9. Quadriliteral verbs.................................................................. 109 8.10. Compound verbs.................................................................... 109 8.11. Verbal forms with the affix -wa............................................... 110 8.11.1. Affix -wa attached to present base......................................... 110 8.11.2. Affix -wa attached to past base.............................................. 111 8.12. Verbal forms with the particle /ä.............................................. 111 8.13. Negation of verbs................................................................... 115 8.14. Negation of present copula ...................................................... 115 8.15. Negation of past copula........................................................... 116 8.16. Expression of the pronominal object......................................... 117 8.16.1. Object suffixes on present and imperative bases...................... 117 8.16.2. Pronominal object with forms derived from past bases............. 118 8.16.2.1. Pronominal object expressed by ?il/- phrase................. : ....... 118

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8.16.2.2. Incorporated object. ......................................................... 119 8.16.3. Verbs with two pronominal objects....................................... .120 8.17. The existential particles ?it and lit ............................................ .121 8.18. Pronominal complements containing the preposition b-................ 122 9.

VERB PARADIGMS.................................................................. 124 9.1. qati/ form ............................................................................. 124 9.2. qtille form ............................................................................ .128 9.3. qati/wa form ......................................................................... 131 qtilwiile form ........................................................................ 131 9.4. Verbs with pronominal objects................................................. 132 9.5. qatil form .......................................................................... 132 9.5.1. qtille form ......................................................................... 133 9.5.2.

10. NOUNS.................................................................................... 135 10.1. Introduction........................................................................... 135 10.2. Nouns with -a inflection.......................................................... 136 10.2.1. Bisyllabic patterns............................................................... 136 10.2.2. Trisyllabic patterns.............................................................. 140 10.2.2.1. The pattern CvCvCa......................................................... 140 10.2.2.2. Patterns with four consonants............................................ 142 10.3. Nouns with -ta inflection......................................................... 142 10.3.1. Bisyllabic patterns............................................................... 142 10.3.2. Trisyllabic patterns.............................................................. 145 10.3.3. Feminine-ta in loan words................................................... 146 10.3.4. Variant forms of -ta............................................................ 147 10.3.4.1. -da................................................................................. 147 10.3.4.2. -/a.................................................................................. 147 10.3.4.3. Double feminine ending.................................................... 148 10.4. Derivational suffixes............................................................... 148 10.4.1. Diminutivesuffixes (-ona, -ila).................. ............................ 148 10.4.2. Abstract suffixes (-ula, -atula, -anula).. .................................. .149 10.4.3. -ana................................................................................... 150 10.4.4. -a?a................................................................................... 151 10.4.5. -na.................................................................................... 152 10.4.6. -i....................................................................................... 153 10.5. Compounds........................................................................... 153 10.6. Nouns ending in -e.................................................................. 153 10.7. Non-adapted loans.................................................................. 154 10.8. Kurdish derivational suffixes.................................................... 155 10.9. Gender of nouns.................................................................... .155 10.9.1. Aramaie words................................................................... .155 10.9.2. Loanwords......................................................................... 157 10.10. Plural forms of nouns............................................................. 159 10.10.1. Plural ending in -e............................................................... 159 10.10.2. Pluralsending in -ye from feminine singulars with -ta or -Ia..... 162 10.10.3. Plurals with the element-an-................................................ 163 10.1 0.3.1. -iine............................................................................ .163

CONTENTS

xi

10.10.3.2. -anye...................... ..................................................... 163 10.10.4. Pluralsending in -iile........................................................... 164 10.10.5. Plurals with the element -aw-................................................ 165 10.10.5.1. -awe............................................................................ 165 10.10.5.2. -awane........................................................................ 165 10.10.5.3. -yawiine.................................................... ................... 165 10.10.5.4. -awiile.......................................... ............................... 165 10.10.5.5. -yawiile....... ................................................................ 166 10.10.5.6. -awiite ......................................................................... 166 10.10.6. Reduplieation of final radieal... .............................................. 166 10.10.7. Irregular plurals.................................................................. 167 10.10.8. Pluralia tantum .................................... .............................. 167 10.10.9. Plural of eompound nominals................................................ 167 10.11. Annexation of nouns............................................................... 168 10.12. Nouns in absolute state........................................................... .170 10.12.1. Regularly laeking infleetion.................................................. 171 10.12.2. Nouns attested in both absolute state and regular form ............. 172 10.13. Definite article....................................................................... 173 ADJECTIVES........................................................................... .l74 11. Introduetion........................................................................... 174 11.1. Adjeetives of Aramaie origin................................................... 174 11.2. Adapted loans........................................................................ 177 11.3. Unadapted loans..................................................................... 177 11.4 12. NUMERALS............................................................................. 179 12.1. Cardinals............................................................................... 179 12.1.1. Numerals 1-10.................................................................... 179 12.1.2. Numerals 11-19.................................................................. .179 12.1.3. Tens.................................................................................. l80 12.1.4. Hundreds........................................................................... 180 12.1.5. Thousands.......................................................................... 180 12.1.6 Combination of numerals..................................................... 181 12.2. Ordinals................................................................................ 181 12.3. Fraetions............................................................................... 182 13. PARTICLES............................................................................. .183 13.1. Introduetion........................................................................... 183 13.2. Adverbs................................................................................ 183 13.2.1. Adverbs of Aramaie stoek.................................................... 183 13.2.2. Adverbial particles of non-Aramaie origin.............................. 185 13.3. Prepositions........................................................................... 186 13.4. Miseellaneous uninfleeted particles............................................ 191

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SYNTAX THE SYNTAX OF NOMINALS.................................................. .195 14. Expression of definiteness.............................................................. 195 14.1. 14.1.1. Indefiniteness expressed by the particle xa ................ .............. 195 14.1.2. Definiteness expressed by the suffix -ake ................................ 203 Absolute state........................................................................ 205 14.2. Gender..................................................................................206 14.3. Number................................................................................ 207 14.4. Demonstrative particles........................................................... 208 14.5. 14.5.1. Function of the singular demonstratives................................. 209 14.5.2. Use of ?iyya as a presentative............................................... 216 14.5.3. Function of the plural demonstrative......................................217 Possessive pronouns ................................................................ 219 14.6. Reflexive pronoun.................................................................. 220 14.7. Reciprocal pronoun................................................................. 223 14.8. Genitive constructions............................................................. 224 14.9. 14.9.1. Annexation.........................................................................224 14.9.2. Genitival apposition............................................................. 224 14.10. Attributive adjectives.............................................................. 228 14.11. Attributive prepositional phrases.............................................. 230 14.12. Non-attributive modifiers........................................................ 230 14.13. Apposition............................................................................. 238 14.14. Conjoining of elements in a phrase........................................... 240 14.15. Repetition..............................................................................241 14.16. Comparison of adjectives and adverbs....................................... 242 14.17. Numerals...............................................................................244 14.18. Adverbial expressions............................................................. 246 THE SYNTAX OF VERBS..........................................................248 15. The function of the verbal forms derived from present and past bases 15.1. 248 15.1.1. qa{i/.................................................................................. 248 15.1.1.1. Indicative........................................................................ 248 15.1.1.2. Subjunctive..................................................................... 250 15.1.2. qa{ilwa.............................................................................. 259 15.1.2.1. Indicative........................................................................ 259 15.1.2.2. Subjunctive..................................................................... 260 15.1.3. q{ille................................................................................. 262 15.1.4. q{ilwale................................................................... .......... 264 15.1.5. Forms with /a..................................................................... 265 15.1.5.1. la-qa{il ........................................................................... 265 15.1.5.2./a-qtille.................................. ........................................ 268 15.1.5.3. The difference between qa{il and /ii-qa{i/ ............................ 271 15.1.5.4. The difference between q{ille and lii-q{ille .......................... 274 15.1.5.5. Conclusion...................................................................... 275 The copula.............................................................................275 15.2.

CONTENTS

xiii

15.2.1. The present copula.............................................................. 275 15.2.2. The past copula................................................................... 276 15.3. The existential particles........................................................... 277 15.4. The verb hwy........ ................................................................ .278 15.4.1. Future................................................................................278 15.4.2. Subjunctive........................................................................ .278 15.4.3. Imperative..........................................................................279 15.4.4. Generic present. .................................................................. 279 15.4.5. Generic past. ...................................................................... 279 15.4.6. lii-qatil form ...................................................................... 280 15.5. The verb gdr......................................................................... 280 15.6. The imperative....................................................................... 281 15.7. Expression of the passive......................................................... 283 15.8. The passive participle.............................................................. 284 15.8.1. Intransitive verbal roots....................................................... 284 15.8.2. Transitive verbal roots......................................................... 285 15.9. The infinitive......................................................................... 286 15.10. Direct object. ......................................................................... 288 15.11. Indirect object. ...................................................................... .292 15.12. Double objects....................................................................... 293 15.13. Prepositional phrases with agreement pronouns.......................... 293 15.14. The particle hawa................................................................... 294 15.14.1. With sense of reversion or repetition..................................... 294 15.14.2. Other occurrences............................................................... 296 16. THE SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS............................................. 297 16.1. b-......................................................................................... 297 16.2. /-.......................................................................................... 299 16.3. ta-........................................................................................ 299 16.4. gaw...................................................................................... 301 16.5. geb....................................................................................... 302 16.6. reS....................................................................................... 303 16.7. min...................................................................................... .306 17. THE CLAUSE.......................................................................... .310 17.1. Copula clauses....................................................................... .310 17.1.1. Introduction....................................................................... .310 17.1.2. Basic predicate-copula nexus................................................. 310 17.1.3. Subject nominals................................................................. 311 17.1.4. Pronominal subjects............................................................ .313 17.1.5. Splitting of predicate nominal... ............................................ .313 17.1.6. Placement of the nuclear stress............................................. 314 17.1.7. Apposition.......................................................................... 315 17.1.8. Adverbial adjuncts.............................................................. .315 17.1.9. Variations in word order...................................................... 317 17.1.10. Interrogative copula clauses.................................................. 318 17.1.11. Cleft constructions.............................................................. .319 17.1.12. Existential uses of the copula................................................ 319

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CONTENTS

17.1.13. Negative copular clause....................................................... .320 17.1.13.1. Negative present copula................................................ 320 17.1.13.2. Negative past copula..................................................... 320 17.1.14. Omission of copula.............................................................. 321 Clauses with the existential particle ?itl ?itwa ............................. 322 17.2. 17.2.1. Complement before the particle............................................ 322 17.2.2. Complement after the particle............................................... 323 17.2.3. Adverbial adjuncts.............................................................. .323 17.2.4. Apposition......................................................................... .324 17.2.5. Position of nuclear stress...................................................... 324 17.2.6. Possessive constructions....................................................... 326 17.2.6.1. Nominal before the existential particle................................ 326 17.2.6.2. Nominal after the existential particle.................................. .326 17.2.7. Negative existential and possessive clauses.............................. 326 17.2.7.1. Nominal precedes the particle............................................ 326 17.2.7.2. Nominal follows the particle.............................................. 327 17.2.7.3. Additional negative particle............................................... 327 17.2.7.4. Use of negative particle to express doubt ............................ .327 Constructions with the verb hwy.............................................. 327 17.3. Constructions with the verb gdr ................................. .............. 328 17.4. 17.4.1. Verbtakes a complement. .................................................... 328 17.4.1.1. Complement before the verb............................................. 328 17.4.1.2. Complement after the verb............................................... .328 17.4.2. Verb used with no nominal complement................................. 328 Verbal clauses........................................................................ 329 17.5. 17.5.1. Pronominal subjects............................................................. 330 17.5.1.1. Pronouns serving as clause topic........................................ .330 17.5.1.2. Pronouns serving as clause focus ........................................ 333 17.5.2. Subject nominals................................................................. 334 17.5.2.1. Subject before the verb..................................................... 334 17.5.2.2. Subject after the verb....................................................... 337 17.5.3. Agreement between verband subject. ................................... .341 17.5.4. Direct object nominals......................................................... 342 17.5.4.1. Object before the verb (object-verb, subject-object-verb)....... 342 17.5.4.2. Object-subject-verb order.................................................. 345 17.5.4.3. Object after the verb........................................................ 346 17.5.4.4. Double objects................................................................. 351 17.5.5. Prepositional phrases........................................................... .352 17.5.5.1. Prepositional phrase after the verb..................................... 352 17.5.5.2. Prepositional phrase before the verb................................... 354 17.5.6. Nominal complements after verbs of movement.. ................... .355 17.5.7. Negative clauses.................................................................. 356 17.5.7.1. Negator before verb......................................................... 356 17.5.7.2. Negator before other elements in clause.............................. 357 17.5.8. Interrogative clauses............................................................ 358 17.5.9. Adverbial insertions............................................................. 359 Extraposition......................................................................... 362 17.6. 17.6.1. Structure............................................................................ 362

CONTENTS

XV

17.6.2. Function ............................................................................ .362 17.6.2.1. Extraposition of topic referent. .......................................... 362 17.6.2.2. Constructions where extraposition is the norm..................... 365 17.6.2.3. Extraposition of item in contrastive focus ........................... .367 17.6.2.4. Extraposition of long subject. ............................................ .367 17.6.3. Clause-final extraposition..................................................... 367 18. CLAUSE SEQUENCES.............................................................. .368 18.1. Connective particles............................................................... .368 18.1.1. w-..................................................................................... 368 18.1.2. -iS..................................................................................... 371 18.2. Intonation group boundaries.................................................... .376 18.3. Anaphora.............................................................................. 379 18.4 Chiasmus.............................................................................. .379 18.5. Morphological weight. ............................................................ 380 18.6. Stress position........................................................................ 381 18.6.1. Position of nuclear stress in a clause...................................... .381 18.6.2. Position of nuclear stress in a word........................................ 382 18.7. Intonation patterns................................................................. .384 18.7.1. Intonation contour marking a major juncture.......................... 384 18.7.2. Intonation groups marking a minor juncture........................... 385 19. SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES............................ 386 19.1. Relative clauses...................................................................... 386 19.1.1. Attributive relative clauses................................................... 386 19.1.1.1. Syndetic relative clauses.................................................... 386 19.1.1.2. Asyndetic relative clauses.................................................. 389 19.1.1.3. Subjunctive in relative clauses............................................ 390 19.1.1.4. Conditional sense............................................................. 390 19.1.1.5. Interna! structure of relative clauses................................... .391 19.1.1.6. Tense............................................................................. .391 19.1.1.7. Omission of copula in relative clause.................................. .391 19.1.1.8. Relative clauses containing the existential particle................ .392 19.1.2. Nominal relative clauses....................................................... 393 19.1.2.1. With generic referent. ...................................................... 393 19.1.2.2. With specific referent. ...................................................... 394 19.1.2.3. Asyndetic relative clauses.................................................. 395 19.1.2.4. Omission of copula in nominal relative clauses..................... 396 19.1.3. Relative clauses introduced by interrogative particles............... 397 19.1.3.1. Nominal interrogative particles.......................................... 397 19.1.3.2. Adverbial interrogative particles........................................ 399 19.1.3.3. Asyndetic relatives with interrogative particles.................... .399 19.2. Indirect questions................................................................... 400 19.2.1. Structural f ea tures............................................................... 400 19.2.2. Use of the subjunctive..........................................................401 19.2.3. Idiomatic usage.................................................................. .401 19 .2.4. Extraposition...................................................................... 402 19.2.5. Indirect question with structure of relative clause.................... 402

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19.3. Temporal clauses.................................................................... 402 19.3.1. waxtit .............................................. .................................. 402 19.3.2. xa waxitlwaxt.................... ................................................ .404 19.3.3. ?o-dammit, kud dammit ...................................................... .405 19.3.4. bar.................................................................................... 405 19.3.5. IJ,atta ................................................................................. 406 19.3.6. qamol ................... ............................................................. 408 19.3.7. Asyndetic temporal clauses................................................... 409 Conditional constructions.........................................................410 19.4. 19.4.1. Constructions with the particle Jagar ............................ ........ .410 19.4.1.1. Form of verbin the Jagar clause....................................... 410 19.4.1.2. Form of verbin the apodosis............................................ .414 19.4.1.3. ?agar clause in indirect 'yes-no' questions ............................ 415 19.4.2. Asyndetic conditional constructions....................................... 415 19.4.3. Conditional functioning as topic............................................ 415 19.4.4. Conditionals used in a concessive sense...................................416 Complement clauses................................................................416 19.5. 19.5.1. Complement clauses after the verb gzy ('to see')...................... 4f6 19.5.2. Speech introduced by the verb ?mr ('to say')........................... 418 19.5.3. Complement clauses after an imperative................................ .418 19.5.4. Extraposition from complement clauses..................................418 19.5.5. Position of complement clauses............................................ .419 19.5.6. Complementisers................................................................ .419

TEXTS INFORMANT S The story of the missing heifer............................................................ .422 The story of two eggs......................................................................... 426 INFORMANTL The town of Arbel. ............................................................................ .432 The history of Arbel. .......................................................................... 432 The professions of the Jews................................................................ .434 The Jewish community....................................................................... 436 Trade with the Muslims.......................................................................438 Miraculous eure of a child by the informant's father ............................... 440 Life as a goldsmith in Arbel. ................................................................ 448 Relations between Jews and Muslims.................................................... 458 Flight to Suleimaniyya........................................................................ 4 78 Phrases used when people meet. .......................................................... .488 INFORMANTY Everyday life..................................................................................... .490 Houses 1. ........................................................................................... 490 Synagogues........................................................................................ 492 Houses 2............................................................................................ 494

CONTENTS

xvii

Passover............................................................................................ 494 New Year.......................................................................................... 498 Weddings........................................................................................... 498 Circumcision...................................................................................... 498 Baking of bread.................................................................................. 500 Preparation of food ............................................................................. 502 Preparations for winter........................................................................ 504 Clothes 506 The tragic death of a young man........................................................... 506 Angels come to the aid of the Jews........................................................508 The Jews are falsely accused of murder.................................................. 512 The drowning of a man....................................................................... .516 Leaving Iraq...................................................................................... .518 INFORMANT B Hauses 1........................................................................................... 520 Professions........................................................................................ 520 Hauses 2........................................................................................... 520 Family history................................................................................... 522 Jewish communities in the villages........................................................524 Isl:,laq Sisawa...................................................................................... 524 Cancellation of citizenship................................................................... 526 Passover........................................................................................... 528 Siml:,lat Torah ..................................................................................... 528 New Year..........................................................................................530 W eddings.......................................................................................... 530 Circumcision..................................................................................... .532 Food ............................................................................................ 532 A bishop who was a friend of the Jews..................................................534 Recipe for säwär ('burghul wheat')....................................................... 536 Preparations for winter....................................................................... 536 A dispute between a Muslim and a Jewish weaver.................................. 536 The murder of a Jewish girl. ................................................................ 538 The murder of a Jewish boy................................................................ 540 References............................................................................................ 542

GLOSSARY OF VERBS............................................................... 551 GENERAL GLOSSARY............................................................... 561

PREFACE While working in Jerusalem during the academic year 1990-1991 with a research group on Semitic languages at the Institute of Advanced Studies, I became aware of the urgent need to describe the surviving Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects. These are the last remnants of Jewish Eastern Aramaic, which has been spoken in the Mesopotamian region for over two thousand years. Important contributions to this field have been made by a number of scholars, yet many of the dialects still remain without any linguistic description. They were spoken by Jewish communities in various areas of Kurdistan. All of these communities have now left Kurdistan and have settled, for the most part, in Israel. Knowledge of the dialects is quickly fading in these immigrant communities and they have been widely supplanted by Modern Hebrew, especially among the younger generations, who generally are unable to speak the dialects at all. The Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects, therefore, are approaching extinction. Most of them were never written, so knowledge of a !arge number of them will be completely lost unless some linguistic record is made of them within the next few years. Since they are in their closing stages, it is already difficult to find informants who are able (and willing) to supply enough data for an exhaustive description. I am aware of the fact that my work could have been more thorough in a number of areas, especially the lexicon, if the corpus of data on which it is based were !arger. The difficulties of fieldwork, however, were not conducive to forming such a corpus. This contrasts with the opportunities for thoroughgoing linguistic description that arestill available for the Western NeoAramaic dialects and Turoyo, since these continue to be spoken by !arge communities in situ. The Jewish dialect of the Arbe! region, which lies on the south-western periphery of the Aramaic-speaking area in Iraqi Kurdistan, has had almost no previous treatment by scholars. It is hoped, therefore, that this work will make a small contribution to the urgent task of linguistic description. My work could never have been undertaken without the kind co-operation of a number of informants. These include Rabbi Zakay Barzani, Moshe Sinai, Sarah and Nisim Yosef, Yehudah Ovadiah, Aharon Eliyahu and Mordechai Larza. I am indebted to them all for their help and warm hospitality. Special thanks are due to Mordechai Larza, who received me into his harne in Jerusalem many times. I am most grateful to the Institute of Advanced Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for its hospitality during the period of my main fieldwork and for the support of all the staff. My thanks also to Dr. Dana Taube, who acted as research assistant for the group at the Institute. I should like to express my gratitude to various scholars of Neo-Aramaic, with whom I have had contacts during my preparation of this volume. Firstly my thanks go to Gideon Goldenberg, who led the group at the Institute of Advanced Studies in Jerusalem in 1990-1991. He encouraged me to work on

XX

PREFACE

Neo-Aramaic and inspired me during many discussions concerning the dialects which he hirnself had worked an. I have also greatly benefited from conversations and correspondence with H. J. Polotsky, Sirnon Hopkins, Yonah Sabar, Robert Haberman and Olga Kapeliuk. I am grateful to Hendrika L. Murre-van den Berg for supplying me with a copy of her fine Ph.D. thesis an the Christian Neo-Aramaic dialect of Urmia. Special thanks are due to Yehezkel Mutzafi, who has allowed me to study some of his material an the dialects of Koy Sanjak, Dobe and Ruwandiz and also answered many questions concerning these and other Neo-Aramaic dialects. I am indebted to him for all the data an the dialects of Koy Sanjak and Dobe that are cited in this volume. This applies also to a large amount of the data an the Ruwandiz dialect, though I have myself gathered some information an this in my own fieldwork. I am grateful also to Michael Chyet, who has kindly elucidated forme various Kurdish elements in the Arbel dialect. Finally, I owe a great deal to Otto Jastrow. He has taught me the importance of carrying out fieldwork in the living Semitic languages and his excellent grammars of NeoAramaic dialects have acted as models for my own work.

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS SYMBOLS /.../

[...]

*

< > +

~

AA HH K K

phonemic transcription phonetic transcription historically reconstructed form developed from diachronically developed into diachronically 'flat', i.e. pharyngalized pronunciation, of words in the Jewish Urmia dialect in free variation with see also (in the glossary) word or section of text in Arabic word or section of text in Hebrew word or section of text in Kurdish ABBREVIATIONS

ab. adv. annex. Arab. BTA d.o. Eng. f. Heb. inf. intrans. invar.

absolute state adverb annexation form Arabic Babylonian Talmudic Aramaie direct object English feminine Hebrew infinitive intransitive invariable

Ital. Kurd. n. NENA pl. prep. Russ. sb. sing. Syr. trans. Turk.

INFORMANTS B L S Y

Zakay Barzani (informant) Mordechai Larza (informant) Moshe Sinai (informant) Sarah Yosef (informant)

Italian Kurdish noun North Eastern Neo-Aramaic plural preposition Russian somebody singular Syriac transitive Turkish

INTRODUCTION I. The Jews of Arbe/ and the surrounding region

The Neo-Aramaic dialect described in this book was spoken by Jews in the area of Arbel in northern Iraq. The town of Arbel lies 77 km east of Mu~il in the foothills of mountains that rise to the east. It was founded in the third millennium B.C. and has been continuously inhabited until the present day. The presence of Jews in Arbel can be traced back in historical records approximately two thousand years, as far as the Second Templeperiod (Ben-Ya'akov 1961: 88). According to the local Jewish tradition, which identifies Arbel with the town of Resen in Genesis 10:12, the community had even deeper historical roots and was the place where Shem, the son of Noah, was buried. There continued to be a Jewish population in the town until the mass exodus of Iraqi Jewry to the state of Israel in 1950-51.1 A few years before their emigration the Jews of Arbel are reported to have numbered approximately 2,000. The majority of these spoke Arabic. The remainder of the population of the town was Muslim, whose language was either Kurdish or Azeri Turkish. Reports from the first half of this century, however, refer also to the presence of several hundred Aramaicspeaking Jews in the town (Ben-Ya'akov 1961: 93). The Arabic of the Jews was one of the so-called Mesopotamian qa/tu-dialects, which are descended from the urban dialects of the early Arab Settlements (Jastrow: 1990b, 1978-1981). It can be assumed, therefore, that the Arabicspeaking Jews were the oldest element of population in the town. The Aramaicspeaking Jews in Arbel were apparently recent immigrants from the surrounding countryside. In the towns and villages of the area around Arbel the vernacular of the Jews was Aramaie rather than Arabic. It would be more accurate, therefore, to designate the Neo-Aramaic dialect described in this book as that of the Jews in the region surrounding Arbel rather the dialect of the Jews resident in the town of Arbel itself. The size of the Jewish population in each of the surrounding villages was relatively small, sometimes as little as two families. There was frequent migration of Jews from the villages to Arbel or from one village to another. The contacts between the Arabic-speaking Jews and those whose vernacular was Aramaie resulted in a high degree of bilingualism. Many of the Arabicspeaking Jews of Arbel had Aramaic-speaking family relations both in the town and in the surrounding villages. They also had close professional contacts with the Aramaic-speaking Jews. On account of this, Jews in Arbel whose first language was Arabic often spoke the local Aramaie dialect fluently. The Jews of Arbel and the surrounding area generallyspoke also Kurdish. Some of the Jews

1 Small numbers of Jewish Neo-Aramaic speakers are reported to have remained in Iranian Azerbaijan and Iranian Kurdistan, though the vast majority of these communities have also emigrated (cf. Sabar 1975: 294; Hopkins 1989: 254 n.22).

2

INTRODUCTION

in the town of Arbel, moreover, were able to speak Azeri Turkish. There are a number of variant forms of the name Arbel. The form Arbel, which is used throughout this book, is the Neo-Aramaic form of the name. The Arabic-speaking Jews of the town refer to it as Arbii or Arwil. In Classical Arabic sources it is know as Irbil. The Kurds call it Hawler, which appears to have developed from the form Arbel by a series of metatheses of consonants. The name appears to be of non-Semitic origin. It is first found in cuneiform texts dating to the 3rd millennium B.C., where it usually has the form Urbilum.2 The town of Arbel consists of a residential area built on top of a large circular mound (known as the qalfa) and a surrounding lower area. The Jews lived in their own quarter in the lower town. There was, however, an old synagogue in the qalfa, which was founded in the 12th century A.D. (BenYa'aqov 1961: 94). According to informants, however, the population of the qalfa, in recent times at least, was almost completely Muslim. The Jews in the villages generally lived together in the same street. Most of the Jews in Arbel and the surrounding area worked as textile merchants, tailors, weavers, dyers, goldsmiths or porters. II. The Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects of Kurdistan

Aramaic-speaking Jewish communities were found in various towns and villages throughout north-eastern Iraq, north-western Iran and southern Turkey before the exodus of Jews in recent times. In Iraq, the Aramaie speakers were found in an area that may be defined as the land lying above a line drawn on a map across the country through the towns of Mu~il and Kirkuk. As has been remarked already, Aramaie was not the first language of all Jews of the area. In the large towns of Mu~il. Kirkuk, Aqra, as weil as Arbel, Arabic was the Jewish vernacular. In some villages the Jews spoke Kurdish as their first language. In Iran, Aramaic-speaking Jewish communities were found as far south as Kerend. The northern Iimits of the Jewish Aramaie area were formed by communities in the region of Iake Van in southern Turkey and those around Iake Urmia in north-west Iran (Hopkins, 1993: 62-64). The Neo-Aramaic dialects of the Jews of this area belong to the subfamily of dialects known as North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA).3 The other subfamilies include (1) the Western group spoken in Ma'lula and various other villages near Damascus, (2) the 'furöyo group, spoken in Tür 'Abdin in south-eastern Turkey and in the village of Mla}).sö in east-central Turkey, and (3) Mandaic, spoken until recently in the city of Ahwaz, Iran (Hoberman 1989: 3-6). The NENA dialects are closer typologically to the Turöyo group than to either of the other two subfamilies (Jastrow 1990: 90). 2 The form Arbilum is also occasionally found in texts from this date. The initial arelement is a feature of a number of Hurrian place names. By the 2nd millennium B.C., apparently by a folk etymology, the name is represented in cuneiform texts by the signs for '4' and 'god' (Akkadian arba-il) (Edzard and Farber 1974: 217-218; Nashef 1982: 36). 3 The termwas coined by Hoberman (1988: 557) to replace the 'Eastern Neo-Aramaic' of earlier classifications (cf. Socin 1882: v; Duval 1896: 125; Tsereteli 1977; 1978). This was necessary in order to distinguish the north-eastern dialects from modern Mandaic, which is as distaut typo1ogically from them as the Western Neo-Aramaic dia1ects.

INTRODUCTION

3

The NENA group contains a far greater diversity of dialects than any of the groups. It includes dialects spoken by both Jews and Christians. The Christian dialects in all cases differ from the Jewish dialects, even where the Jews and Christians lived in the same town or geographical region. There are considerable differences, for example, between the Jewish dialect and the Christian dialect in the towns of Urmia, 4 Salamas and Sanandaj, in which the two communities lived side by side. In other geographical areas, such as Zakho and the surrounding region, the differences between the dialects of the two communities are of a lesser degree (Hopkins 1993: 65). The Jewish dialects, moreover, differ from one another according to the geographical area in which they were spoken. In the present state of research it is not possible to produce a detailed atlas of the Jewish dialects, though a general classification can be made. Hopkins (1993: 67) divides the known dialects into four groups according to their structural affinities. These correspond to the following areas in the Aramaic-speaking region: (1) north-west (Zakho, Amedia), (2) south-west (Arbel, Koy Sanjak, Ruwandiz), (3) north-east (Urmia and the surrounding region), (4) south-east (lranian Kurdistan). Earlier classifications of the Jewish dialects by Y. Rivlin (1959: 80) and D. Cohen (1971, col. 948) did not recognize the distinction between the south-western and the south-eastern groups. Recent work on dialects from these regions, including my own work on the Arbel dialect, has brought to light considerable differences between the dialects of the two areas. The Jewish NENA dialects are the descendants of the Aramaie that was spoken by Jews throughout the Mesopotamian region until approximately the 10th century A.D. Wehave various literary records of Jewish Aramaie from the first millennium A.D. The most extensive one is the Babylonian Talmud, which was composed between the 3rd and 6th centuries (words cited from Babylonian Talmudic Aramaie in etymological discussions in this book are marked BT A). Dating from the same period are a number of Jewish Aramaie texts that were written on incantation bowls from Mesopotamia. In the second half of the millennium the Babylonian Geonim used Aramaie in their writings, many of which have been preserved. The Aramaie of these texts is by no means uniform. The language of the incantation bowls and the writings of the Geonim are in some respects more conservative than that of the Babylonian Talmud. Within the Babylonian Talmud itself, however, there is no uniformity. The language of the tractate Nedarim has many conservative features parallel to those in incantation bowls and Geonic writings. There appear to have been two main types of literary Jewish Aramaie in the first millennium, one being represented by tractate Nedarim, the incantation bowls and the Geonic texts and the other by the main body of the Babylonian Talmud (cf. Harviainen 1983, Goshen-Gottstein 1978). One should be cautious of assuming that either of these literary languages represents a direct forebear of the Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects. The first, more conservative, type, which was used mainly outside the Talmud, displays some interference from the vernacular language. This is seen particularly in the incantation bowls, which were generally written by uneducated scribes (Rossen

4 Also known as Urmi or Urumia. The official name of the town is now Rizaiye.

4

INTRODUCTION

1953: 13). It was, however, a largely standardized language, as shown by the fact that it continued to be used in the Geonic period. The language of the Babylonian Talmud exhibits various features that are typologically more advanced and are closer to Neo-Aramaic. It was not, however, a faithful record of the contemporary vernacular. According to Morag (1981: 141-145; 1988: 37-40) it was a supra-dialectalliterary standard language, which contained a mixture of classical and vernacular features. This is reflected by the fact that a variety of alternative forms are used in its morphology, e.g. the two forms of the 1s. perfect (•?~v alongside n•?~p) and the 3fs. perfect (il?~v alongside n?~p). We may include here the use of the characteristically NeoAramaic past form il? 31'~111 tagether with the Classical form 31~111. In addition, we should mention the language of Targum Onqelos and Jonathan, which, although not originally composed in Babylonia, were transmitted there during the first millennium. 5 The language of these Targums that is found in the medieval manuscripts exhibits various Babylonian features, especially in phonology, which must have been absorbed from the environment during transmission.6 The same applies to the Babylonian reading traditions of Biblical Aramaie and of Hebrew, which were influenced to some extent by the phonology of spoken Aramaic.7 These literary forms of Babylonian Jewish Aramaic, therefore, may give us some insight into the vernacular Aramaie of the first millennium but are not first-band records of the spoken dialects from which the Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialects of today are descended. The ancestors of the Jewish NENA dialects, moreover, were spoken in northern Mesopotamia and were not necessarily the same as the vernacular substrate of the literary languages. There must have been a continuum of spoken dialects across Mesopotamia, about which we know virtually nothing (Boyarin 1981).8 A similar Situation of diglossia seems to have existed with regard to Syriac, the literary Bastern Aramaie dialect that was used by Christians in the first millennium A.D. (Kutscher 1969). The Christian NENA dialects, therefore, cannot be regarded as direct descendants of Classical Syriac (Maclean 1895: xv; Rhetore 1912: vi-vii). After the Muslim conquest, the Jews gradually adopted Arabic as their 5 For the linguistic evidence for the provenance of these Targums see Tal (1975). 6 These Babylonian features of pronunciation appear to have been absorbed at an early period and subsequently become fossilized (Boyarin 1978). 7 For the Babylonian reading tradition of Biblical Aramaie see Morag (1964). The medieval Karaite scholar al-Qirqisäni in his Kitäb a/-'anwär w-al-maräqib clearly states that the pronunciation of Hebrew by Jews in Babylonia was influenced by that of vernacular Aramaic; cf. the discussion in Boyarin (1978: 150). 8 Garbell went so far as to maintain that the Jews of Azerbaijan were originally Kurdish-speaking and took over Aramaie speech from their Christian neighbours. This view was already suggested by Nöldeke (1883: 602). The key argument of Garbell was that Hebrew elements within the Aramaie dialect of the Jews reflect a different phonology from that of the dialect itself. This, however, is no doubt the result of conservativism in the Hebrew phonology, as is found already in the Middle Ages (see below). lf the Jews took over the Christian dialects, moreover, it is difficult to explain why the Jewish and Christian NENA dialects now exhibit such far-reaching differences.

INTRODUCTION

5

vernacular. Aramaie appears to have been spoken by Jews throughout Iraq until the end of the first millennium (Morag 1960: 220-221), at least in rural areas. The main urban centres were Arabicized more quickly, yet the former Aramaie vernaculars have left their mark on the Arabie dialeets of the Iraqi Jews that are still spoken today, not only in lexieal items but also in features of phonology and grammar. It is interesting to note that some of the features of Iraqi Judaeo-Arabie that have been thought to have been absorbed from an Aramaie substrate are not found in the surviving Jewish NENA dialeets.9 The same applies to features of the Babylonian pronuneiation of Hebrew in Middle Ages that have been attributed to Aramaie influence.lO This may indieate that the historieal forebears of the NENA dialeets differed from the dialeets spoken further south in the first millennium A.D. The linguistie geography of Iraqi Jewry in the seeond millennium and the proeess by which vernaeular Aramaie became eonfined to the eommunities of Kurdistan are not known in any detail. From the seventeenth eentury we have the earliest known literary reeords of Jewish Neo-Aramaie from Kurdistan (Sabar 1976, 1984), whieh is close in strueture to the modern Jewish NENA dialects. The earliest reeords of Christian Neo-Aramaie eome from approximately the same period (Maeueh 1976: 98-99). l/1. The dia/ect of the Arbe/region The dialeet deseribed in this book was spoken at the south-western periphery of the Aramaie-speaking area. It was the vernaeular of the Jews living in villages situated on the plain of Arbel (known in the dialeet as daStit Arbe/), whieh lay to the north, west and south of the town. The speakers of this dialeet are sometimes referred to as 'the plain dwellers' (daStakne). As has been remarked, it was also spoken by many Jews who were resident in the town of Arbel itself. Most of these, however, were immigrants from the surrounding plain. In the towns of Koy Sanjak and Ruwandiz, whieh lie in the mountains to the east and north-east of Arbel respectively, the Jews spoke a closely related but nevertheless clearly distinet dialeet. The Neo-Aramaie dialeet spoken by Jews living north of the Great Zab river in the village of Dobe (about 50 km north of 9 An example of this is the velar pronunciation of r in some of the Iraqi JudaeoArabic dialects; cf. Mansour (1956: 47-49; 1957: 187) and Morag (1960: 221-222). 10 An example of this is the shift ö > e, which is reflected by the interchange of the vowel signs l;olem and !fere in medieval Babylonian vocalization and is said by the medieval scholar al-Qirqisäni to be a feature of the speech of Jews of Iraq 'who grew up among Nabateans [i.e. Aramaie speakersl' (naSa'u bayna al-nabafi) (Kitab al-'anwar w-almaraqib vol. 2, 140, ed. L. Nemoy, 1942). This does not have any clear equivalent in the Jewish NENA dialects. It should be noted, however, that Hebrew was in many respects tenacious of early features of pronunciation. In the Middle Ages, for instance, it is clear that the qame!f vowel of Babylonian Hebrew was pronounced as a back vowel distinct in quality from patal;, although this qualitative distinction appears to have been lost between the two low vowels inspoken Babylonian Aramaie (Boyarin 1978). The distinction was finally lost in the Hebrew reading tradition of most of Iraqi Jewry in the late Middle Ages, but is still reflected in Hebrew words preserved in the Jewish NENA dialects of Azerbaijan; cf. Garbell (1964: 98-101).

6

INTRODUCTION

0

Amediä

.

Ruwandiz

Dob~

·satäs

~'Q

, 't

Mosul•

.'umräwa

0~

c:J' Awena •

~

""

1-

•

Arbel

Kor Sanjak

• Suleimaniyah

7

INTRODUCTION

Arbel), in the foothills of the mountains north of the plain, should also be classified as distinct from the Arbel dialect.ll The Arbel dialect, however, was itself not totally uniform throughout all the Arbel plain. Differences are found between the idiolects of my informants, who came from the town of Arbel and from various villages in the surrounding area. The division between the Arbel dialect and those of the neighbouring Koy Sanjak, Ruwandiz and Dobe is, therefore, not clear-cut in alllinguistic features. There is one feature, however, that clearly sets apart the speech of the Jews from the Arbel plain from the other related dialects. This is the particle lä, which plays a central role in the verbal system of the Arbel dialect. It is often used to express aspectual differences, e.g. qa{il 'he kills' (generic present), läqaril 'he is killing' (progressive), q{ille 'he killed' (preterite), lä-q{ille 'he has killed' (present perfect). This particle is not found in the dialects of Koy Sanjak and Ruwandiz, which use periphrastic forms that combine the infinitive and the past base with the copula to express the present progressive and the present perfect respectively. The particle lä is also reported to be absent in the dialect spoken by the Jews of Betwäta, a village situated between Arbel and Koy Sanjak. The verbal system of the dialect of Dobe is closer to that of Arbel, in that it uses a particle rather than periphrastic forms with the copula to express aspectual distinctions. The particle in this dialect, however, has the form nä. I have, therefore, considered the use of the particle lä as the hallmark of the Arbel dialect: Arbel

Dobe

Koy Sinjak

Progressive

lä-qa{il

nä-qa{il

q{älele

Perfeet

lä-q{ille

nä-q{ille

q{ilele

As has been remarked, the dialects of Arbel, Koy Sanjak, Ruwandiz and Dobe are, nevertheless, all closely related and can be considered to form the southwestern group of Jewish NENA. Apart from the similarity in the lexicon of these dialects, they have features in their phonology that distinguish them from other dialects, notably in the preservation of pharyngals and the extensive occurrence of the shift of interdentals to the lateral 1/1. In Jewish Urmia the original presence of a pharyngal has given rise to a 'flat', i.e. pharyngalized, pronunciation of the word (indicated below by the symbol +), e.g. BTA

Arbel

Koy Sinjak

Urmia

Amedia

'Finger'

?e$baftä

zbufta

?Qofta

+zbota

$äbo?ta

'Hand'

ydä

?ila

?ila

?ida

?ida

'To come'

?ty

?ly

?ly

?dy

?ty

11 For information concerning the Neo-Aramaic dialect of the Jews of Dobe I am indebted to H. Mutzafi.

8

INTRODUCTION

As has been remarked above, it is not possible in the present state of research to establish a full picture of the relations between the Jewish NENA dialects. It would appear from the existing evidence, however, that the south-western group, to which the Arbe! dialect belongs, is more closely related to the northeastern group (the dialects of Iranian Azerbaijan) than to the north-western one. This is shown by the existence of a number of linguistic innovations that are shared by the south-western and north-eastern groups but not by the northwestern. Among these shared innovations we may Iist the following by way of illustration: (a) The shift of the interdentals *l and *d to !ll, which is found in the Jewish dialects of Urmia and Salamas and the surrounding region (Kapeliuk 1997). In the north-western Jewish dialects *r has been preserved in Dohukand Amedia. In Zakho and Nerwa *t has shifted to lsl. Original *d has been preserved in Dohuk. In Amedia and Nerwa it has shifted to ldl andin Zakho to lzl (Hoberman 1997: 320). (b) The addition of a Iw/ or Iu/ element to the 3rd person pronominal suffixes, e.g. Jewish Arbe!, -eu, Jewish Urmia -ew vs. Jewish Zakho and Amedia -e 'his'; Jewish Arbe! and Urmia -aw vs. Jewish Zakho and Amedia -a 'her'. The Christian NENA dialects of the western region (from Van to Mu~il) go with Jewish Zakho and Amedia in this respect, whereas the -w element can be identified in Christian dialects spoken in regions lying further to the East (Maclean 1895: 18; Hoberman 1988: 563). (c) The loss of the preverbal particle k- before present stem verb forms with the exception of some initial 1?1 and lhl verbs, e.g. Jewish Arbe! and Urmia palix 'he opens' vs. Jewish Zakho and Amedia k-patix 'he opens'. (d) The collapse of gender distinction in the 3s. independent pronoun and singular demonstrative pronoun, e.g. Jewish Arbe! and Urmia ?o 'he, she, that'12 vs. Jewish Zakho and Amedia ?awa 'he', ?aya 'she', ?o 'this/that' (ms.), ?e 'this/that' (fs.) (Hobermann 1989:195-196, 1990: 84). (e) The presence of lol in the first syllable of the 3pl. independent pronoun by analogy with the 3s. form ?o, e.g. Jewish Arbe! ?oni, Jewish Urmia ?oyne. Most other NENA dialects, including Jewish Zakho and Amedia, have the form ?ani (Hoberman 1990: 84-85). (f) The form of the 2pl. independent pronoun ?atxun, which is common to

Jewish Arbe! and Urmia. Contrast Jewish Zakho and Amedia ?axtun. Note also that the Jewish Urmia 2s. pronoun ?at (common gender) is also used in Jewish Arbe!, whereas Jewish Zakho and Amedia have innovative forms with a syllabic split: Amedia ?ahit c., Zakho ?ahet m., ?ahat f. (cf. Hoberman 1990: 83). (g) The restriction of incorporation of the pronominal object in the past qtille verb form to 3fs. and 3pl. (cf. §8.16.2.2). 12 According to Garbell (Garbell 1965b: 175) this collapse in gender distinction was brought about by the influence of Kurdish.

INTRODUCTION

9

A clarification of the relation between the south-western group of dialects and the south-eastern group in Iran must await the publication of more material from Iranian Kurdistan. The Jews of the Arbe! region referred to their Neo-Aramaic dialect by various names. These included liSänit Targüm 'the language of the Targum', liSänit noSan 'our language' and liSänit ?axca w-?axca 'the language of "so much"' (i.e. naming a word that is considered a distinctive characteristic of the dialect). IV. The influence of other languages In the Aramaie speech of my informants there are many Hebrew elements. Some of the Hebrew lexical items appear to have been present in the dialect as it was spoken in Iraq. These mainly relate to aspects of Jewish religion and tradition, e.g. Sabbat 'Sabbath', tora 'Torah', mi$wa 'meritorious act', {äref 'ritually unclean', J:tuppa 'marriage canopy'. They are often identifiable by characteristic features of phonology that are not found in Israeli Hebrew, such as the realization of initial Sewa as a, e.g. bareslt (= n•IPN!.~ B:28).13 Since, at the time of my fieldwork, all of the informants had been resident in Israel for nearly forty years, it is not surprising that a !arge proportion of the Hebrew elements are loans from Modern Israeli Hebrew. These Modern Hebrew items are marked in the texts by H ... H. They are mainly nouns and adjectives, though verbs are also borrowed and some particles, especially clausal connectives such as ?az 'then', ?aval 'but'. The nouns and adjectives are often left unadapted to the inflectional morphology of Aramaic. The Hebrew verbs, on the other hand, have had tobe adapted in some way. This has been achieved in one of two ways. In a number of cases the verb is retained in its original Hebrew infinitive form and the inflectional distinctions are expressed by the Aramaie verb ?wl 'to do', which acts as an auxiliary. The result is a compound verb, which, under the influence of Kurdish, is a common structure in the dialect, e.g. HziStazetH golanwa reskulla 'I was in control of everything' (Y:34), J:tatta Hzats'idH la-loll 'so that they would not make a loss' (Y:65). In other cases a Hebrew verb has been fully adapted to the Aramaie inflectional morphology, e.g. Samlrwäla 'he guarded it' (Y:25) < Heb. ,~~, f azrali 'she helps me' (Y:99) < ,!~, qlt{lox 'you recorded' (L:5) < Heb. u•?~;:r. Occasionally a Hebrew verbal root is used even where there is an Aramaie cognate, e.g. qabrlwa 'they buried' (Y:191) ]

/f/

(f], [V]

Iw/ Im/

[m]

( W], (V], [q]

lbl Before an unvoiced consonant the bilabial plosive lbl is sometimes devoiced, e.g. b-salmr [psrel'mrl kome 'with a black face' (B:lll), b-xa?ox [pxre'2ox] 'by your life' (S:82). After a vowel /b/ is sometimes realized as a voiced bilabial fricative [ß], e.g. raba ['rre:ßre] 'many' (Y:173), lyele bäqeu [ßa:'qe·u:] 'it came to him' (S:3), gebu [ge:'ßu:] 'with them' (L:61). When in contact with a following unvoiced consonant post-vocalic lbl can be realized as an unvoiced bilabial fricative [c)>], e.g. ?inna bsi/mäne [2m'nre c!>J Ilmre:'ne:] 'those Muslims' (Y:176), rabta [rrec)>'t're] 'big' (B:lO). It can also be realized as a stop in this context, e.g.

18

SECTION ONE

bäbeu [bre:'be·u:] 'his father' (Y:168). Minimal pairs demonstrate a phonemic opposition between lbl and its unvoiced counterpart lpl, e.g. nbille 'he took' : npille 'he fell'. lpl As a general rule the unvoiced stop lpl is pronounced with light aspiration, except when it is the first member of a cluster or the second member of a cluster after a fricative, e.g. patlx [p're'ln] 'he opens', pllxle ['pli ·xle] 'he opened', Spira [Jpi:rre] 'good'. After a vowel it is sometimes realized as an unvoiced bilabial fricative, e.g. kipni [k'g(j>'ni:] 'my hunger' (S:116). /f/

The unvoiced labio-dental /f/ occurs only in words of non-Aramaic origin, e.g. faqlr 'poor' (Arabic), f# 'to cut' (Arabic), ?afillu 'even' (Hebrew). In final position it is sometimes pronounced voiced when in contact with a voiced consonant: kef gollwa [k'e:v go:'li:wa] 'they had a good time' (Y:3), zarlt zar'if [zreri:v zreri:f] 'very well' (B:112). It has a phonemic status independent of lp/, as demonstrated by minimal pairs such as: kefox 'your pleasure' : kepox 'your stone'. Iw/ In most contexts this is a labio-velar [ w]. It is often realized differently, however, in the environment of the close front vowels Iei or Ii/. When occurring before Iei or Ii/ in the same syllable it is realized either as [ w] or as a labiodental [ v] with very little friction, e.g.

[ w ]: welan ['we:lren] 'we were' (Y:l), ?irwelu [2u'we:lu:] 'they grew up' (Y:6). [ v ]: yalta-weli [j rel't'reve:li:] 'I was a girl' (Y:5), sawilox [srevi:'lox] 'your pillow' (S:27) When occurring after a close front vowel in the same syllable in word internal position, it is realized either as a labio-palatal glide [t{1 or as a labio-dental fricative, e.g. [q]: hlwlan ['hy·qlren] 'we gave' (L:476), maxlwya [mre'xy·qjre] 'she appears' (Y:142). [ v ]: qliwta [qli·v'tre] 'fine' (L:507). This may be devoiced before a voiceless consonant, e.g. qiwta [q gf'tre] 'strength' (L:559). Iw/ is sporadically realized as a labio-dental after Ii/ even when these are in different syllables, e.g. hiwalu [hi:'vre:lu:] 'they gave it' (Y:176). The phonemic independence of Iw/ from /b/ is shown by minimal pairs such as wela 'she was' : be/a 'house'. Im/ Sporadically Im/ is realized as an emphatic with pharyngalization, which spreads to adjacent segments, e.g. maytit ['r~1c;1j t'gt'] 'the dead body of' (S:35), but [m] is never phonemically distinct from [m].

CONSONANTS

19

1.2.2. Dentals and alveolars

ltl ldl lnl Ir/ lll

[t], [t'], [s]

[d], [z] [n], [IJ] [r ], [r], [~]

m, Ul

/t/, ldl lt/ and ldl are articulated with the tongue tip against the upper alveolar ridge and the teeth. After vowels they are sporadically realized as the sibilants [s] and [z] respectively, e.g. xa-waxit ['w:Jqas] 'when' (B:45), dldan ['di:zren] 'our' (Y:72). Minimalpairs demonstrating the phonemic contrasts between /t/ and /d/ include tare 'doors' : dare 'he puts'. In final position they da not seem to cantrast phanemically and the occurrence of the unvaiced or voiced member of this pair of stops is sometimes conditioned by the consonant at the beginning af the following word, e.g. kut-xa 'everyone' (Y:182) but kud bqatta 'every morning' (Y:ll), ?ot-q{ila 'af the murdered man' (Y:232) but ?od-biibeu 'of his father' (Y:21). This conditianing, hawever, is not regular, and either /t/ ar /dl dominates in most examples of the form, e.g. kud xa 'everyone' (Y:l9), ?ot-mllle 'the one who has died' (Y:190). As a general rule /t/ is pronounced with light aspiration, except when it is the first member of a duster or the second member of a duster after a fricative, e.g. tara [t'rerre] 'daor', tre [tre] 'two', Stele ['Jte:le:] 'he drank'. An unaspirated dental stap lt/ is heard outside of dusters in a few loanwords from Kurdish, e.g. miit 'astounded' (L:172), tara 'fruit', mifrit 'wholesaler' (L:386). These words sometimes form minimal pairs with words containing the aspirated ltl, e.g. miit 'what, whatever', tara 'door'. lnl The normal realization of the nasal/n/ is alveolar [nl Before velar and uvular consonants, it is realized as a nasal velar [IJ], e.g. magon xoliime-wex [mregoiJ] 'we are like slaves' (L:121), bron xaluntox [broiJ] 'the san of yaur sister' (L:54 7), kullan gal-dlxle ['k'ullreiJ] 'all of us together' (Y:l), ?il-Barzan gdlre [21l'brerzreiJ] 'he was born in Barzan' (B:14), jwanqawele [dzwreiJ'qreve:le:] 'he was a yaung man' (Y:150). Before a bilabial, lnl is sporadically realized as [m], e.g. Ia gezen [ge:'ze·m] minnox 'I shall not go away from you' (B:128), ma gbetun mlnni? [g'be:t'um] 'what da you want of me?' (L:192), xa xayzaran mxele-lleu [xrejzre'rrem] 'he hit him with a stick' (L:454), pr{qlan min [p 1'ri·qlrem] 'we escaped from' (Y:196). In ward-final positian, lnl is sometimes devoiced in the speech af infarmant y and is not audible, e.g. ma lii-wlllan? [lre:'wi-llrel,l] 'what have we done?' (Y:171), ?itiwlan [2i:'t'y·lJlrel,l] 'we sat' (Y:l95). This can Iead to total elisian, as has taken place in the word mgolmga 'like' (< magon), which is found in this form in the speech af informants Y and S. The elision is demonstrated by the fact that the final vowel can be syllabified with the initial consonant of the

20

SECTION ONE

following word, e.g. mgli x.märelu 'they are like assess' (Y:176). Before a word beginning with a vowel, however, lnl is retained, e.g. mgi:zn iyya-bo{il 'like this bottle' (Y:SS). Ir/

The consonant Ir/ is normally realized as an alveolar tap [r ], e.g. kimriwa [k'rm'ri:wa] 'they used to say' (Y:48), marewa [mre're:wa] 'it hurt' (Y:57). It is pronounced as a roll [r] in the following circumstances: (i) If it is geminated, e.g. Jamirrüxun [2re'mrrrvxvn] 'he says to you'

(Y:65). (ii) If it is emphatic, e.g. murwela-lli [QJyrwe:lreli:] 'she brought me up' (Y:274). (iii) Occasionally elsewhere in slow speech, e.g. hor-[horl-mi:zt gbet 'whatever you want' (L:102), bar [brer] 'after' (L:2, L:82).

The emphatic, i.e. pharyngalized, articulation of Ir/ tends to occur in syllables containing one of the labial consonants Im/, lbl, Iw/, and the open vowel Iai or the close rounded vowel Iu/. The emphasis spreads to adjacent segments in the syllable and sometimes across syllables, e.g: 'we brought up' (Y:4), marwewiilan 'he used to bring us up' (L:108), la-marmi ['lreQJ~rmi:] 'they will not raise' (Y:186), mardixetun [QJ~rdaxe:t'vn] 'you boil' (Y:65), mardixilu 'they boil them' (B:112), rumiine [piQJQJ~:ne:] 'high' (Y:134). Emphatic Ir/ occasionally occurs in a syllable with Ii/, e.g. mirwele-lli [QJatwe:le:li:] 'he brought me up' (Y:59). In such cases Ii/ sometimes shifts to Iu/, e.g. murwele-llox [QJl:lrwe:le:llox] 'he brought you up' (Y:ll). Sometimes emphatic [r] occurs when it is in contact with Im/ in a different syllable, e.g. xurma [~1:1rmrel 'dates' (Y:128), famra [r~Ql·r~:] 'wool' (Y:168). In the last word the emphatic articulation seems to have been facilitated also by the pharyngal /f/. Contrast Jamra [2remrre] 'she says'. Im!: marw!xwa [QJ~twnwa:] [QJ~twe:wa:lren]

lbl: barxtwiilu [l;J~q'xi:wa:lu:] 'they used to bless them' (Y:64), bü-rkawa [l;ll;lr'k'a:wa] 'on horseback' (Y:255), rubti:z [rl;ll;l't're] 'big' (f.) (Y:123), liibirbzzlox [lre:l;l?tbazlox] 'you have spent' (S:lOO) Iw!: ruwwi:z [rl:l~'wa] 'big' (m.) (Y:251), ruwwiine [rl:l~wa:'ne:] 'Ieaders'

(Y:194). Ir/ is not consistently pronounced emphatic in these environments. Some words

are pronounced with both emphatic and non-emphatic variants by the same speaker, e.g. ruwwi:z [rl:l~'wa] 'big' (Y:251) but ruwwa [ruw'wa] (Y:186). Its overall frequency of occurrence, moreover, varies from speaker to speaker. Emphatic [r] may occur also by the spread of emphasis from the primary emphatics /{/ and /!f/, e.g. tardi:znwiilu [r~r'!:l~J:.lwa:lu:] 'I used to chase them away' (Y:52), (purtit [r V•Pl:lH?rl 'fingernail of' (Y:182), rure [rl:l:'ry:] 'mountains' (Y:113), tar!flwiilu [r~n~:wa:lu:] 'they laid (the table) for them' (Y:76), tart!f [t're'r?~l 'he repairs' (L:230), tart!jwiilu [r~·r?~wa:lu:] 'he used to heal them' (L:56), fii!jir [r~:~ar] 'afternoon' (Y:2, Y: 199, S: 116), mi!jrlrre-lleu [QJ?~'~?rry-

CONSONANTS

21

le·u:] 'he cursed him' (L:323). In the ward tfrn- 'both of', e.g. rfrnu 'both of them' (Y:246), the source of the emphasis is unclear, so its full extent is marked in the transcription. Finally, emphatic [r] also occurs in some loanwords from the Arabic dialect of the Jews of Arbel, in which this consonant is pronounced emphatic in the original Arabic form, e.g. farde [f~tde:] 'sacks' (Y:266 < Arabic farde, cf. Jastrow 1990: 388), rizza [r~~·~a] 'rice' (Y:101 < Arabic razz, cf. Jastrow 1990: 353).

Emphatic [rl is an allophonic variant of Ir/. No minimal pairs are known to exist that prove its status as an independent phoneme.1 It is not marked in the transcription unless it occurs in loanwords such as farde and rizza. 1.2.3. Sibilants !SI Ii/ I sl lzl

[Jl, [3],

[~]

[3] [s]

[z]

!SI is realized as an unvoiced palata-alveolar [Jl When in contact with a voiced consonant, it is sometimes pronounced voiced, e.g. maSdzrlnnax [mre3di'rmnrex] 'I shall send you' (Y:154), ?ana-s gizyawäli ['2re:nre3 ßn'yrewre:li:] 'I saw it also' (Y:251), res-[re·3l-dixle 'over one another' (B:69). In a few isolated cases !SI is pronounced as an alveolo-palatal, e.g. qiSla [q~~·lre] 'police-station' (B:50). The phonemic independence of the sibilant lsl from its voiced Counterpart /z/ is shown by minimal pairs such as sona 'grandfather' : zona 'she sells'. The consonant Ii/ occurs only in a few loan words from Kurdish, e.g. duimin 'enemy', tii# 'greyhound', girilnne 'he span round' (L:454).

1.2.4. Emphatics !tl l:jl /(j/

[ !Cl before high front vowels is not usual in Jewish Arbel, e.g. kimri 'they say', kimya 'she brings', kixwa 'star', kista 'bag', kirya 'short'. It is possibly found in the loanword Cipata 'meat dumpling' < *kipata < *kibba (?). In the neighbouring Jewish dialect of Dobe the shift is more widespread, e.g. mCiple < mkiple 'he bowed down', Cepa < kepa 'stone'. It also appears in Koy Sanjak in some words that have lkl in Arbel, e.g. Cista < kista 'bag' (Mutzafi, p.c). As for the Arbel word Cikma 'how many?, a few', it is not clear whether the affricate has arisen by a phonetic process. Koy Sanjak also has Cikma but in other closely related dialects the cognate form is kima or kimma, e.g. Jewish Ruwandiz, Jewish Urmia. In some NENA dialects 'a few' (one of the meanings of Cikma in Arbel) is expressed by xa kimma and in others by the contracted form xakma. The form Cikma may have developed from a form such as this by fronting of lxl to !Cl before an Ii/ (*xa-kimma > *xakma > *xikma > Cikma). It is possible, however, that the Jewish Arbel form Cikma has arisen by a combination of the Aramaie form kima (or ?ikma as is found in Christian Alqosh; Maclean 1895: 22) with the Kurdish element r.;i, which appears in various Kurdish interrogative particles. This is found in the Kurmanji Kurdish word r.;iqas 'how much?'. In the Kurdish dialect of the Arbel area 'how much?' is expressed by the form r.;end (MacKenzie 1961:83). A similar combination of Kurdish and Aramaie elements can be identified in the adverbial Sxet 'any more' < Ci-xet (cf. Jewish Koy Sanjak: Cxet). Note also the word xanci 'a few, somewhat', which appears to been formed by attaching a Kurdish diminutive suffix to the Aramaie numeral xa 'one' (cf. Christian Urmia xacä).

CONSONANTS

35

1.3.3. Uvular stops In a few instanees a velar lk/ at the beginning of a word derives historieally from an uvular *q. This is found in the verbal prefix k- (see §8.1), whieh derives from *qii. The shift ean be identified also in some loanwords, e.g. kalbe 'moulds, bloeks' (Y:54 < Kurd./ Arab. qalib, Turk. kalip). Conversely the shift of original *k to lql has oeeurred in qnS 'to sweep' (< *knS), qanuSta 'broom' andin the loanword ~qy 'to speak' (< Arab. ~ky). 1.3.4. The voieed velar frieative I gl In some eases lgl is a voieed reflex of Aramaie lxl < *~. e.g. gzy 'to see' < *xzy < *~zy, gdr 'to beeome' < *xdr < *~dr. This no doubt originated in forms where the eonsonant in question was in eontaet with a voieed eonsonant (e.g. gze/e 'he saw') and was subsequently lexiealized and generalized in all forms (gaze 'he sees', gizyiile 'he saw her' ete). In most eases, however, lgl oeeurs in loanwords, e.g. ger 'other than' (Arab.), gargare 'beads' (Arab.) (Y:l43), qazniig 'unit of measure' (Kurd.), qaynag 'butter' (Kurd.) (Y:ll), gam 'worry' (Kurd. < Arab.) (Y:22), ?iiga 'Agha' (title) (Kurd.). 1.3.5. Laryngalsand pharyngals The original unvoieed pharyngal frieative *~ in Aramaie words has in most eases merged with the velar frieative lxl, as is generally the ease in the NENA dialeets, e.g. 'to strike' 'to open' 'ass' 'one' xa baruxa 'friend' mxy plx xmiira

< *m~y < *pt~ < *~miirii < *~arj. < *..! J:zbr (by metathesis)

This eontrasts with Western and Central Neo-Aramaie and also Modern Mandaie, where the original distinetion between the two eonsontants has been preserved. In Jewish Arbel *h has been retained in a few Aramaie words, as is the ease in other dialeets of southern Kurdistan,l2 e.g. g~k 'to laugh', db~ 'to slaughter', r~m 'to pity', ra~amti1 'merey' (L:569), #~ya 'thristy, m~q 'to erase', ~tm 'to sign',

12 This has been noted in the Jewish dialect of Koy Sanjak by Hoberman (1985) andin the Christian Alqosh dialect by Rhetore (1912: 12). The so-called Alqosh dialect was spoken by Christians in villages lying on the plain of Mosul, prominent among them being Alqosh. It is sometimes referred to as 'Fellihi' (literally 'peasant language), which is the term used by the Muslims to refer to the language of the countryside (cf. Guidi 1883, Sachau 1895).

36

SECTION ONE

~aSta 'work' (< *,.J~SS ?),13 ~o/a 'rope' (< *~ablii).14

Elsewhere the occurrence of the unvoiced pharyngal 1~1 is restricted to loans from Arabic, Kurdish and Hebrew. These include: }Jatta 'until' (Arab.), ~qy 'to speak' (Arab.), m~dr 'to prepare' (Arab.), ~# 'to gain' (B:58, Arab.), ~ps (B:53), ~bs 'to incarcerate' (L:522, Arab.), nj~ 'to succeed' (S:125, Arab.), ~km 'to rule' (B:146, Arab.), ~ukumat 'government' (L:523, Kurd. < Arab.), ~aws 'enclosure, courtyard' (Kurd. < Arab.), ba~ra 'river, sea' (Arab.), ~aqq 'right', (Arab.), ?il~a#l 'in short' (Y:201, Arab.), ~abiire 'type of clothing' (Y:141), ~az 'Iove, desire' (B:142, Kurd.), ~al 'dissolving' (B:ll2, Kurd. < Arab.), ~ateu 'his condition' (S:102, Kurd. < Arab.), ~aywan 'animal' (B:33, Kurd. < Arab.), ~zira 'ready' (B:122, Kurd. < Arab.), ~izbe 'sects, groups' (B:lOl, Arab.), ~af/a 'party, celebration', (B:84, Arab.), ma~allit 'the street of' (B:ll, Arab.), ma~bii.b 'attractive' (B:147, Arab.), /e~efe 'quilts' (L:llO, Kurd. < Arab.), ~iitan 'bridegroom' (Y:75, Heb.), ~uppa 'bridal canopy' (Y:75, Heb.), ~ii:jar 'enclosure' (Y:18, Heb.). In a few cases the pharyngal 1~1 has developed from a non-pharyngal consonant. This is found in the loanwords ja~il 'young' (Kurd. < Arab. jahil) and ~/q 'to close' in the speech of informant B instead of the usual glq (< Arab. ,j glq).

Some words that appear to be loans from Arabic have lxl corresponding to Arabic 1~1, e.g. xml 'to stand'< Arab. ~ml 'to carry•.15 The original voiced pharyngal fricative *f in Aramaie words has in most cases been weakened either to the glottal stop I? I or to zero. (i) In nouns:

(a) It is weakened to 1?1 in word-initial position, e.g. ?isri (< *fesrin) 'twenty', ?ena (< *fena) 'eye', ?ipra (< *fap_ra) 'earth, dust' (B:4), or at the beginning of a syllable within a word when occurring between vowels, e.g. So?a 'seven' (< *Sabfa), be?e (< *befe) 'eggs'. (b) It is usually reduced to zero at the beginning of a syllable following a consonant, e.g. ?ara 'ground' (< *?arfa), zora 'small' (< *zfora), ?arba 'four' (< *?arbfa); at the end of a syllable followed by a consonant or at the end of a word, e.g. beta (< *befta) 'egg', swiiteu (< *sl:lafteu) 'his satiety' (S:3).

13 Cf. Christian Alqosh l;la:Bä 'pain' (Rhetore 1912: 89). Haberman (1985: 228), referring to this form in the Jewish Koy Sanjak dialect, suggests that it is an old borrowing from Arabic /:läjat- 'need'. If this is the case the Jewish Arbe! /:läjita 'tool' (Kurd. < Arab.) must be regarded as a doublet from the same etymon. 14 The 1/:11 in these words has various sound correspondences in Jewish Urmia. The cognate words recorded by Garbell have lxl (kxk, xtm, xola), lhl (rhm, haSta), lhl with pharyngalization ('flatting') of the word (+rahamta, +sihya), or zero with pharyngalization (+dby). By contrast, pharyngalization is regular in Jewish Urmia cognates of Jewish Arbe! words with the voiced pharyngal /r/ (see below). 15 According to Sabar (1984b: 209) the Arabic loanword xml developed the sense of 'stand' by analogy with the Aramaie verb smx, which has the meaning of both 'to carry, to support' and 'to stand'. It has retained the pharyngal in some NENA dialects, e.g. Jewish Amedia (Hoberman 1989: 216) and the 17th Nerwa texts.

CONSONANTS

37

(ii) In verbal roots:

It is either weakened to !?! or is reduced to zero and the verbis conjugated with a weak paradigm: (a) In initial position: It is reduced to zero in most preterite forms: wirre 'he entered' (< *./fbr), wille 'he did' (< *./fbd). !?! occurs at the beginning of verbal forms opening with a vowel, e.g. lol 'he does' (< *./fbd), lirqäle 'he fled' (< *frq). Since, however, I ?I introduces all vowels in word-initial position it is not necessarily a reflex of an original *f. (b) In medial position: ryt 'to tremble' (< ./*rft ?; cf. BTA ,~'1). (c) In final position it is usually reduced to zero: Smy 'to hear' (< *smf), zry 'to cultivate' (< *zrf), mry 'to hurt'(< *mrf). It appears as !?! in q(l 'to cut'. As in other dialects of southern Kurdistan (Rhetore 1912: 12, Haberman 1985), the voiced pharyngal /f/ is found in Jewish Arbel in a few words from the old stock of Aramaie vocabulary. In most cases it is the reflex of an original *f, e.g. famra 'wool', faqla 'leg', faqra 'trunk (of a tree)' (S:113), litfa 'nine', fatuqe 'old' (L:2), safäre 'barley' (L:43), dimfl 'my tears' (L:475), zbufta 'finger', m-rfy 'to tend sheep' (B:49), m-~fr 'to curse' (L:323), tfl 'to play'. It is not necessarily purely by chance that the pharyngal has been preserved in these words. As Haberman (1985) has shown for the dialect of Koy Sanjak, there is, in most cases, a phonetic explanation. The *f is preserved in words containing lq! or words that were originally pharyngalized due to the presence of emphatic /~/, /(/, a labial or Ir! (Garbell 1964: 90-92). This pharyngalization is generally preserved in the Jewish Urmia dialect, though it has often been lost in Jewish Arbel and Koy Sanjak. The distribution of original /f/ is not the same among all informants. Informant L pronounces original /f/ in some words where the other informants have !?!, e.g. firqlile 'he fled' (L:519) but lirqlilan (B:50). Since !?! is sometimes realized as [r] between vowels (see §1.2.8), the occurrence of a voiced pharyngal in this position in words containing historical *f is not necessarily a direct preservation of the original consonant, e.g. soflwälu (< ./*~bf) 'they dyed them' (B:6). In the word mafe 'water' (< *male < *mayye < *mayyä) the pharyngal articulation of I l I is regular and has been lexicalized. The regular presence of the pharyngal /f/ in this word is no doubt related to its pharyngalized pronunciation in Jewish Urmia and other NENA dialects (cf. Haberman 1985: 227).16 Elsewhere, /f/ occurs only in Arabic loanwords, many of them apparently transmitted to the language through Kurdish, e.g. fa~ir 'afternoon' (Y:2, Arab.), fimraw 'her age' (Y:7, Arab.), nawaf 'type' (Y:30, Arab.), safata 'hour' (Kurd. < Arab.), mafllm 'Rabbi' (Y:163, B:13, Arab.), farabne 'Arabs' (Y:8, Arab.), flräq 'Iraq' (Y:1, Arab.), faydeu 'belonging to him' (B:70, Kurd. < Arab.), faskar 'army' (L:490, Arab.), maflaqa 'spoon' (L:83, Arab.), famalyat 'operation' (L:74, Kurd. < Arab.), jamf 'total' (L:391, Arab.), qalfa 'citadel' (L:1, Arab.), mafnataw 'its

16 There is some evidence suggesting that it was pronounced pharyngalized also in earlier forms of Aramaie (cf. Fassberg 1997: 492).

38

SECTION ONE

meaning' (L:1, Kurd. < Arab.), fjb 'tobe surprised' (B:100), fzm 'to invite' (L:200), m-fyn 'to help' (Y:147, Arab.). Even in Arabic loanwords, however, it is sometimes weakened to 1?1, e.g. ?imrl 'my age' (B:24), ?amtl 'my aunt' (B:125). The velar fricative in the word mindix 'thing' appears to be a reflex of an original voiced pharyngal *f (*mindaf< *middaf). The *f evidently became devoiced to */), which then shifted to x in the usual way. This word has the variant form mindi (cf. BTA ,,,7:l), which exhibits the expected shift of *f > zero in final position.17 Conversely, the root d?r 'to return' may exhibit a I?I corresonding to an etymological *I) which became voiced, if it is derived by metathesis from *i)dr (cf. BTA 11t!. Syr. ;';.... 'to go round'). The development would be as follows: d?r < *dfr < *fdr < *l)dr 'to return'. This etymology, however, is not certain. We would have to assume that it was a doublet of gdr 'to become', which seems to be derived from the same root *i)dr (§1.3.4). Rhetore (1912: 136) and Sabar (1984b: 207) identify the verb 'to return' as a loan from Arabic dwr. The pharyngalization of the verbin some NENA dialects, however, (e.g. Jilu, cf. Fox 1991: 42, 1997: 128), may be taken as evidence for the original presence of a pharyngal in the root. Moreover, all other cases of medial/?/ in Jewish Arbel verbal roots derive historically from a pharyngal (§8.5.2). As we have seen in the case of the pair of verbs gnw 'to steal' and jnw 'to kidnap' (§ 1.3.1.6), the existence of doublets from the same root with different phonological forms to distinguish meaning is not unparalleled.l8 The Iaryngal *h has been widely preserved, e.g. hu/a?a < *yhüdä?ä 'Jew', dehwa < *dahabä 'gold'. It has been elided after a consonant in some cases, e.g. laxxa < *1-häxä (cf. BTA N:::lil), kawi/ 'he gives' < k-hawi/, kawe 'it will be' < *k•• hawe. In post-vocalic position an etymological *h is occasionally strengthened to 11)1. This is found in the loanword jal)ll 'young' (Y:S) < *jahi[.19 It may possibly be identified also in nal)ä/a 'ear', which appears to be of Aramaie stock. This is pronounced pharyngalized in Jewish Urmia: +nahala. The /ll is a reflex of *r, as shown by Christian NENA nätälnätä, the plural of which has lhl in Alqosh: nhätyätä (Maclean 1901: 219).20

17 In some Christian NENA dialects long I splits into the diphthong iy and the palatal glide is sometimes devoiced to the unvoiced palatal fricative lcJ, e.g. !JticJ 'drink!' < Jtl (cf. Tsereteli 1961: 225). This could conceivably be an alternative explanation of the form mindix in Jewish Arbe! (i.e. mindix < mindil; < mindiy), but it is not clear why it should occur onl y in this isolated word. 18 A parallel case of a doublet verb being produced by metathesis is cited by Tsereteli (1961: 262). In Christian Urmia and Salamas, there are two verbs deriving from the original verb *y/d 'to give birth' that are semantically distinct. One is y/d, which refers to human birth and the other ydl, with metathesis of the last two radicals, which refers to the birth of animals or the laying of eggs. In Jewish Arbe! the form ydl is the only form used for both meanings. 19 This strengthening of an etymological Iaryngal to a pharyngal is found in the Kurdish dialects of the region (MacKenzie 1961:6; McCarus 1997: 694). The loan word jaf;i/ may have been taken from Kurdish with the pharyngal already in place. 20 The derivation of the Neo-Aramaic form nätä by elision of the initial syllable of

CONSONANTS

39

1.3.6. Emphatics As shown in §1.2.4, the historical emphatic consonants *t and *~ are widely preserved, though the pharyngalization is often weakened. It appears that the weakening has become lexicalized only in a few isolated words. One such case is xmaJa 'needle'. This is a back-formation from the plural xmaJe. The singular was originally *xma{a (< xyt), but the /{/ was weakened and interpreted as the ltl of the feminine ending. The singular form xmata, with /t/, is used by some informants.21 Other cases include patire 'unleavened bread, Passover' (< *pa{ire), tSy 'to conceal, bury' (< *{Sy), the adverbial particle mato 'how?' (< *ma teb)22 and the preposition ta- 'to', which is ultimately related to the form '?~~'? of earlier Aramaie (< *ta < *tla < *ma{la < *ma{ul) (cf. Nöldeke 1868: 162, i72; 1896: 316; Rhetore 1912: 197).23 An originally non-emphatic consonant has sometimes become lexicalized as emphatic if the root contains a pharyngal, e.g. tfl 'to play' < *tfl (= Syr. ~L 'to fawn' < lb..L 'fox'; cf. Krotkoff 1985:129-130), or at least if it used to contain one at an ea;lier historical period, e.g. ry{ 'to tremble' < *rfd. This is a result of the historical association of the pharyngal r and pharyngalization (see §1.3.5 and Haberman 1985). Historical *~ has sometimes shifted to lzl where the following radical is voiced, e.g. zbufta 'finger' (BTA N~~~~) and possibly also zdy 'fear' (< *sdy, cf. BTA N,:ll' 'be confounded', Jewish Palestinian Aramaie i1,:ll' 'to fear'), though the prese~ce of a final /f/ in this verbin some NENA diale;ts points to the etymology Y~"!1J:t. the itpa"al of zwf (Nöldeke 1868: 195). In §1.2.4 it was noted that emphatic pronunciation spreads across the syllable and even across the entire word. The spreading of emphasis to the entire word, however, is not so widespread in Jewish Arbelas it is in the Jewish and Christian dialects of Urmia.24 This phenomenon in the Urmia dialects may have arisen in part due to the influence of the local Kurdish dialects or even the phenomenon of vowel harmony in Turkish. Tsereteli (1961: 228, 252; 1978: 27, 35) implies the p1ura1 ednälii was proposed by R. Payne Smith in the Thesaurus syriacus (s.v.) and has been followed by some scholars, e.g. Macuch and Panoussi (197 4: 946). This would be a back-formation of a singular from an original plural. As pointed out by Nöldeke (1896: 316), however, the plural ednä{ä in Syriac means 'handles'. 'Ears' has the form edne (originally a dual). This etymology, moreover, does not easily account for the presence of the lhl or indeed its pharyngalization. 21 The interpretation of a root Ietter as the feminine morpheme in the Jewish Urmia dialect is recorded by Garbell (1965: 52) with regard to the word ptila 'wick' (root ptl), which has the plural pitye. 22 The emphasis is retained in some NENA dialects, e.g. Jewish Salamas mä {o (Duval 1883; Nöldeke 1883: 603), Aradhin mä{u (Krotkoff 1982: 49). 23 In Jewish Urmia the cognates of the words patire and mäto are pronounced 'plain' without pharyngalization. The word for 'needle', on the other band, is 'flat' (pharyngalized): +xmata. There is no direct equivlaent to ta. 24 Cf. Garbell (1964; 1965: 33-34), Jusmanov (1938), Marogulov (1935/1976: 8-9), Polotsky (1961: 8-10), Hetzron (1969: 113), Tsereteli (1982), Odisho (1988: 114-119), Hoberman (1988). Various terms have been used in the Iiterature to refer to it, including 'flatting' (Garbell), following Jacobson's (1957) application of the term to Arabic, 'synharmonism' (Marogulov, Jusmanov), and 'labial' (Hetzron), due to the fact that labialization is an important aspect of emphatic pronunciation.

40

SECTION ONE

that emphasis spread has become restricted to vowels alone in some dialects in a Turkish style vowel harmony (he is apparently referring to dialects spoken in the former Soviet Union). He speaks of the loss of the emphatic pronunciation of *t and *~ but the presence of what he calls the 'velar' pronunciation or the 'hard timber' of vowels in words that originally contained these emphatic consonants or the pharyngal *f. Tosco (Pennacchietti and Tosco 1991: 30-31) attempts to trace a continuum across the NENA dialects according to the different manifestations of historical emphatic articulation. At one end, there are the dialects described by Tsereteli with only vocalic emphasis and, at the other, dialects such as Aradhin and those of the plain of Mosul, in which the emphatic consonants have been preserved as phonemes. Between these two extremes stand the dialects of Urmia, where emphasis is generally a feature of the entire word, both consonants and vowels. Jewish Arbel, according to this scheme, stands with the dialects of Iraqi Kurdistan, which do not exhibit consistent flatting of entire words. A complicating factor with this scheme is that some features of the phonology of Jewish Arbel, notably the preservation of the pharyngals (§1.3.5), suggest that the dialect originally had a type of flatting of words similar to what is found in the Urmia dialects. 1.3.7. Diphthongs *ay and *aw The diphthongs *ay and *aw have been generally contracted to Iei and lol respectively before consonants within a word. This contraction had generally already taken place at an early stage in Eastern Aramaic, e.g. bela qeta mo/a yoma

'hause' 'summer' 'death' 'day'

< *baytä < *qaytä < *mawtä < *yawmä

Original *aw is retained in final position in gaw 'within' and in the fs. pronomnal suffix -aw. It is contracted, however, in the 3ms. pronoun and demonstrative particle ?o < *haw < *hähü. The diphthong layl occurs in the fossilized demonstrative element ?ay of the word ?aySat 'this year'. It is also found in some verbal forms, e.g. maymztte 'you make him swear' (S:120), which is derived from the root ymy 'to curse'. Some cases of the diphthong layl have been created by fusing tagether a word ending in Ia/ with one beginning with /y/ or Ii/, e.g. /a-y?ille 'he did not know' < la + y'i?ille. Other occurrences of diphthongs are in loanwords, e.g. nawfe 'kinds' (Y:16, Arab.), l}awsa 'courtyard' (Kurd. < Arab.), b-dawrl 'in my time' (Y:185, Kurd. < Arab.), ?awwal 'first' (Arab.), faydeu 'belonging to him' (B:70, Kurd. < Arab.), ?aydit 'the rite' (B:105, Kurd. < Arab.), mayt 'dead body' (L:549, Kurd. < Arab.).

CONSONANTS

41

The medial *y in the sequence *aya has shifted to 1?1, e.g. hula?a 'Jew' < *yhüdäyä, Sta?a 'drink' < *Stäyä. Note also mafe 'water' < *ma?e < *maye < *mayyii. 1.3.8. Elision of 11/, lnl, Ir!, ldl In a number of common verbs the radical 111 (sometimes < *t) has been elided. This is found, for instance, in some forms of ?zl 'to go', y?l 'to know', ?ly 'to come' and ?my 'to bring' (see §8.6). Final/ni has been elided in: (i) The plural endings of verbs and numerals referring to 'tens', e.g. parqi

'they finish' < *pärqin, ?isri 'twenty' < *fesrin, t/(lhi 'thirty' < *tliitin. (ii) In the word magon 'like, as' in the speech of informant Y and sporadically in that of B: mgolmga.

The consonant Ir! has been elided at the end of a syllable in käsa 'belly' < *karsa, Xii$a 'back'< *l}ar$a, xet 'other' < *xerta. The voiced stop ldl has been lost in various words: ?usta xa xäla yäla qäm

'skilled craftsman' 'one' 'new' 'boy' 'before'

< *?ustäd < *l}ad < *xarä < *xattä < *l}adtä < *yalda25 < *q(jäm

25 Nöldeke (1883: 605n.4) holds that this word is not derived from *yaldä but is the Arabic riyä/ with elision of the first syllable. His argument is based on the existence in the Alqosh dialect of the form ?iyä/ä.

SECTION TWO

VOWELS 2.1. Phoneme inventory

Ii/

Iu/ Iei

Iot Iai Ia/

With the exception of lal:tal, long and short pronunciations of the same vowel quality do not cantrast phonemically. In the transcription, therefore, only long läl is regularly marked with a macron. The length of the other vowels is generally not specified. 2.2. Minimalpairs

Ii/ : Iei

Ii/ : Ia/

plixli

'he opened' 'I opened'

mile

'bring it!'

mele

'he brought'

plixli

'I opened' 'she opened'

plixle

plixla

Ii/ : Iu/

plixli plixlu maxinne maxunne

Ii/ : Iot

mila mola

'I opened' 'they opened' 'I strike him' 'I show him'

'bring it (fern.)!' 'death'

VOWELS

Iei : Iai

plixle plixla

Iei : Iu!

plixle plixlu

Iei : lol

me/a mola

Ia! : Iu!

plixla plixlu

/iil : lol

mäla mo/a

Iu/ : lol

Suqa Soqa gulla gol/a

Ii! : Iei : Ia! : Iu!

p/ix/i p/ix/e plixla plixlu

Ii! : Iei : läl : !ol

mila me/a mäla mola

'he opened' 'she opened'

'he opened' 'they opened'

'she is dying' 'death' 'she opened' 'they opened'

'town' 'death'

'rnarket' 'she leaves' 'buHet' 'he does it (fern.)

'I opened' 'he opened' 'she opened' 'they opened'

'bring it (fern.)!' 'she is dying' 'town' 'death'

43

44

SECTION TWO

tat : tat

la-palix Ia-palix la-plixle Ia-plixle male male kase kase mare mare ?ana ?ana l}al l}a/

'he does not open' 'he opens' 'he did not open' 'he has opened' 'it is enough' 'towns' 'he covers' 'stomachs' 'it hurts' 'owner' 'a coin' 'I' 'dissolving' 'state, condition'

2.3. Vowellength

In most cases vowellength can be correlated with general rules based an syllable structure and stress position. Deviations from these rules are usually caused by analogy, the consonantal environment, lexical borrowing, or the historical background of the vowels. In the description of the conditions of vowel lengthening, open and closed syllables should be considered separately. In open syllables, moreover, we must distinguish between the vowel phonemes Ii/, Iei, Iu/ and Iot, on the one hand, and the phonemes Ia/ and Ia/, an the other. 2.3.1 The lengthening of Ii!, Iei, Iu/ and Iot in open syllables

These vowels are generally pronounced lang in open syllables. The examples of this rule and the exceptions to it are arranged below according to the position of the stress in relation to the vowel. (i) Lengthened in stressed open syllables

Examples: yome [yo:'me:] 'days' (Y:75), sl ['si:] 'go!' (Y:147), kullu [k'vl'lu:] 'all of them' (Y:172), ?6 [2o:] 'that' (Y:250). The vowels belanging to this group are not lengthened in stressed open syllables in a number of contexts, which may be

VOWELS

45

classified as follows: (a) If an originally closed syllable with a short vowel is opened due to the addition of an enclitic particle or the Iiaison with the following ward, the vowel remains short, e.g. kunn/;x-illa [k'u.'no.xi.lre]. 'I shall give it to you' (S:21), xel sawi//;xila [sre.wi:.'lo.xi:.lre] 'it is under your pillow' (S:27), ?ill6x-iS [2Ii'loxdJ 'also you' (Y:157), did6xi/e [di:.'do.xi:.le:] 'it is yours' (L:207), mag6neu [mre.'go.ne·u:] 'like him' (L:130), b-i/xani/u [bii.'xu.ni:.lu:] 'they are in your hand' (Y:220), J.täkfmile [~a:.'k'I.mi:.le:] 'he is a governor' (L:369). (b) The lol in the open syllable of the preposition mgö 'like, as' (< magon) in the speech of informant Y and S is pronounced short, e.g. mg!; xmärelu 'they are like asses' (Y:176), mg!; kaske 'like burghul cakes' (S:lOl). (c) A short stressed vowel in a syllable that has been opened by the insertion of an epenthetic vowel to break a following consonantal duster remains short. The majority of such cases occur in loanwords, e.g. jt gir ['cfs:lg:lr] 'anger' (B:128), fflis ['filis] 'a fils [unit of money]' (L:413), rfsiq ['r wele 'he was'. In the few cases where they have been preserved a short epenthetic breaks the duster, e.g. hüwala 'giving' (L:42). Some words deriving historically from initial /l/ roots open with the syllable [2i:], e.g. lila [2i:lre] 'come!' (./ ?ly), lixäla [2i:xa:lre] 'food, eating' (./ lxl), liwäla [2i:wa:lre] 'doing' (./ lwl). When in propretonic position this is occasionally shortened to [2r] (cf. §2.3.1), e.g. [2rxre:'lre] (Y:129). It appears that in these forms the roots are construed as initial /y/, and li- results from initial dusters of yC rather than of lC (see §4.1.8).

66

SECTION FOUR

The Iaryngals /J/ and lhl often occur, however, as the second component of clusters. In such cases the cluster is regularly broken by a short epenthetic vowel, which is usually assimilated to the quality of the following vowel, e.g. bühulaJe 'with the Jews' (Y:8), wü-hulaJe 'and the Jews' (B:18), bü-Jurxa 'on the road' (L:546), be-Jela 'during the festival' (Y:61), be-Jenid 'by the eye of' (Y:164), xeJele 'he lived' (L:554) diJlru 'they returned' (B:19), wa-Jagar 'and if' (Y:227), wa-ham 'and also' (L:155), wo-Jot 'and the one who ...' (Y:246). In a few cases the assimilation does not occur and the epenthetic is short [I] where the following vowel has a different quality, e.g. li-J Arbel 'in Arbel' (Y:208), wi-Jaxti 'and so much' (Y:160). 4.1.12. If a word beginning with a cluster is closely connected with a preceding

word that ends in a vowel, the initial consonant of the cluster is attached to the final syllable of the preceding word. No epenthetic, therefore, follows this consonant, e.g. la-qbillu [lre q.'bil.lu:] 'They did not allow it' (Y:197) ta-bsilmäne [t're b.J!l.mre:.'ne:] 'to the Muslims' (Y:172) mg!J xmärelu [ma'go x.ma:'. .re:.lu:] 'They are like asses' (Y:176) daryfiwa b-qärew [dre.r.'yre:. wo b.qa:.'.re·u:] 'She put (it) around his neck ' (Y:l50) l}atta bqatta ['l)_at.t're b.'qat.t're] 'until morning' (Y:38, 52)

Initial Ji- and Ju- that are not prosthetic vowels shift to lyl and Iw! when they are attached to a preceding syllable ending in an Ia/ vowel. For the sake of Orthographie consistency they are represented as i- and u- in the transcription,

e.g.

tora ilzple [t'o:.'.rre j.'li·p.le:] 'He learnt Torah' (Y:33) l}atta ilzpla [l)_a t. 't're j. 'li ·p.le:] 'until she learnt' (B:93) golixwa ixfila [go:.'lax. wre j.'xa:.lre] 'We made food' (Y:68) yoma u-lele [jo:.'ma w.le:'le:] 'day and night' (L:484) Säta u-pilge

Ua:.'t'a w. p'Il.'ge] 'a year and a half' (L:484)

Initial Ju- may shift to w- also when the preceding word ends in -w, e.g. bäbaw u-daJaw [ba:.'baw w.dre.'2aw] 'her father and her mother' (B:77). If the final syllable of the preceding word is one of the high vowels Ii! or Iei, initial Ju- may be attached to this syllable but remains as the vowel Iu! on account of the generat rule iw, ew > iu, eu (§4.1.2), e.g. bläne u-brone [bla:.'ne: u.b.ro:.'ne:] 'girls and boys' (Y:188) tre u-pllge ['t.re: u.'p'rl.ge] 'two and a half' (L:94) tele u-yoma [le:.'le: u.jo:.'mre] 'night and day' (L:107) Jisrl u-tmanya [2;;!s.'.ri: u. tmren.'jre] 'twenty-eight' (Y:l)

SYLLABLESTRUCTURE

67

In many cases, however, syllabic restructuring does not take place, and the two words are pronounced with more prosodic independence, e.g. ma gbet? ['mre. g I in the final syllable of the Syriac imperfect '-.~ (< *yitten) has been explained as the result of assimilation to the preposition '-. 'to'; cf. Brockelmann (1981, §175). Another possible explanation is that it was added by analogy with a verbsuch as y?/, which retains the final/ radical in the 3ms. of the present but drops it in other persons: ta 'she knows', tet 'you know', til 'he knows' = kawa 'she gives', kawet 'you give', kawli 'he gives'. The past base is hiw- (masc.), hiwa- (fern.) and hiwi- (pl.), e.g. hlwle 'he gave', hiwfile 'he gave it (fern.)'. In the masculine base hiw-, the sequence iw is realized as [yl{] (rounded front vowel + labia-palatal glide) by mutual assimilation (§1.2.1, §8.5.12). The imperative is hol in the sing. and ho/mun in the plural, with the additional final /. As in the 3ms. present, this I may have arise by false morphological segmentation of sequences with dative suffixes such as hol/i 'give me!' < *ho-lli. The infinitive form is hilwa?a, in which the root is treated as final /yl. This is no doubt due to the resemblance of some forms of the present paradigm to final /y/ verbs, viz. kawen, kawet, kawex, kawetun; cf. Sty 'to drink' Saten, Satet, Satex, Satetun. 8.6.7. hwy 'tobe' and copula (paradigm §9.1, no. 16) Regular present bases exists for this verb. In the indicative the prefix k- replaces the h- and the bases are masc. kawe-, e.g. kawe 'he will be', kawet 'you will be', kaweni 'they will be'; fern. kawya-, e.g. kawya 'she will be', kawyat 'you (f.) will be'. The corresponding bases in the present subjunctive are masc. hawe- and fern. hawya-. In the speech of some informants the Ia! after the initial consonant of the present base is elided when it is in an open syllable, e.g. kwewa 'it used to be' (Y:136), kweniwa 'they used tobe' (Y:4). There is also another present base, which is shorter. This will be referred to as

VERBS

103

the present copula. The two bases have different semantic functions (see §15.2, §15.4). In the 1st and 2nd persans the base of the present copula is we- in the masculine and wa- in the feminine The 3rd person forms have been replaced by forms containing the element 1/1. The forms of the present copula in most cases are not stressed and are attached to the end of the predicate as an enclitic. The paradigm is as follows: ms. fs. pl.

-ile -ila

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-wet -wat -wetun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-wen -wan -wex

3rd pers.

-ilu

3rd person copula forms with an 1/1 elementare found in most NENA dialects. In Jewish Urmia the !ll has been generalized throughout the paradigm and occurs in allpersans (Garbell 1965: 64). According to Nöldeke (1868: 202-203; 1883: 604; 1896: 311) the 3rd person copula forms containing !ll derive from phrases consisting of the existential particle it, the preposition /- and a pronominal suffix. It is true that il in earlier forms of Eastern Aramaie (e.g. Syriac and BTA) can take a pronominal suffix and act as a copula (e.g. BTA ;,•n•N 'he is'; cf. Schlesinger 1928: 9), yet the addition of a prepositional phrase with /- would normally serve to express possession. The background of the historical development proposed by Nöldeke, therefore, is not fully clear. Camparision with other dialects shows that the present copula in NENA originally had the base iw- in the whole paradigm (Goldenberg 1992: 122). In Jewish Arbe! the Ii/ of this base has been elided in the 1st and 2nd persons and has been preserved only in the 3rd person, where the Iw/ has changed to !ll. The Iw/ has usually been seen as the middle radical of the verb hwy. Friedrich (1959: 61), for instance, reconstructs Ut)-(hii)we (ii)n(ii) etc. Another possibility is that the /ll suffixes developed by analogy with object suffixes that were used in presentative constructions. Note, for example, the presentative series in the Christian Alqosh dialect: holi 'behold me', holox 'behold you', hole 'behold him', etc., which overlaps in the 3rd person with the 'emphatic' form of the copulal3 (Rhetore 1912: 93-94). A similar situation is found in Christian Zakho (Hoberman 1993: 121). The 'emphatic' copula in Jilu is clearly presentative in origin in that it is made up of hayno 'there' or haydu 'here' and 13 A number of NENA dialects have a free standing copula known as 'emphatic' or 'deictic' in addition to the regular copula, which is usually enclitic.

104

SECTION EIGHT

the enclitic copula: haynole '(there) he is', hayduna '(here) I am' etc. (Fox 1991: 47). If this is so, the Ii! element could be interpreted as a demonstrative element (cf. BTA ~i1'~:t). The ll/ element is not found in the 3rd person copula of some NENA dialects of southern Iranian Kurdistan (Fox 1994: 158). It is to be noted also that in some NENA dialects of southern Iranian Kurdistan and in the Hertevin dialect on the northern periphery of the NENA area, the Iw/ element is absent in the copula, e.g. Christian Sanandaj, where the 1st and 2nd person forms have the base y- (lms. -yen, 2ms. -yet etc.). This suggests that the occurrence of the Iw/ element throughout the paradigm in the rest of NENA may have been a secondary development, possibly originating in a 3rd person copula pronominal enclitic, and so may have nothing to do with the verbal root hwy. In Turoyo and Modern Mandaic the present copula paradigm is clearly of pronominal origin and this may be the case also with the NENA copula. It is, nevertheless, treated here as an irregular or suppletive part of hwy for the sake of convenience. The forms of the 3rd person retain the Ii/ vowel when the predicate ends in a consonant, e.g. naxosila (naxoS + ila) 'she is ill' (L:430), yaxslrilu (yaxsir + ilu) 'they are prisoners' (L:447). If the predicate ends in -i, -e, -u or -o, the initial vowel of the 3rd person copula is elided, e.g. kulla ~astu geblla (gebi + ila) 'all their work is with me' (L:394), bäqile (< bäqi + ile) 'it is for me' (L:494), mg8 xmarelu (xmare + ilu) 'they are like asses' (Y:176), da?l minnula (minnu + ila) 'my mother is from them (belongs to their family)' (L:139), ?o kälola (< kälo + ila) 'she is the bride'. If the predicate ends in the 3ms. pronominal suffix -eu, the final -u vowel is transformed into the glide w before the 3rd person copula: ~aqqewile (< ~aqqeu + ile) 'he is right' (L:310), ximmewile (ximmeu + ile) 'he is hat', qardewile (qardeu + ile) 'he is cold'. If the predicate ends in -a, this vowel coalesces with the initial i of the copula and becomes -e, e.g. xalwox qliwele (qliwa + ile) 'your milk is pure' (L:415), Cikmele ~aqqeu? (cikma + ile) 'how much is he owed' (L:379), bqartox xlimtela (xlimta + ila) 'your neck is strong' (Y:147). An exception to this is the combination of the copula with the interrogative particle ma, in which no coalescence takes places and the initial -i element of the copula is pronounced as the glide lyl, e.g. minhagake mayle? 1 'What is the custom?' (B:68), mayla-iyya? 1 'What is she?' (L:377). A final -a followed by a form of the 2nd or 1st person copula that contains an e is sometimes realized with the quality of [e] by assimilation. Since it does not, however, follow the lengthening rules of Iei, it is treated as an allophone of Ia/ and transcribed with a (cf. §2.5.1), e.g. ?itiwi:z-wen [2i:ti:'wewen] 'I am sitting' (B:133). The copula is generally not stressed and is incorporated in the same stress group as the last ward of the predicate (cf. §6). The stress falls on the final syllable of the predicate, e.g. ?äna qämox-wen 'I am before you' (L:305). The 1st and 2nd person forms of the copula occasionally stand with their own stress, e.g. ?ätl xi:z-brona wer 'you are an only son' (L:193). The 3rd person forms, on the other hand, are never stressed. Following §6, therefore, the unstressed 1st and 2nd person forms should be categorized as clitics (preceded by a hyphen in the transcription) and the 3rd person forms as affixes. The following is the full paradigm of the present copula attached to the

VERBS

105

adjective Spira 'good' (f. Spirta, pl. Spire): 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

Spirete spirtela spirelu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

Spira-wet spirta-wat spire-wetun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

spira-wen Spirta-wan Spire-wex

The attested imperative forms of the verb hwy are kwi (sing.) and kwimun (plural). The verb has one past base, which has the form we-. As is the case with forms of the short present, i.e. the present copula, the past forms are generally attached to the end of the predicate as enclitics and will be referred to as the past copula. The stress falls on the final syllable of the predicate, e.g. yalta-weli 'I was a girl' (Y:5), matran-wele 'he was a bishop' (B:106), zore-welan 'we were young' (L:280), tujiire ruwwe-welu 'they were big merchants' (L:13). The -a ending of a singular predicate nominal is sometimes realized as [e] by assimilation, e.g. mSilmiina-wele [mfilma'neve:le:] 'he was a Muslim' (B:143), mare-qiwta-wele [mrere:qif'teve:le:] 'he was powerful' (B:146). Occasionally it bears its own Stress, e.g. bazirgan weHt 'they were traders' (B:5), xamsi diniire raba weHt 'fifty dinars were alot' (L:180), tikmilt Sirike welan 'however many partners we were' (L:205). The full paradigm of the past copula attached to the adjective Spira 'good' (f. Spirta, pl. Spire) is as follows: 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

spira-wele Spirta-wela spire-welu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

Spira-we/ox Spirta-welax Spire-welxun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

Spira-weli Spirta-weli Spire-we/an

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SECTION EIGHT

8.7. Weak verbs in stem 1/ 8.7.1. Verba mediae ly/ (paradigms §9.1, no. 21, §9.2, no. 17) The present has the base maCiC-, in which the Ii! is not elided before vocalic endings, e.g. m-zyd 'to add': mazld 'he adds', mazida 'she adds'. The Ii/ vowel is not an epenthetic in forms such as mazida and is pronounced long [mrezi:'drel Contrast maxlr~i 'they save', where the Ii/ is an epenthetic and so is not pronounced long in an open syllable (see §2.3.1). The Iai vowel in the open syllable of the present base maCiC- is short, doubtless by analogy with the base of the strong verb maCCiC-. The past base is miCiC-, e.g. mlzzdle 'he added'. The first Ii/ in the open syllable is short, again, it seems, by analogy with the base of the strong verb miCCiC-. In fast speech it is sometimes elided: mzidle. In the feminine and plural forms of the base, the Ii! in the second syllable is retained: mlzida-, mlzidi-. The imperative base is identical with the present, mazld 'add!', mazldmun 'add! (pl.)'. Infinitive: mazode. 8.7.2. Verba tertiae /yl (paradigm §9.1, no. 22) The bases of these verbs resemble triliteral verbs of the same category. The present base is maCCe in the masculine and maCCya- in the feminine, where the duster CCy remains without an epenthetic. As in stem I, the suffix of the 3pl. is -ni, e.g. m-ndy 'to throw': mande 'he throws', mandya 'she throws', mandeni 'they throw'. The forms of the past base are miCCe- (masc.), miCCya(fem.) and miCCeni- (pl.), e.g. mindele 'he threw', mindy(i/e 'he threw her', mindenile 'he threw them'. The imperative is mandl 'throw!', and mandirnun 'throw! (pl.)'. 8.7.3. Verba primae lyl, tertiae lyl The verb m-ymy 'to make swear' falls into this dass. It retains the initial/y/ after the Ia/ in the present and imperative: mayme 'he makes swear', maymya 'she makes swear', maymeni 'they make swear', mayml 'make swear!'. In the past bases the initial lyl contracts with the preceding Ii/: mimele 'he caused to swear', mimytile 'he made her swear', mimenile 'he made them swear'. Infinitive: maymo?e. 8.7.4. Verba mediae Iw/ (paradigms §9.1, no. 23, §9.2, no. 18) Most verbs of this category have the same patterns as verba mediae /yl, replacing the Ii! vowels with Iu/, viz. present base: maCuC-, past base: muCuC-, imperative maCuC-, e.g. m-kws 'bring down', makus 'he brings down', makusa 'she brings down', mukitSle 'he brought down', makuS 'bring down!', makuSmun 'bring down! (pl.)'. Infinitive: makose. The Iw/ radical derives historically from *b. As with stem II middle ly/ verbs, the shortness of the vowel in the first open syllable of the bases has arisen most likely by analogy with the stem II bases of strong verbs. In the past base muCuC- the quality of the first vowel has been

VERBS

107

assimilated to that of the second.l4 Occasionally the Iw/ radical is retained uncontracted and the inflections follow the pattern of the paradigms of the strong verb. An example of this is m-lwS 'to dress'. In some of the recorded forms of this verb an /il shifts to Iu! after the Iw/ by assimilation. Past: malwls!malwus 'he dresses', malwzsl 'they dress'. Past: mi/wusle 'he dressed'. Imperative: malwus 'dress!' (sing.), malwusmun 'dress!' (plural). 8.7.5. Verba mediae Iw!, tertiae /y/ The verb m-xwy 'to show, appear' falls into this category. In this verb the Iw/ radical is preserved as a consonant and does not contract. In the present the masculine base is maxwe-, e.g. maxwe 'he shows', maxweni 'they show'. The feminine base is maxwya-. The forms derived from the feminine base are realized with an epenthetic vowel before the Iw!, e.g. }J.atta jw(m maxlwya 'to appear beautiful' (Y:142). Some forms are attested in which the Iw! has been contracted, e.g. maxunne-llox (< maxwen + le + illox) 'I show him to you' (L:549). The past bases are mixwe- (masc.) and mixiwyä- (fern.). Imperative: maxwi (sing.), maxwlmun (pl.). 8.7.6. Originally stem II verbs with a weak radical are sometimes conjugated like stem I verbs, the weak radical having been contracted. In some cases these verbs exhibitalso stem II patterns. We can include here the following items, which are listed with their attested inflected forms: mlp 'to teach' (cf. ylp 'to learn'). Present: mallp 'he teaches', malpa 'she teaches. Past: mliple 'he taught', mi/pale 'he taught her'. Imperative: mlop 'teach!', mlopmun 'teach! (pl.)'. Infinitive: mliipa. The stem II infinitive form malo pe is also used. mtw 'to place' (cf. ytw 'to sit'). Present: matu 'he places', matwa 'she places'. The Iw! is sometimes contracted, e.g. matuxxu (< matwex + lu) 'we shall place them' (S:61). Past: mtlwle 'he placed', mitwlle 'he placed them'. Imperative: mtu 'place!', mtumun 'place! (pl.)'. The recorded form of the infinitive follows the stem II pattern: matowe. mrm (< *,Jrym) 'to raise up'. Present: marlm 'he raises', marml 'they raise' (cf. Y:51, 186). Past: mrlmle 'he raised' (Y:240). The recorded form of the infinitive follows the stem II pattern: marome. msq 'to bring up' (cf. ysq 'to go up'). Present: maslq 'he brings up', masql. Past: msiqle 'he brought up'. Imperative: msoq 'bring up!' (sing.). mdr 'to return (transitive), take away' (cf. d?r 'to return'). Present: madir 'he returns', madri 'they return' (cf. B:26). Past: mdirre 'he returned'. Imperative: mdor 'take away!' (Y:267). The stem II form m-d?r is also used.

14 The Iu/ in the first syllable of the past base should not be regarded as a vestige of the Iu/ of the passive derived stems of earlier Aramaic, as is found in many other NENA dialects in strong verbs, e.g. the Christian dialects described by Maclean (1895: 90-94): mqutil-, muqtil-, and also in Jewish Zakho and Amedia (Hoberman 1989: 197).

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SECTION EIGHT

mql (B)/ mlq (Y) 'to kindle' (cf. yql 'to burn'). Present mallq 'he kindles', malql 'they kindle' (cf. Y:36). Past: miqlale 'he burnt it (fern.)' (B:17). nbl 'to take' (< *ybl). The initial m- prefix in this verb has shifted to n, by dissimilation from the adjacent labial b)5 Present: nabll 'he takes', nabla 'she takes'. Past: nbllle 'he took', nibliile 'he took her'. Imperative: nbOl 'take!', nbolmun 'take! (pl.)'. Infinitive: nbäla. We should mention in this context also the fact that verbs loaned from derived stems of Arabic may be conjugated in stem I, e.g. tfq 'to happen' < Arab. Jittifaq (8th form of wfq).

8.8. The semantic distinction between stem I and stem II In general, stem I verbs are either intransitive or transitive, whereas stem II verbs are almost always transitive. Where a root is attested in both stems, the stem II form usually has a causative sense, e.g. Cyr dJr gwr gzy kws kyp lws qym rwy wyS xJy xml ymy

'to go around 'return' (intrans.) 'to marry' (intrans.) 'to see' 'go down' 'to bow' (intrans.) 'to wear (clothes)' 'to stand' 'to grow up' 'to dry' 'to live' 'to stand' 'to swear'

m-Cyr m-dJr m-gwr m-gzy m-kws m-kyp m-lws m-qym m-rwy m-wys m-xJy m-xml m-ymy

'to cause to go around' 'to cause to return' 'cause to marry, give in marriage' 'to show' 'cause to go down' 'to cause to bow' 'to cause to wear' 'to cause to stand, establish' 'to bring up' 'to cause to dry' 'to bring to life, revive' 'to cause to stand' 'to cause to swear'

The causative sense is absent in stem II verbs that do not have a corresponding stem I form, e.g. m-fyn 'to help', m-nsy 'to forget', m-$fr 'to curse', m-yrx 'to become long', m-zyd 'to add'. Finally, it should be noted that some verbs are attested in both stems with the same meaning, e.g. zbn- m-zbn 'to sell', m-Sdr Sdr 'to send'.

15 There is widespread variation in the initial consonant of this verb in the NENA dialects: nbl, lbl, mbl (Maclean 1895: 328). The Jewish Urmia form is n-mbl (Garbell 1965: 290). The phonetic process of m > n by dissimilation from a following labial is found in other Semitic languages, such as Akkadian, e.g. narämum 'beloved' < *marämum, nämarum 'mirror' < *mämarum (cf. Von Soden 1969, §31 b) and Phoenician, e.g. n!ltlltl 'assembly' < n!lolttl (cf. Segert 1976: 69).

109

VERBS

8.9. Quadriliteral verbs (paradigms §9.1, no. 24, §9.2, no. 19) Verbs with four radicals form bases identical to those of stem II, with the first radical standing in place of the m- prefix, i.e. CaCCiC- for present and imperative and CiCCiC- for the past, e.g. gndr 'to roll': gandir 'he rolls', gindirre 'he rolled', gandir 'roll!'. Many quadriliteral verbs have Ir/ as their second radical or consist of a reduplication of a series of two radicals: Forms with Ir!: brbz 'to squander', prtf 'to throw away' qrdx 'to be shattered', qrps 'to gather together'. These have often developed by dissimilation (Tsereteli 1961: 260; Sabar 1982: 152-153), e.g. barbiz < *bazbiz, qardix < *qaddix (cf. BTA M'!i?; Syr. -';...), qarpiS < *qappiS (cf. Syr.~). · Reduplicated forms: dqdq 'to cut finely', lflf 'to wind up (rope)', qtq[ 'to cut up', xsxs 'to trip'. Other forms: bhdl 'to chastise', mSlm 'to become a Muslim' (B) (denominal from mSilmiina 'Muslim').16

8.10 Compound verbs As in other NENA dialects, Jewish Arbel contains a number of compound verbs formed from Kurdish models. The majority of these consist of a borrowed Kurdish nominal component followed by an Aramaie inflected verb corresponding to the Kurdish verb in the original expression. The most frequently used verbs in these compounds are ?wl 'to do' for transitives and gdr 'to become' for intransitives. Examples: ?idlira ?wl ?iliij ?wl ?iqniif ?wl ?isqii[ ?wl faraqe ?wl bang ?wl baylin ?wl brit ?wl dugle ?wl gamme ?wl J:zaz ?wl jwiiz ?wl jebiije ?wl

Kurd. iliij kirdin Kurd. iqna kirdin

Kurd. bang kirdin Kurd. beyan kirdin Kurd. derew kirdin Kurd. gerne kirdin Kurd. J:zez kirdin Kurd. jebiije kirdin

'to manage' 'to treat, care for' 'to convince' 'to cancel one's citizenship' 'to sweat' 'to invite' 'to make known' 'to circumcise' 'to lie' 'to play' 'to desire' 'to leave' 'to repair'

16 According to Tsereteli (1978: 35), the verbal root x/l 'to wash' in the NENA dialects is derived from the reduplicated quadriliteral xlxl by syncope of the second lxl.

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SECTION EIGHT

kef ?wl m$ädara ?wl niSän ?wl ta-re ?wl tajmid ?wl telefon ?wl

Kurd. kef kirdin

l}al gdr mqayyad gdr niftar gdr xos gdr

Kurd.l}el bun Kurd. miqayet bun

Kurd. xoS bun

'to melt, dissolve' 'to care for' 'to die' 'be happy, agree'

qadr dwq hawär mxy fite mxy mät pys pek ?ly sujda nbl

Kurd. Kurd. Kurd. Kurd. Kurd. Kurd.

'show respect to' 'to cry for help' 'to whistle' 'to be astounded' 'to agree' (literally 'come together') 'to prostrate oneself'

Kurd. niSan kirdin Kurd. bi-re kirdin

qedr girtin hawar kirdin fitin kirdin mät bun pek hatin siede birin

'to enjoy oneself' 'to commandeer' 'to mark' 'send away' 'to commandeer' 'to make a telephone call'

Hebrew verbs are sometimes integrated into the language by forming compounds consisting of the Hebrew infinitive and the Aramaie verb ?wl, e.g. HtiStazerH golanwa res-kulla 'I was in control of everything' (Y:34), }J.atta HtafszdH la-?otl 'so that they would not make a lass' (Y:65), l}atta l-hula?e Hta?aszmH ?oll 'in order to accuse the Jews' (Y:241). 8.11. Verbal forms with the affix -wa

The time reference of a verbal form can be placed further in the past by adding the particle -wa. In origin this is the old past form of the verb 'to be' *hwä. This has become fossilized as a particle of invariable form.17 It may be attached to verbal forms derived from both the present and the past bases. 8.11.1. Affix -wa attached to present base (paradigms §9.3)

In forms with a present base it is placed after the subject pronominal suffix. The Iei vowel in the closed syllable of the suffixes -en, -et, -ex, which is lang or potentially lang (§2.3.3. iii), is shortened when -wa is attached and its quality changed to Ii!. Example:

17 Already in BT A the auxiliary verb nm generally remains uninflected when used with a participle, e.g. ltlr.l'ltP mn 'I was standing', lt:Jn• mn 'she was sitting' (cf. Margolis 1910: 81).

VERBS

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

palixwa 'he used to open' palxawa palxiwa

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

palxitwa palxi:ltwa palxetunwa

Ist pers.

ms. fs. pl.

palxlnwa palxi:mwa palxlxwa

lli

The lang läl before the -wa in the 3fs. is sometimes shortened in conformity with the general tendency to shorten lang läl before Iw! (cf. §2.3.2 ii.b). This may lead to the secondary gemination of the Iw!, e.g. terawa 'She went around' (L:349), Saqlawa [freq'lrewwre] 'She took' (L:350). 8.Il.2. Affix -wa attached to past base (paradigms §9.4) When -wa is attached to forms with a past base it is infixed between the base and the I-suffixes: 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

pllxwäle 'he had opened' pllxwäla p!lxwälu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

plixwlilox pltxwlilax plixwalxun

Ist pers.

ms. pl.

plixwlili plixwälan

8.12 Verbal forms with the partic/e lä Verbal forms from the present and past bases are often used with the particle lä placed before them. The resulting forms are lä-qatil and lä-qtille. This particle expresses specific temporal, aspectual and syntactic features of the verb (see SI5.1.5). In most cases it is a proclitic and does not have its own stress, e.g. lä-kalwen 'I write' (L:379), lä-gbl 'They want' (Y:2I9), lli-dbl~lox 'You have slaughtered' (Y:254). Occasionally it has its own stress, e.g Ia ~ale u-la baxe ... Ia ~aqe gallu

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SECTION EIGHT

'He prays and weeps ... he speaks with them' (Y:218). When lä occurs in a closed syllable, its duration is reduced slightly, e.g. lä-gbi [lre·g'bi:] 'They want' (Y:219), lä-dbi~lox [lre·d'brJ:tlnx] 'You have slaughtered' (Y:254), lä-Smeli Ure· J'me:li:] 'I have heard' (Y:253). When occurring before a Iaryngal or pharyngal, the lang läl is shortened completely (cf. §2.3.2 iii.b), e.g. la-fazimle-lll 'He has invited me' (S:109), la-~~llli 'I made a profit' (L:218), la~aqya '(the soul) speaks' (Y:244), la-~aqeni 'They speak' (Y:183), la-~qele 'He has spoken' (L:442). The /~/ is sometimes geminated (cf. §3), e.g. la-~aqeni UahJ:ta'qe:ni:] 'They are speaking' (Y:215). The particle lä is occasionally separated from its verb by other components of the clause, e.g. ?o-lä xa-tfang mixycile 'He shot her' (B:144), ?äti lä-m-tina mispä(ox gollnne 'I am indeed making your judgement' (S:43). Informant S uses a verbal form da-q(ille in a few isolated cases. This is used with a past progressive sense tense', e.g. xa-waxit yä!e b-qäm-tarid iyya bela datltlu 'When some children were passing by the door of that hause .. .' (S:8). This appears to be an imitation of the Kurdish 'imperfect, which is formed by the past stem prefixed with the particle da-, e.g. da-hätim 'I was coming' (MacKenzie 1961: 96). The particle lä seems to be related to the particle nä that is used in the Aramaie dialect of the Jews of Dobe in a similar way. The distribution of lii exhibits close typological parallels to the preverbal particle kü- of the Jewish Arabic dialects of the area. There is a lesser degree of distributional parallelism with the Kurdish preverbal particle da- (see introduction). It appears not to have any direct etymological connection with Kurdish da-, which, as has been remarked in the preceding paragraph, is in some isolated cases directly borrowed into Aramaie without any phonetic change. lt should be noted that the shift d > l in the Kurdish dialect of the Bohtan region (on the Upper Tigris) is reported to affect also the preverbal particle da-, and is pronounced Ia- (Nikitine 1933: 334). The Iack of syntactic parallelism between the Kurdish verbal system and the Arbe! Aramaie system, however, remains unexplained. The most plausible explanation of the historical origin of the particle lä is that it is related to the present copula. This would parallel the origin of the particle kü- in the local Arabic dialects, which appears to be derived from the Arabic verb 'to be' ..! kwn. The particle lä would be, according to this argument, a fossilized form of the 3fs. copula used with all persans and numbers. As we have seen, the present copula, when used productively with full inflection, regularly follows the predicate as an enclitic (§8.6.7). In some NENA dialects, however, it can precede the predicate. lts distribution in the north-western NENA area is particularly significant. According to Haberman (1989: 174-175), in the Jewish Amedia dialect the present copula precedes when the predicate is a non-finite verb form (i.e. an infinitive or participle) and follows when the predicate is nonverbal. When preceding the predicate, 3rd person forms of the present copula are le (ms.), Ia (fs.), Iu (pl.), without an initial Ii/ vowel, e.g. le bibxaya 'he is crying', Ia skinta 'she is living', Iu gwire 'they are married'. Similar constructions have been recorded for the Christian dialects of Aradhin (Krotkoff 1982) and of the Tkhuma tribe now resident in the Khabur valley, but originating from one of the semi-independent ashirets of south-eastern Turkey (Jacobi 1973). The

VERBS

113

fossilization of the copula in its 3fs. form to serve as a preverbal particle in the Arbe! dialect is doubtless related to the fact that the feminine is often used as a neuter gender to denote a Situation or activity. Infinitives, in fact, are generally construed as feminine (see §14.3).18 The fossilization of the form and its extension to all persons and genders may be compared to the fossilization of the past verbal element -wa (§8.11). Although the present copula always follows the predicate in Jewish Arbe!, it is relevant to note that the past copula (wele) and the negative present copula (lewe) are often placed before the predicate (§15.2.2, §17.1.13). The lengthening of the short Ia/ vowel of the 3fs. copula was no doubt a secondary development to distinguish the preverbal particle from the form of the negator La. We find an etymological parallel to the lii-qatil construction in the 17th century Jewish Neo-Aramaic texts from Nerwa and Amedia that were published by Sabar (1984). In these texts the present copula is sometimes placed before the present verb form, e.g. anna dayyanim d-ilu kSarfi 'those judges who judge' (cf. Goldenberg 1988: 150). In the modern Amedia dialect the 'emphatic' present copula is occasionally used before the present: wele gmaxe l-tar?a 'he is striking the door' (Hoberman 1989: 45).19 Similarly, in some NENA dialects of Iranian Kurdistan the copula is suffixed to the present verb. According to Panoussi (1990: 118), for instance, in the Christian Senäya dialect (Sanandaj) the present has two forms, the basic present qatlen 'I kill' and the progressive present qatlenyen 'I am killing, which is formed by adding the present copula to the basic present form. One may also compare the particle ?i-, which is prefixed to the present base of the verb in a number of NENA dialects. This is found in some Christian dialects (Maclean 1895: 82, 140; Krotkoff 1982: 70; Fox 1991: 55) and also occurs sporadically in the Jewish dialect of Dobe (Mutzafi p.c.). Nöldeke (1868: 294) identifies the particle as a truncated form of the particle ?it. Alternatively it could be interpreted as an original demonstrative element with presentative function. Even if it was originally a presentative, however, it is likely that it should be identified with the Ii! in the full form of the 3rd person present copula (Jewish Arbe!: -ile, -ila, -ilu); cf. §8.6.7. Finally, it should be recalled that in many NENA dialects a 'progressive present' is expressed by a combination of the copula with a gerund (b- + infinitive or the infinitive alone):20 bi-priiqele 'he is finishing' (Maclean 1895: 82), Satule 'he is drinking' (Garbell 1965: 64). In the Christian Aradhin dialect the progressive is formed in main clauses with the socalled 'emphatic copula': howin tiiya 'I am coming' (Krotkoff 1982: 33). In some dialects, forms with either the 'emphatic' or the regular copula are used, e.g. Jilu (Fox 1991: 43), Christian Zakho (Hoberman 1993: 120). When the subject is indefinite and the verb intransitive the existential particle ?it occasionally substitutes for the copula in this gerund construction (Polotsky 1996: 42-44). In

18 This feature is also found in Jewish Urmia, where it has been attributed by Garbell (1965: 171) to Kurdish influence. 19 In this dialect the 'emphatic' or 'deictic' copula, as Haberman terms it, is identica1 in form to the preterite of the copula. 20 For the application of the term 'gerund' to this construction see Polotsky (1996: 20).

114

SECTION EIGHT

Jewish Urmia the progressive may be formed by the combination of the infinitive with the subject suffixes, e.g. garoSen 'I am pulling', garoSet 'you are pulling' (Garbell 1965: 64). It should be recalled that the subject suffixes are historically pronominal copula enclitics. In the dialect of Hertevin the 'emphatic' 3ms. copula hole can be used invariably before a qa{il form with the sense of a presentative, e.g. hole hazetti 'behold you see me' (Jastrow 1988: 54). The 'emphatic' copula of the NENA dialects, in fact, is a presentative in origin (cf. Goldenberg 1993: 299-300) as are, no doubt, also the 3rd person copula forms -ile, -ila and -ilu (see §8.6.7). It may be more accurate, therefore, to analyse the Jewish Arbel particle La as a presentative that is related to the copula. The presentative quality is clear in constructions where it is separated from the verb, e.g. ?o-la xa-tfang mixyiile 'behold, he shot her' (B:144), ?atl la-m-ana mispa{ox golinne 'Look, I am making your judgement' (S:43). An extended form of the particle is walla, which is attested in walla ~arix 'it is crying out' (Y:255). This may be compared to the Alqosh presentative walle (ms.), walla (fs.) (Maclean 1895: 78). As for parallels to the lli-q{ille form, one could include the combination of the present copula with the passive particle, which expresses the present perfect in some NENA dialects (Maclean 1895: 83): qtilele 'he has killed'. Dialects that have an 'emphatic' copula in addition to the ordinary copula may place this before the passive participle to form the present perfect: hole qtila 'he has killed' (Rhetore 1912: 102, Krotkoff 1982: 34). Related to this is the formation of the present perfect by the combination of the passive participle (past verbal base) with the subject Suffixes, which is found in Jewish Urmia and Hertevin, e.g. qtilen 'I have killed', qtilet 'you have killed', etc. (Garbell 1965: 68-69; Jastrow 1988: 46-49). In the 17th Nerwa texts the perfect constructions consisting of passive participle + copula and passive participle + subject suffix alternate in some intransitive verbs (Goldenberg 1992: 123-124). Close parallels to la-q{ille are recorded for the dialects of Alqosh and Hertevin, in which the invariable presentative particle hole is placed before a q{ille form to express a present observable state resulting from a past action, i.e. a present perfect, which is the main meaning of the la-q{ille form (§15.1.5 ..2). As stated above, the particle hole is identical in form to the 3ms. present 'emphatic' copula and is no doubt etymologically connected (cf. §8.6.7). Examples: hole ?ireli 'behold I have come', hole zilay 'behold they have gone' (Rhetore 1912: 94); hole ... mlila w mlila w mlila 'behold she has become more and more blue' (Jastrow 1988: 138; Goldenberg 1993: 299). Fox (1991: 44) reports the use in the Jilu dialect of a perfect form in the 3rd person consisting of the passive particle and the presentative particle ha, e.g. ha miya 'he has died'.21 21 There is a construction in Alqosh in which a /ä- element is prefixed to pronominal agent phrases, e.g. /äll q('i/ 'c'est moi qui l'a tue' (Rhetore 1912: 229). This is also attested in the 17th century Nerwa texts, e.g. läli Sqi/a 'it was I who took it (f.)' (Goldenberg 1992: 121). This, however, appears to be an extended form of the preposition /-, as is found in Hertevin /ali 'to me', la/ew 'to him' etc. (Jastrow 1988: 104), Bohtan, and also the Christian Neo-Aramaic text published by Sabar (1996). lt is probably derived from tla; cf. the forms tläli 'to me', tlälux 'to you' etc., which appear in some dialects (Nöldeke 1868: 172; Maclean 1895: 181).

VERBS

115

8.13. Negation of verbs

Verbs of all forms are negated by the particle La, e.g. La palix 'he does not open', La plixle 'he did not open', La plox 'do not open!'. This is distinguished from the pre-verbal particle lii only in the length of the vowel. It may be stressed, e.g. Ja ma~yanwa 'I could not' (Y:273), La goten 'I shall not work' (Y:269), Jana La gezen 'I will not go' (Y:153), La zadetun 'Do not be afraid!' (Y:192). When bearing stress it is sometimes linked with a following unstressed word in the same stress group, e.g. la-gben 'I do not want' (Y:267), la-marmi 'They will not Iift up' (Y:186), la-zdimun 'Do not be afraid!' (Y:182). Alternatively the stress in such stress units may fall on the following word rather than on the Ja, e.g. lagezen 'I shall not go' (Y:152), la-dxwa 'We did not know' (Y:189), la-ma~eni 'They cannot' (Y:194). Since the vowel of the particle lii is shortened before a Iaryngal or pharyngal, the opposition between lii and the negator La is neutralized in this context, e.g. la-l}~llli 'I have made a profit' or 'I did not make a profit'. It should be noted that, when the negative particle is placed before a grammatical element other than a verb or when it functions as an interjection, the a vowel is often pronounced long, e.g. La I-kalla har-soqlwa batane ... Ju-la l-brona 'They left neither the bride nor the groom ever alone' (Y:80), La Jisrl, t!ahl niiSe, Jimma niise 'not twenty or thirty people, but one hundred people' (L:484), La 'no!' (Y:61, 212). A verb with the particle lii is negated by placing La between the lii and the verb. The initial lii normally carries its own stress, e.g. La la-d 'They do not know' (Y:183), La la-mlllu 'They have not died' (Y:181), La la-l}qeli 'I have not spoken' (Y:243). Sometimes it bears the nuclear stress of the intonation group, e.g. La la-Samex 'We do not hear' (Y:97), Ia la-daJri hawa 'They do notreturn' (Y:78). Likewise, in the dialect of the Jews of Dobe, the particle nii, which corresponds to lii in Jewish Arbel, is placed before the negator, e.g. nii-la-palxen 'I am not opening' (Mutzafi p.c.). 8.14. Negation of present copula The negation of the present copula is expressed by a negative copula, which exhibits some morphological differences from the positive copula. It is freestanding with the stress on the first syllable: 3rd pers.

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

tewe

ms. fs. pl.

tewet

Lewa tewu

tewat tewetun

116

SECTION EIGHT

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

tewen tewan tewex

Examples: ?iyya min-?lzli dldi lewe 'This is not (made) from my wool' (B:127), dar Iewa min-Arbel 'It is not far from Arbe!' (L:4). This is in origin the negative particle Ia + copula. Note the original Iw/ of the 3rd person copula has been preserved, i.e. -we, -wa, -wu. The a vowel of the negative particle has shifted to e, apparently by coalescence with an original Ii/ element that should be reconstructed before the endings of the NENA copula: *iwe, *-iwet, *-iwen etc. (Goldenberg 1992: 122). This is shown by the Christian Zakho form of the negative copula, in which there has been no coalescence: laywin, laywit etc. (Hoberman 1993: 120).22 8.15. Negation of past copula The negated past copula is a free-standing form, which is placed either before or after the predicate. It consists of the negator Ia + the past copula. These are always linked tagether in a single stress group with the stress falling on the initialla. The copula component never stands with its own stress independently of the negator. 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

ta-wele la-wela lti-welu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

la-welox ta-welax la-welxun

1st pers.

sg. pl.

ta-weli la-welan

Examples: la-wele b-dawrl 'It was not in my time' (Y:185), ?inna qumbte la-welu ta-hu/a?e 'Those bombs were not for the Jews' (Y:192), dukkake /a-wela raba rubta 'the place was not very big' (Y:250), dar la-wela min-Koy Sinjaq 'It was not far from Koy Sanjaq' (L:499).

22 The negative copula of the Hertevin dialect is exceptional in this respect, in that the negator preserves the Iai vowel: e.g. lawe, lawet, lawen etc. (Jastrow 1988: 29).

VERBS

117

8.16. Expression of the pronominal object There are three series of pronominal object phrases. The first series is identical to the I-suffixes that mark the agent of the past base. The second series is as follows: 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

1st pers.

sing. pl.

?illeu ?illaw ?illu ?illox ?i/lax ?illuxun ?illi ?illan

This series, which we shall call the ?il/Lseries, differs from the /-series in the form of the pronominal element in the 3ms. and 3fs. Items from the ?il/Lseries are generally placed after the verb and are not stressed. In certain circumstances, however, they stand with their own independent stress. They may also be placed before the verb. In accordance with S6, when they are placed after verbs and are unstressed, they should be considered as clitics rather than suffixes. The third series is identical to the ?il/ 1-series, with the exception of the pronominal element in the 3ms. and 3fs., which corresponds to forms used in the /-series, viz. ?ille and ?illa. This series, which we shall refer to as the lilf2-series, is far less commonly used than the ?il/Lseries. 8.16.1. Object suffixes an forms derived from present and imperative bases (paradigm §9.5.1) After verb forms derived from the present and imperative bases, a pronominal object is usually expressed by the /-series of suffixes. The /- of the suffix is always assimilated to the final consonant of the subject enclitics of the 1st and 2nd person present and the final lnl of the -un and -mun endings of the plural imperative. The Iei of the subject enclitics -en, -et and -ex is shorted and shifts to Ii/. The final -a of the 3f.s. is pronounced long when an object suffix is attached, since it is in an open syllable that is not ward-final (see §2.3.2). In most cases the position of the stress is the same as in forms of the verb without object suffixes, e.g. pallxle 'he opens it', palx(lie 'she opens it', palxlnne (< palxen + le) 'I open it', palxlxxe (< palxex + le) 'we open it', palxetunne (< palxetun + le) 'you (pl.) open it', plbxmunne (< ploxmun + le) 'open (pl.) it!'. A pharyngal occasionally causes an Ii/ to shift to Ia/, e.g. dabl}axxe (< dabl}ex + le) 'we shall slaughter him' (L:443). When the 2pl. suffix -lxun is attached to a form ending in a consonant, in addition to the -/ being assimilated, a short epenthetic vowel is inserted before

118

SECTION EIGHT

the -xun, e.g. qa{Llxxlxun (< qa{lex + lxun) 'we shall kill you' (Y:228), $albixxiixun (< salbex + lxun) 'we shall kill you' (Y:182). When -lxun is attached to a verb that ends in a vowel, there is no epenthetic, e.g. qa{lalxun 'she will kill you', qi{Lllxun 'you have killed them' (Y:220). Occasionally the /ll is assimilated to the lxl, e.g. madrlxxun (< madri + lxun) 'they will return you' (B:26). When the I-suffixes are attached to verbs with the past suffix -wa, there is usually no change in stress position. The -a of the past suffix is pronounced long, according to the regular rule (§2.3.2). Examples: darlxwäle 'We used to put it' (Y:lO), mawislxwäle 'We used to dry it' (Y:102), baneniwälu 'They used to build them' (Y:31). In a few isolated cases the pronominal object is expressed by an ?ill- phrase. In the 3rd person singular it has the form of the ?ill2-series, e.g. ta-brätox hawtilla (< hawet illa) ta-bronl 'in order for you to give your daughter to my son' (B:81), lä-daf et illu 'You are reviling them' (L:435). The series of I-suffixes is used not only to express the patient of an action (direct object) but also the beneficiary or recipient of an action (indirect object), e.g. kwlnnox 'I shall give you' (B:149), ma ?amrlnnox 'What should I tell you? (L:l), ?agar-?amlrruxun 'If he says to you' (Y:65), tay ?ol/an 'Make tea for us!' (Y:61), ?ixiila gotlwälu 'They made food for them' (Y:76), mez tar~lwälu 'They laid the table for them' (Y:76). A pronominal beneficiary or recipient is also expressed by prepositional phrases, the most common of which is bäq- + pronominal suffix, e.g. xa kmlr bäqeu 'One says to him' (L:166), La kimrlnwa bäqox 'I would not tell you' (S:97), ma ma}J,adlranwa nablanwa bäqu 'I took to them what I prepared' (Y:149), näSe HkavodH hawl bäqox 'Let people show (literally: give) you honour' (S: 111), kawunwa ta-niiSe !Jasta ?oll biiql 'I gave people work to do for me' (L:220). A prepositional phrase from the ?illL series is occasionally used to express the pronominal beneficiary or recipient, e.g. la-tawa baxtake ma ?ola-l/eu 'The wife did not know what to do to it' (B:97), La til ma ?ol-llleu 'He does not know what to do to him' (S:16), hit olen-illeu 'I shall do nothing to him' (S:l8), }J,aywan {iiref yan-dabi partflle, yan-dabi xa-iliij ?oli-lleu 'An unclean animal - either one must throw it away, or one must treat it (literally: do a treatment to it)' (B:l05), ?ätl gbe Saket ilteu 'You must complain to him' (S:92), ?ebele ?ila marm-llli (< marim illi) 'He wanted to raise a hand towards/against me' (L:294), xanti nal lä-maxe-lleu 'He gives him a kick Oiterally: he hits the shoe to him)' (S:24). 8.16.2. Expression of the pronominal object with forms derived from past bases (paradigm §9.5.2) 8.16.2.1. Pronominal object expressed by ?ill- phrase Verbs cannot take more than one I-suffix. Since verbal forms derived from past bases express the subject by the I-suffixes, they represent pronominal objects by phrases from one of the ?ill-series. These are usually cliticized to the end of the verb. The stress remains in its origin position. The initial ?i- is elided if the subject suffix ends in a vowel. After a consonant only the initial ?- is dropped, e.g. gzele-/leu 'He saw him', gzela-/lox 'She saw you', gzelan-illeu 'We saw him'.

VERBS

119

gzele-/lan 'He saw us'. The gemination of the 1/1 of the ?ill-pronominal phrases is often weakened and so they are indistinguishable from the I-suffixes, except for the 3rd Singular forms in the ?i// 1-series. In the vast majority of instances of the 3rd singular, the ?i/ILseries form is used (?illeu, ?il/aw) rather than the ?i/12-series form (?ille, ?illa). An example of the latter is tara p/ixa swlqle-l/e iyya käbra 'That man left the door open' (S:4). In slow, deliberate speech the ?i/l-phrase is often pronounced with its own stress and without elision of the initial vowel. Sometimes even the initial I?I is retained, e.g. gzele ?il/eu 'He saw him', gzelox ?il/eu 'You saw him'. In the transcription ?ill-phrases are always represented with geminated 1/1 for the sake of Orthographie consistency. The ?ill-phrases are almost completely restricted to the expression of the direct object. Examples: dwtqle-lleu, xntqle-l/eu, q{tlle-l/eu 'He seized him, strangled him and killed him' (L:504), miSdlrran i/teu 'We sent him' (L:473), misdlrre-lli 'He sent me' (L:536), mimni qtllle-llox? 'Who has killed you?' (Y:232). In a few cases Ji//Lphrases are used to express motion towards somebody, e.g. Slomo mtele-lleu 'Solomon came to him' (S:103), ?i/yelu ?illl 'They came to me' (L:302), firq{i/i /Ieu 'I ran to him' (L:300), d la-lyele-l/eu 'Nothing happened (iiterally: came) to him' (B:158), Stlxlu-/law 'They lay down into it' (B:49). A pronominal beneficiary or recipient after past verbs is usually expressed by a phrase containing the preposition bäq-, e.g. mlri bäqeu (B:46), tama gure ?od-didan la-l}qelu baqan? 'Why have our men spoken to us?' (Y:65), hlwlu bäqeu xa zatila 'They gave him a pitta-bread' (B:129), hiwl/e bäqaw xSilta 'He gave her jewelry' (B:83), mele bäqeu xa-zo?it kre 'He brought to him a suit' (B:127). 8.16.2.2. Incorporated object As has been remarked in S8.3, the past base agrees in gender and number with the direct object of the clause, e.g. ?äna täza dukana lä-pilxali 'I have just opend the shop (dukäna f.)' (L:189), waxti baxtl Sinyali 'When I married my wife' (B:92), ?iyya golka dwiqale 'He seized this heifer' (S:5), bäbaw pärake Ia xllile 'Her father did not squander the money' (B:83), be?ake mixilplla hawa 'He exchanged the eggs' (S:62), kulla-anne mindixäne nibllli bäqeu 'I brought all those things to him' (L:172). If there is no nominal direct object, the gender and number agreement express the pronominal direct object, e.g. gizyale 'He saw her' (i.e. feminine past base gizyä- + le), gzenile 'He saw them' (i.e. plural past base gzeni- + le). Only the 3fs. and 3pl. pronominal objects can be incorporated into the past verbal base in this way. The 3ms. and all 2nd and 1st person pronominal objects must be expressed by a pronominal suffix on ?il/-. Also when the pronominal object is 3fs. and 3pl. the use of an ?i//-series pronominal phrase is optional, e.g. 'He saw her' may be expressed by gizyale or gzele-l/aw. The first construction with incorporation is, however, the type most commonly used. The 3ms. pronominal object cannot be left with zero expression but must be expressed by an ?i//phrase, e.g. gzele-/leu 'he saw him'. See the paradigm in S9.5.2. This differs from some NENA dialects, e.g. Christian Urmia, where gr"iSie can mean 'he pulled' or 'he pulled it'; cf. Nöldeke (1868: 317), Marogulov (1935/1976: 45), Polotsky (1994: 93). This is in conformity with the practice in the Christian Urmia dialect

120

SECTION EIGHT

of inflecting the passive participle base with subject suffixes expressing the logical object. This incorporation of the pronominal object is a vestige of the historical origin of the past base as a passive participle, the grammatical subject of which was the logical object of the clause, i.e. dukäna pilxäli was at an earlier stage of development 'A shop was opened by me'. This, in turn, appears to have developed originally from a possessive construction in which the passive participle qualified the noun, i.e. 'An opened shop is to me'. In the earlier passive construction one would expect that the passive participle could take any pronoun as a grammatical subject. This Situation is indeed still found in some NENA dialects, e.g. the Jewish dialects of Zakho and Amedia (Hoberman 1989: 36) and many Christian dialects (Maclean 1895: 135-146; Hetzron 1969: 117; Polotsky 1979), where allpronominal objects may be incorporated into the past base. The restriction of the range of the incorportion that is found in Jewish Arbe! is a reflection of the fact that the logical object is increasingly acquiring features of a grammatical object. Another aspect of this grammaticalization of the logical object is the fact that a nominal that is the logical object often has an explicit object marker (see §15.10). The distribution of pronominal incorporation in Jewish Arbe! is the same as is found in the Jewish Urmia dialect, i.e. it occurs only with 3fs. and 3pl. pronominal objects. The process of restriction is complete in the dialect of Hertevin, where no incorporation of pronominal objects is found (Jastrow 1988: 58-59; Goldenberg 1992: 126-129) and the paradigm of past base verbs with pronominal objects is parallel to the one with present base verbs. The parallelism extends to the form of the agent suffixes on the past base forms before a pronominal object, which take the form of the subject suffixes of the present base, e.g. hazen 'I see', hzeli 'I saw' : hazenne 'I see him', hzelenne 'I saw him' (Jastrow 1988: 75-76).23 8.16.3. Verbs with two pronominal objects As remarked above (§8.16.2.1), no more than one I-suffix can be attached to a verb. If, therefore, there are two pronominal objects after a verbal form derived from a present or imperative base, only one can be expressed with a I-suffix. The one selected to be represented by a I-suffix is usually the direct object. The beneficiary or recipient is in such cases expressed by a prepositional phrase, usually bäq-, e.g. baias hawlnne bäqeu? 'Should I give it to him free of charge?' (L:160), {axznwäle bäqim 'He used to grind it for us' (Y:92), kulla paieniwiiie baqu 'They divided it all for them' (Y:117), Soqla bäql 'Leave it to me' (S:107). Occasionally the indirect object is expressed by an .?ill-phrase, e.g. holle-Ili .?ana 'Give him to me!' (L:551), maxwimunne-lli 'Show him to me!' (Y:226). In a few instances where a present or imperative verb is followed by a direct and an indirect pronominal object, an I-phrase is used to expressed the indirect object. In such cases the direct object is expressed by a phrase from the .?ill223 The use of subject suffixes in the agent 1- phrases of past base verbs are found in some forms of literary NENA (cf. Goldenberg 1993: 302; Pennacchietti 1991), suggesting that it was once more widespread in the dialects than it is now.

121

VERBS

series, e.g. ?ana kunnlix-illa 'I shall give it to you' (S:21), masalox mori-lla (< mor +Li+ illa) 'Tell me your story' (S:105). In the speech of B there are a few cases of the pronominal indirect object being expressed by an ?i[[Lphrase and the direct object by an ?ilP-phrase. In the attested examples the indirect object is placed before the direct one: kalu-llewilla '(that) he write it for him' (B:28), J}aywtin dab}Jinwa-llew-ille (ha)wa 'I used to slaughter an animal for him' (B:38). 8.17. The existential particles ?it and lit The existential particles ?it 'there is/are' and lit 'there is/are not' have a number of properties of verbs. They can be given past time reference by the suffix -wa: ?itwa 'there was/were', litwa 'there was/were not'. Examples: xa hula?a-?it 'There is a Jew' (B:147), ?iliine-?it gaw 'There are trees in it' (B:47), #ola ?ltwa 'There was a synagogue' (Y:23), ?imma sifre tora ?ltwa gawaw 'There were a hundred Torah scrolls in it' (Y:27), ?ara litwa 'There was no land' (Y:17), kistanye Lltwa 'There were no bags' (Y:132). They cannot be combined, however, with the particle ta.24 They are uninflected for gender and number but can take the I-suffixes with a dative sense, to form possessive expressions, i.e. 'there is to me' = 'I have', etc. In the present the l- of the suffix is assimilated to the final -t: 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

litte 'he has' ?itta ?ittu

litte 'he has not' lltta llttu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

?ittox ?ittax ?lttüxun

llttox !lttax llttüxun

1st pers.

sing. pl.

?itti ?ittan

lltti litt an

Examples: ?ltti niise 'I have people (acquaintances)' (B:87), Ci-fawin Llttu 'They have no fault' (Y:212), zlttüxun reSan Ca-J}aqq 'You have no claim against us' (Y:230), J}aqqlt J}piisa litti reseu 'I have not (the power to impose) the punishment of incarceration' (S: 17). As in verbs, the I-suffixes are added after the past tense marker -wa:

24 This feature contrasts with the neighbouring Jewish dialect of Dobe in which the particle nä (apparently the cognate of Arbe! lä) can be combined with the existential pseudo-verb, e.g. xa bräta 1-/äx nä-?it 'There is a girl there' (Mutzafi, p.c.).

122

SECTION EIGHT

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

?ltwäle 'he had' ?ltwäla ?ltwälu

Lltwäle 'he had not' lltwäla tltwälu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

?ltwälox ?ltwälax ?ltwälxun

Lltwälox lltwälax lltwälxun

1st pers.

sing. pl.

?ltwäli ?ltwälan

Lltwäli lltwälan

Examples: ?ltwälan tre hode 'We had two rooms' (Y:9), ?ltwäle ?ara 'He had land' (Y:17), ?ot-tltwäle 'Whoever did not have (anything)' (Y:llO), ?ana tltwäli waxt 'I did not have time' (Y:146). 8.18. Pronominal complements containing the preposition bThe positive existential particle ?it is occasionally found in the present tense with a series of suffixes consisting of b- ('in') + pronominal element. These bsuffixes have the same pronominal elements as the I-suffixes. The final -t of the existential particle is assimilated to the b- of the suffix. This regressive assimilation should be contrasted with the progressive assimilation in forms such as ?itte etc.: ?lbbe ?lbba ?lbbu

'there is/are in it (m.)' 'there is/are in it (f.)' 'there is/are in them' etc.

Example: tre-be?e ?lbba. 'there were two eggs in it' (S:58). Verbs da not usually take this series of b-suffixes. An isolated example is läxer-bu 'He looks at them' (Y:215/217). Elsewhere prepositional phrases consisting of ?ibb- +pronominal elementare used. These correspond in form to illLphrases. The pronominal elements are the regular pronominal suffixes that are added to nouns, which differ from the I-suffixes and b-suffixes in the 3rd singular: 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

?ibbeu ?ibbaw ?ibbu

VERBS

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

?ibbox ?ibbax ?ibbüxun

1st pers.

sing. pl.

?ibbi ?ibban

123

As is d1e case with ?il/-phrases, ?ibb-phrases are usually unstressed and cliticized to the end of the verb. Likewise, the initial ?i- is usually elided after vowels and the gemination of the lbl is often lost, rendering them indistinguishable from the b-suffixes outside of the 3rd sing. In the transcription they are always represented with geminated lbl for the sake of Orthographie consistency. Examples: har-xlra-bbeu 'She just looked at him' (Y:159), tqe/e-bbeu 'He pleaded with him' (Y:263), xii yarxa Ia zille-bbaw 'A month had not gone by' (L:171). Occasionally the ?ibb-phrase is stressed, e.g. ?atxii gotet ?ibbl? 'Do you do this to me?' (L:462), mahminen ?ibbox 'I trust you' (L:272), pllgit safata Ia gdlre bbaw 'Half an hour had not gone by' (L:311).

SECTION NINE

VERB PARADIGMS 9.1. qatil form (1) p/x I 'to open', (2) Jxl I 'to eat', (3) Jsr I 'to bind' (1)

(2) Indicative kxil kixla kixli

(3) Subjunctive Jaxil Jaxla Jaxil

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

pallx palxa palxi

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

palxet palxat palxetun

kix!et kixlat kix!etun

Jaxlet Jaxlat Jax/etun

Jasret Jasrat Jasretun

ms.

palxen palxan palxex

kix/en kixlan kix/ex

Jax/en ?axlan Jaxlex

Jasren ?asran Jasrex

1st pers.

fs.

pl.

Jasir Jasra Jasri

(4) ylp I 'to learn', (5) pyS I 'to remain', (6) gzy I 'to see', (7) ymy I 'to swear' (5)

(6)

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

(4) yallp yalpa yalpi

pes pesa pesi

gaze gazya gazeni

yame yamya yameni

(7)

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

yalpet yalpat yalpetun

peSet pesat pesetun

gazet gazyat gazetun

yamet yamyat yametun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

yalpen yalpan yalpex

pesen pesan pesex

gazen gazyan gazex

yamen yamyan yamex

125

VERB P ARADIGMS

(8) kws I 'to go down', (9) ?wt I 'to do', (10) ktw I 'to write' (8)

(9) Indicative

3rd pers.

2nd pers.

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

(10) Subjunctive

koS

got

?ot

katu

kosa

gota

?ota

katwa

kosl

goli

?oll

katwi

ms. fs.

koSet

gotet

?otet

katwer

kosat

gotat

?otat

katwat

pl.

koSetun

gotetun

lotetun

katwerun

ms. fs. pl.

kosen

goten

?oten

katwen

kosan

gotan

?otan

katwan

kosex

gotex

?otex

katwex

(11) ?by I 'to want', (12) ?ty I 'to come' (11)

(12)

Indicative Subjunctive 3rd pers.

2nd pers.

1st pers.

Indicative

Subjunctivel

gbe

?abe

ke

?ate

(?e)

gba gbi

?aba ?ab{

kilya keni

?alya laleni

(leni)

ms. fs. pl.

gbet

?aber

ket

?atet

(?et)

gbat

?abat

kilyat

?atyat

gbetun

labetun

ketun

?atetun

ms. fs. pl.

gben

?aben

ken

?aten

gban

?aban

kilyan

?atyan

gbex

?abex

kex

?atex

ms. fs. pl.

1 The forms in brackets are used by informant B.

(?erun) (?en) (?ex)

126

SECTION NINE

(13) ?my I 'to bring', (14) lzl I 'to go' (13) 3rd pers.

Indicative Subjunctive ms. kme lame fs. kimya lamya ?ameni pl. kmeni

(14) Indicative gez (gezW geza gezz'

Subjunctive2 lez (lezW leza lezi

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

kmet kimyat kmetun

?amh lamyat lamhun

gezh gezat gezhun

lezh lezat lezetun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

kmen kimyan kmex

lamen lamyan ?amex

gezen gezan gezex

lezen lezan lezex

(15) yll I 'to know', (16) hwy I 'tobe' (15)

(16)

Indicative Subjunctive

3rd pers.

2nd pers.

1st pers.

ms.

til

ya?il

fs. pl.

Ca Ci

yalla ya?li

ms.

Cet

fs. pl.

tat tetun

ms.

Cen

fs. pl.

Can tex

Indicative

Subjunctive

kawe - kwe kawya kaweni - kweni

hawe

yallet - ya?et ya?lat yallhun - ya?etun

kawh - kwet kawyat kawitun - kwetun

hawet

yallen - ya?en yallan yallex - ya?ex

kawen - kwen kawyan kawex - kwex

2 The forms in brackets are used by informant B.

hawya haweni

hawyat hawetun

hawen hawyan hawex

127

VERB P ARADIGMS

(17) hw I 'to give' (17) 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

Indicative kawil -kawul - kul kawa- kwa kawl - kwihawl

Subjunctive hawll- hawul hawa

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

kawet- kwet kawat- kwat kawetun - kwetun

hawet hawat hawetun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

kawen- kwen kawan- kwan kawex- kwex

hawen hawan hawex

(18) m-qlb II 'to turn over', (19) send'

3rd pers.

2nd pers.

1st pers.

m-xl~

II 'to save', (20) m-Sdr II 'to

(18)

(19)

ms. fs. pl.

maqtlb maqilba maqilbl

maxtl~

ms. fs. pl.

maqilber maqilbat maqilbetun

maxli~er

ms. fs. pl.

maqilben maqilban maqilbex

maxli~en

maxli~a

maxli~l

maxli~at maxli~erun

maxli~an maxli~ex

(20) masdlr masdra maSdrl

masdrer masdrat masdretun masdren masdran masdrex

128

SECTION NINE

(21) m-zyd II 'to add', (22) m-ndy II 'to throw', (23) m-kws II 'to bring down', (24) gndr (quadriliteral) 'to roll' (21)

(22)

(23)

(24)

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

mazld mazida mazidl

mande mandya mandeni

makus makusa makusl

gandlr gandra gandrl

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

mazidet mazidat maziderun

mander mandyat manderun

makuser makusat makuserun

gandrer gandrat gandretun

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

maziden mazidan mazidex

manden mandyan mandex

makusen makusan makusex

gandren gandran gandrex

9.2. qtille form (1) plx I 'to open', (2) ?xl I 'to eat', (3) ?sr I 'to bind', (4) ylp I 'to learn' (1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

plixle plixla pllxlu

xllle xllla xlllu

?islrre ?islrra ?islrru

?illple ?illpla ?illplu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

pllxlox pilxlax pilxlüxun

xlllox xlilax xlllüxun

?islrrox ?islrrax ?islrrüxun

?iilplox ?illplax ?illplüxun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

pllx!i plixlan

xllli xlllan

?islrri ?islrran

?illp!i ?illplan

129

VERB PARADIGMS

(5) pyS I 'to remain', (6) gzy I 'to see', (7) kws I 'to go down', (8) lwl I 'to do'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

(5) pisle pisla pislu

(6) gzele gzela gzelu

(7)

(8)

kwisle kwisla kwislu

wille willa wlllu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

ptS/ox pislax pls/Uxun

gzelox gzelax gzelxun

kwlslox kwlslax kwlslii.xun

wlllox wlllax wlllii.xun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

pisli pis/an

gzeli gzelan

kwlsli kwlslan

wllli willan

(9) klw I 'to write', (10) lby I 'to want', (11) ?/y I 'to come', (12) lmy I 'to bring' (10) lebele lebela lebelu

(11) lilyele lilyeta ?ilyelu

(12) me/e mela melu

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

(9) kllwle kilwla kilwlu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

kliwlox kilwlax kilwlii.xun

lebelax lebelax lebelxun

lilyelox lilyetax ?i/yetxun

melox melax melxun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

kilwli kilwlan

lebe Ii lebe/an

?ilyeli lilyelan

meli me/an

130

SECTION NINE

(13) ?zl I 'to go', (14) y?l I 'to know', (15) hw I 'to give', (16) m-qlb II 'to turn over' (13) 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

zille zilla zillu

(14) yi?ille yi?illa yi?illu

(15)

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

zillox zillax zlllüxun

yi?lllox yi?illax yi?illüxun

hiwlox hiwlax hiwlüxun

miqliblox miqliblax miqliblüxun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

zllli zillan

yi?llli yi?illan

hiwli hiwlan

miqlibli miqllblan

hiwle hiwla hiwlu

(16) miqlible miqlibla miqliblu

(17) m-zyd II 'to add', (18) m-kws II 'to bring down', (19) gndr (quadriliteral) 'to roll'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

(17) mizldle mizldla mizidlu

(18) mükusle mükusla mükuslu

(19) gindlrre gindlrra gindirru

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

mizidlox mrzidlax mizidluxun

mükuslox mukuslax mukusluxun

gindirrox gindirrax gindlrruxun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

mizldli mizidlan

mukusli mukuslan

gindlrri gindlrran

131

VERB P ARADIGMS

9.3. qatilwa form (1) plx I 'to open', (2) pyS I 'to remain', (3) gzy I 'to see', (4) m-zyd II

'to add'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

1st pers.

ms. fs. pl.

(1)

(2)

palixwa palxawa palxlwa

peswa pesawa peslwa

gazewa gazyiiwa gazeniwa

mazldwa mazidawa mazidlwa

palxltwa palxatwa palxetunwa

pesltwa pesatwa peSetunwa

' gazltwa gazyatwa gazetunwa

mazidltwa mazidatwa mazidetunwa

palxlnwa palxanwa palxixwa

peslnwa pesanwa peslxwa

gazlnwa gazyanwa gazlxwa

mazidlnwa mazidanwa mazidlxwa

(3)

(4)

9.4. qtilwiile form (1) plx I 'to open', (2) pys I 'to remain', (3) gzy I 'to see'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

1st pers.

ms. pl.

(1)

(2)

(3)

pllxwiile pllxwiila plixwiilu

pzswale plswiila plswiilu

gzewale gzewiila gzewiilu

plixwiilox plixwiilax pllxwiilxun

plswiilox plswiilax plswiilxun

gzewiilox gzewiilax gzewiilxun

plixwiili plixwiilan

plswiili plswiilan

gzewiili gzewiilan

132

SECTION NINE

9.5. Verbs with pronominal objects 9.5.1. qatil form Verbal form

Pronominal Object

gaze

gazya

gazeni

'he sees'

'she sees'

'they see'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-/e -Ia -Iu

gazele gazela gazelu

gazylile gazylila gazylilu

gazenile gazenila gazeni/u

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-lox -lax -lxun

gazelax gazelax gazelxun

gazycilox gazy(i/ax gazycilxun

gazenilox gazenilax gazenilxun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

-Ii

-/an

gazeli gaze/an

gazylili gazylilan

gazenili gazenilan

gazet

gazyat

gazetun

'you (ms.) see'

'you (fs.) see'

'you (pl.) see'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-/e -Ia -Iu

gazitte gazitta gazittu

gazyatte gazyatta gazyattu

gazetunne gazetunna gazetunnu

1st pers.

ms. pl.

-Ii

gazitti gazittan

gazyatti gazyattan

gazetunni gazetunnan

-/an

133

VERB P ARADIGMS

Pronominal Object

Verbal form gazen 'I (ms.) see"

gazyan 'I (fs.) see"

gazex 'we see'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-/e -Ia -Iu

gazlnne gazmna ' gazmnu '

gazyanne gazyanna gazyimnu

' gaZlxxe gazlxxa gazlxxu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

-/ox -lax -lxun

gazlnnox ' gazmnax gazlnnüxun

gazyannox gazyannax gazyannüxun

gazlxxox gazlxxax gazlxxüxun

9.5.2. qtille form Pronominal Object

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

Verbal form gzele 'he saw'

gzela 'she saw'

gzelu 'they saw'

gzele ?illeu3 gizyale gze!e ?illaw gzenile gzele ?illu

gzela ?illeu gizyala gzela ?illaw gzenila gzela ?illu

gzelu ?illeu gizyalu gzelu ?illaw gzenilu gzelu ?illu

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

gzele ?illox gzele ?illax gzele ?illüxun

gzela ?illox gzela ?il/(u gzela ?illüxun

gzelu ?illox gzelu ?illax gze!u ?illüxun

1st pers.

ms. pl.

gzele ?illl gzele ?i/Um

gzela ?illi gzela ?illim

gzelu ?illl gzelu ?illan

3 The ?i/1-phrase is usually cliticized to the verb. If the verb ends in a vowel the initial ?i- is elided: gze/e-1/eu. If the verb ends in a consonant the initial ?- is elided: gzelox-

i/leu.

134

SECTION NINE

Pronominal Object

Verbal form gzelox 'you (ms.) saw'

3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

1st pers.

ms. pl.

gzelax 'you (fs.) saw'

gzelox ?ilteu gizyiilox gzelox ?illaw gzenilox gzelox ?illu

gzelax ?ilteu gizyiilax gzelax ?illaw gzeni/ax gzelax ?illu

gzelxun ?illeu gizyiilxun gzelxun ?illaw gzenilxun gzelxun ?illu

gzetox ?illi gzelox ?illan

gzelax illi gzelax ?illan

gzelxun illi gzelxun ?illan

gzeli 'I saw" 3rd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

2nd pers.

ms. fs. pl.

gzelxun 'you (pl.) saw'

gzelan 'we saw'

gzeli ?ilteu gizyiili gzeli ?illaw gzenili gzeli ?illu

gzetan ?ilteu gizyiilan gzelan ?illaw gzenilan gzetan ?illu

gzeli ?illox gzeli ?illax gzeli ?illuxun

gzelan ?illox gzelan ?illax gzelan ?illuxun

SECTION TEN

NOUNS 10.1. The nouns may be divided into two groups: (i) nouns of Aramaie origin and loanwords adapted to Aramaie morphology and (ii) loanwords that have not been adapted to Aramaie morphology. Singular nouns of original Aramaie stock end for the most part in either -a or -ta. These endings are the reflex of the old emphatic state in the masculine and feminine respectively. Many loanwords are adapted to Aramaie morphology by adopting this nominal inflection through the suffixing of the ending -a or, in a few cases, -ta. As in other NENA dialects, a large proportion of the nouns are loanwords. The majority of the loans are from Kurdish and Arabic. Many words of Arabic origin are found also in Kurdish or Turkish and are likely to have come into Jewish Arbel through the intermediary of these languages rather than from Arabic directly. This is clear in the case of words of Arabic origin that appear in Kurdish with a different form from that found in the local vernacular Arabic. The Arabic tä' marbüta, for example, often appears as -t, as in Kurdish: l}äjlta 'requirement, tool' (Kurd. l}acet, Arab. l}äja), fädzta 'custom' (Kurd. adet, Arab. fäda), safata 'hour' (Kurd. safet, Arab. säfa). In some words an original Arabic plural is used for the singular, as in Kurdish, e.g. tujär 'merchant' (Kurd. tucar, Arab. sing. täjir, pl. tujjär), jiräna 'neighbour' (Kurd. ciran, Arab. sing. jär1), ?awliya 'saint' (Kurd. ewliya, Arab. sing. wali). Labials sometimes exhibit a phonetic development that is found in the ward in its Kurdish guise but not in the original Arabic, e.g. IJwrtl!fila 'porter' (Kurd. l}embal, Arab. l}ammäl), simbila 'moustache' (Kurd. simbil, Arab. sibäl pl. of sabala). Note also forms such as J;aws 'courtyard', which corresponds to Kurdish in the preservation of the diphthong rather than the local Arabic vernacular of Arbel, in which it has been contracted (l}os). Many Arabic loanwords, moreover, have the meaning that they have acquired in Kurdish rather than their original Arabic meaning (cf. Sabar 1984: 209), e.g. l}ad 'daring' (Kurd./Turk. < Arab. 'Iimit'), diyäri 'gift' (Kurd. < Arab. 'residential property'). Relatively few words seem to have come into the dialect directly from Arabic. These include feminine words that have retained the Arabic form of the tä' marbüta (-a) and do not have the Kurdish adaptation of this (-at), e.g. qalfa 'citadel', maknzsa 'broom'. When the Aramaie -a inflection is added to loanwords that already end in -a, a glottal stop is usually pronounced between the vowels, e.g. da?a 'mother' (Kurd. da),2 la?a 'side' (Kurd. La). When the loanword ends in an -i, a glide /y/ 1 1990: 2 1966:

In Arbel Arabic the forms are ms. jär. pl. firänin, fs. jiräne, fpl. jiränät (Jastrow 333). The form daya (Y:159) is the origin Kurdish vocative of da (Wahby and Edmonds 30) and the -a ending is not to be identified with the Aramaie nominal inflection.

136

SECTION TEN

oeeurs before the final -a, e.g. Siftiya 'water-melon' (Kurd. *ivti). In some eases the -i is elided, e.g. qorya '!arge bowl' (Kurd. qori). The nouns of Aramaie origin and the loanwords that have been adapted to the Aramaie infleetional morphology are classified here tagether aeeording to their struetural patterns. 10.2 Nouns with -a inf/ection 10.2.1. Bisyllabie patterns By far the most eommon bisyllabie morphologieal patterns are CaCCa and CiCCa. (1)

CaCCa faq/a damma ~a/ma

talga xalwa yarxa (2)

'leg' 'time' 'faee' 'snow' 'milk' 'month'

CiCCa gilda lixma pilga sitwa Simma timma

'skin'

'bread' 'half' 'winter' 'name' 'mouth'

Other bisyllabie patterns include the following: (3)

CeCCa (in nouns with lh! as seeond radieal) dehwa sehra sehma

(4)

'gold' (BT A N~n"!) 'moon' (BT A N1n~) 'silver'

CuCCa ?urxa dugla

'way' 'lie'

NO UNS

gulla gunya gurga xurma (5)

'buHet' 'sack' 'wolf' 'dates'

CoCCa golka

(6)

137

'heifer'

CaCa ?ara dala la?a tara

'land, earth' 'mother' 'side' 'door'

According to a general principle of the language, the sequences [CvCv] and [CvC:v] occur in free variation where the first syllable is unstressed (see §3). The vowel before the consonant in these variants is always short. When this variation occurs within morphological patterns, the two forms should be considered morphophonemic alternants of one pattern. In conformity with this principle, forms with gemination of the second consonant such as damma, Simma, timma are attested also without the gemination, i.e. [dre'mre] [drem'mre], [JI'mre]- [Jim'mre], [U'mre]- [um'mrel Following the principles of transcription that have been adopted in this grammar, an Orthographie consistency has been imposed upon such variant forms. Gemination is transcribed consistently where this occurs in the morphological pattern to which the noun has been assigned, but is regularly left unrepresented if the morphological pattern lacks gemination (see §3). A small number of words, listed in (6) above, which have the form CaCa have no alternants with gemination of the second consonant. This appears to be due to the fact that the consonant in question is Ir/ or 1?1, both of which resist gemination (cf. §3). (7)

CiiCa biiba jiida kiisa niiSa qiila yiila

'father' 'road' 'belly' 'man, person' 'voice' 'child, boy'

138

SECTION TEN

(8)

CeCa Jena bela kepa /esa qeta reza

(9)

'eye' 'house' 'stone' 'dough' 'summer' 'row'

CiCa

?ila bira rixa ~iwa

tina

'hand' 'weil' 'smell' 'stick, wood, tree' 'mud'

(10) CoCa

gora ~o/a

poxa qoma qora soba

'man' 'rope' 'wind' 'height, stature' 'grave' 'stove'

(11) CuCa

dusa guda Suqa tuna tura

'honey' 'wall' 'market' 'straw' 'mountain'

(12) CCäCa

bqära kpäna pyiila qriiwa Swawa xmara

'neck' 'shoulder' 'cup' 'war, conflict' 'neighbour' 'ass'

NO UNS

139

This pattern should be identified in a form such as safäre (pl.) 'barley', in which the short a is an epenthetic breaking a duster containing the pharyngal lfl (cf. §4.1.10) and is not part of the morphological pattern. The long läl of the pattern is shortened before 1?1 (cf. §2.3.2 iii.b) in forms such as qba?a 'jacket' and xma?a 'needle'. This is the pattern of the infinitive of stem I verbs: q{äla pläxa rkäwa

'killing' 'opening' 'riding'

In final lyl verbs the long läl of the pattern is shortened before the 1?1: gza?a Sta?a

'seeing' 'drinking'

In initial lyl verbs the initial duster *yC- shifts to ?iC- (cf. §8.5.4): ?iläpa (root: ylp) ?ima?a (root: ymy)

'learning' 'swearing'.

This applies also to initial I? I verbs, which in the infinitive coincide with the fornt of initial lyl roots: ?imära (root: ?mr) ?ixäla (root: ?xl) ?ila?a (root: ?ly) ?ima?a (root: lmy)

'saying' 'eating' 'coming' 'bringing'

These forms could be interpreted as being the phonetic reflex of ?mära and ?xäla, with an epenthetic vowel breaking the initial duster, or of ymära and yxäla. The fact that the Ii/ vowel is usually pronounced long (e.g. [2i:mre:ra]) suggests that the second interpretation is preferable. Note that the infinitives of ..Jymy 'to swear' and ..J?my 'to bring' are completely homophonous, viz. ?ima?a

[2i:mre2rel (13) The patterns CCiCa, CCoCa and CCuCa are sparsely attested: mzila q{ila qrusa tru$a xlula

'skin bag' 'murdered man' 'piastre' 'truth' 'wedding'

140

SECTION TEN

10.2.2. Trisyllabic patterns 10.2.2.1. The pattern CvCvCa is attested with a variety of internal vowels. Among the most common of these are CaCiCa and CiCaCa: ba$ira daqiqa makina liSäna niSäma jiräna bitara

'grape' 'minute' 'machine' 'tongue, language' 'soul' 'neighbour' 'stove'

The CaCäCa pattern expresses professions or habitual activity, which is the reflex of the *qauiilä pattern of earlier Aramaic. The long läl is generally shortened before Iw/ or before a largyngal or pharyngal: nagära zaqara ganawa rakawa bana?a

'carpenter' 'weaver' 'thief' 'rider' 'builder'

Examples of other combinations of vowels: masala batiita baruxa yatuma makuka mewäna petäta koläna xolama tujära dukäna tanaka

'story' 'potato' 'friend' 'orphan' 'shuttle' (used in weaving) 'guest' 'pedal' 'street' 'slave' 'trade' 'shop' 'tin'

Words with the pattern CvCvCa that have a short vowel in the first syllable are sometimes attested in a variant form in which the second consonant is geminated, e.g. [d v ka:nre] - [d v kka:nre] 'shop', [hJ a:nre] - [hJJ a:nre] 'tongue', [zreqa:rre] - [zreqqa:rre] 'weaver', [trenrekre] - [trennrekre] 'tin'.

NO UNS

141

This reflects the general principle of the language, whereby the sequences [CvCv] and [CvC:v] occur in free variation, when the first vowel is unstressed. The two forms should be considered morphophonemic alternants of one pattern, in this case CvCvCa (cf. S3). In the transcription, nouns of this pattern are regularly represented without gemination, for the sake of orthographic consistency. It follows from this that forms which happen to be attested in my data only with the geminated pattern CvCCvCa should still be considered morphophonemic alternants of CvCvCa and are transcribed without gemination, e.g. hamuna [hremmu:'nre] 'crowd' (Y:221). As has been remarked in the discussion of syllable structure (S4.1.5), an initial consonantal duster CC is sometimes broken by a short epenthetic vowel. The occurrence of the epenthetic is phonetically conditioned. CvC-, where v is an epenthetic, and CC- are, therefore, morphophonemic alternants and the distinction is morphologically irrelevant. The quality of the epenthetic is usually short [I], though the phonetic environment may condition other qualities. It may assimilate to the quality of the following vowel, especially before Iaryngals. In the environment of pharyngals it is [a]. Before Iw/ its quality is [ v] (see S4.1.5, §4.1.10). It follows from this that the distinctions between the patterns CCvCa and CvCvCa would be neutralized in cases where the first vowel in the CvCvCa pattern is short and has the quality customary for an epenthetic in the given environment. This would apply to forms such as nal}ala 'ear', saf oda 'feast', where the first vowel is a and one of the adjacent consonants is a pharyngal. The decision to assign such forms to the pattern CCvCa or CvCvCa would depend on whether alternants exist with gemination of the second consonant. I am unable to establish this with regard to nal}ala and saf oda from my data. Whatever their morphological pattern may be, however, such forms are represented in a broad transcription with a vowel after the first consonant. The word liSlina is attested in three variant forms, which can be represented phonetically as W:I a:'nre], [lrf a:'nre] and [li I I a:'nrel The form [lii a:'nre] with a short [I] and no gemination could be a variant of [lii I a:'nre] according to the principle of gemination described above. The form W:Ia:'nre] with the long vowel, however, could not be a variant of [li I I a:'nre] by this principle. It is best, therefore, to take [li I a:'nre] as the basic form, from which the other two are derived. Worthy of note are also forms with initial ?i- such as ?ilana 'tree', ?ixiila 'food'. In theory the structure of these could be interpreted in three different ways. (i) They could be construed as phonetic reflexes of ?lana and ?xiila, i.e. the pattern CCaCa with an epenthetic. (ii) Since the sequence yC- is realized as ?iC- in initial position, they could also be construed as CCaCa patterns with initial lyl. (iii) Finally, they could have the pattern CiCaCa.

The initial Ii! vowel in these is sometimes pronounced short, which would be compatible with all three structural analyses. It may also be pronounced long,

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e.g. [2i:lre:nre], [2i:xre:lre] (cf. §2.3.1 iii), which would be compatible with (ii) and (iii). For ?ixi:ila, at least, a variant with gemination of the second consonant [2Ixxa:lre] occurs in my recordings, which would be compatible only with structure (iii), viz. CiCi:iCa. If, therefore, we wish to assign all the alternants of words such as liSi:ina and ?ixi:ila to one pattern, the only possibility seems to be CiCi:iCa.

While attempting to systematize the linguistic data, however, one must not lose sight of the fact that some alternants of these words are structurally ambiguous, notably the forms with a short Ii!. Also structurally ambiguous, as we have seen, are the forms with pharyngals such as safoda, naf.ti:ila. Such structural ambiguity can bring about morphological change in the historical development of a language. The structural ambiguity of initial ?iC-, for instance, has brought about the reanalysis of some originally initial I? I verbal roots as initiallyl roots, e.g. ./ylp 'learn' < *./ ?lp due to the ambiguity of forms such as ?iliple.

10.2.2.2. A number of nouns with three syllables, most of them loanwords, contain four consonants. The majority of these have the pattern CvCCvCa: ?irbi:ila tayxi:ina dalmi:ina danboqa fitrina l:zfJifll?~l a maflaqa

panjara simbila tandura zambila

'sieve' 'tea house' 'tea leaves' 'plaits of women's hair' 'shop window' 'porter' 'spoon' 'window' 'moustache' 'oven' 'basket (made of palm leaves)'

Occasionally other patterns are found, e.g. dbanta jwi:inqa

'pistol' 'young man'

10.3. Nouns with -ta inflection 10.3.1. Bisyllabic patterns The-ta inflection is a marker of feminine gender. In a few nouns it appears in the form -da or -La, which have developed historically from an original *-ta and

*-ta respectively.

Phonotactic restrictions do not allow the feminine marker to be added

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143

directly to all patterns of nouns in -a that are listed in the previous section without adjustment of syllable structure. This applies to cases where the replacement of -a by -ta would result in a preceding closed syllable ending in a cluster (-vCCta) or containing a long vowel (-vCta). Sequences such as these are avoided. In nouns of Aramaie stock a closed syllable before the -ta always has the structure CvC. In some loanwords -vCC and -vC are retained and a short epenthetic vowel is inserted before the -ta ending. The patterns attested may be classified as follows: (1)

CCaCta bqarta bqatta xmarta

(2)

~qilta

xsilta

fpurta zbufta

'patience' 'fingernail' 'finger'

CCäta bräta swäta Sräta

(6)

'beard' 'synagogue' 'amulet' 'ring' 'jewellery'

CCuCta ~burta

(5)

'chicken'

CCiCta dqinta kniSta kliwta

(4)

'morning' 'she-ass'

CCeCta klelta

(3)

'neck'

'daughter' 'satiety' 'lamp'

CCita skita

'knife'

The words in patterns (5) and (6) are historically derived from CCaCta and CCiCta respectively: bräta < *bratta (cf. BTA N~1~), swäta < *sQ_afta, Sräta < *Srägta (cf. BTA Nrl,lp, Syr. ~~ ), skita < *skitta < *skinta.

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(7)

(8)

CaCta ?amta xalta

'maternal aunt'

CiCta kista qiwta sikta

(9)

'paternal aunt'

'bag' 'power' 'peg'

CoCta dolta nobta torta

'wealth' 'guard 'cow'

(10) CuCta qu~ta

'story'

(11) Cäta

Säta

'year'

(12) Ceta

beta

'egg'

(13) Cota

sota

'grandmother'

The words in patterns (11) - (13) are derived historically from forms with the pattern CvCta: Säta < *Satta, beta < *befta, sota < *saQ.ta. Patterns (14) and (15) occur only in loanwords: (14) CäCvta

J:zäjfta fädfta safata

'tool' 'custom' 'hour'

In the last word an original long läl has been shortened before the pharyngal (§2.3.2 iii.b).

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145

(15) CvCCiita $infata

'profession'

10.3.2. Trisyllabic patterns (16) CvCvCta This pattern is found with vowel variations:

garusta yatumta mahinta ral}amta taniSta fa$irta

'hand-mill' 'orphan girl' 'mare' 'mercy' 'side' 'evening'

As with the pattern CvCvCa, the second consonant in the pattern CvCvCta can be optionally geminated, provided that the first vowel is short. The long Ia! in fa$irta is noteworthy (cf. §2.3.2 i). (17) CvCata Cipata

'dumpling of meat'

(18) CvCita

qarita

'beam'

(19) CvCota ?arota

'Friday'

Patterns (17)- (19) have a weak element in the position of the third radical and correspond to CvCvCta. The lo/ in ?arota is derived historically from *ab (< *faral:lta). The second consonant in these forms can be optionally geminated when the first vowel is short, e.g. Cipata [lfippo:tre]. The long Ia! vowel of qarita in the propretonic syllable appears to have been conditioned by the uvula lq/ (see §2.3.2 iii). Trisyllabic forms with four consonants in the root are attested in the form CvCCvCta: darguSta faxfurta ma$forta maxforta

'cradle' 'plate' 'curse' 'carpet'

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The word ma~forta 'curse' may be analysed as a feminine form of the stem II infinitive ma~fore. The function of the -ta here is to give the word a concrete sense (cf. Sara 1990: 48; Rhetore 1912: 174). 10.3.3. Feminine-ta in loanwords A number of feminine words ending in -ta have been borrowed from Kurdish. Many of these are ultimately of Arabic origin and have the ending -at or -ät in Kurdish (an adaptation of the Arabic tä' marbüta). Such words have been integrated into Aramaie morphology by adding -a to the Kurdish ending. In some cases the vowel before the t has been elided, e.g. qiwta 'power' (Kurd. qiwet), dolta 'wealth' (Kurd. dewlet), nobta 'guard' (Kurd. nobet), l}äjlta 'too!' (Kurd. l}acet), safata 'hour' (Kurd. sae't). Some feminine nouns borrowed from Kurdish that do not end in -atl-ät in the source language have also been adapted to Aramaie morphology by affixing -ta, e.g.

dargusta gorita mahinta maxforta mäsita zetunta

'cradle' (Kurd. dergü§) 'sock' (Kurd. gore) 'mare' (Kurd. mehin) 'carpet' (Kurd. mexfür) 'fish' (Kurd. masi) 'olive' (Kurd. < Arab. zetün)

Many feminine borrowed nouns, however, are given the Aramaie inflection -a, e.g. tarpaya dala dukäna gundora zambila

'bed' (Kurd. r;arpe f.) 'mother' (Kurd. da f.) 'shop' (Kurd. dukan f.) 'melon' (Kurd. gundor f.) 'basket (made of palm leaves)' (Kurd. zembil f.)

Finally, the -ta ending in some feminine borrowed nouns has arisen by affixing the -a inflection to a noun the base form of which ends in -t (or -d) and is not a feminine inflection, e.g. dasta baxta kaxta

'plain, countryside' (Kurd. deSt f.) 'woman' (Kurd. bext m. 'honour') 'Ietter' (Kurd. kaxet f.)

The Kurdish etymology of the word baxta is, in fact, not completely certain. The use of the term 'honour' to denote a woman must have been a euphemism in a society where direct reference to women was to be avoided (Krotkoff 1985: 131-132). The word is not used in this way, however, in Kurdish itself. A Semitic

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etymology has also been proposed for this word by deriving it from a participial form of Syr. ~ 'to weave, spin', so that its original meaning is said to have been 'weaver, spinster', i.e. the assumed typical occupation of a woman (Maclean 1895: 239, Payne Smith 1903: 45). One problern with this is that it is not clear why a word of such apparent rarity in earlier Aramaie should have become the exclusive word for 'woman'. 10.3.4. Variant forms of -ta 10.3.4.1. The form of the feminine marker-da, with a voiced dental, occurs after the sonorants 1/1, lnl and Ir!.

salda kalda qarda Sinda xlinda

'basket' (< *sa/tä; cf. Syr. ~~, BTA ~en'p•o) > • 'daughter-in-law' (< *ka/tä; cf. BTA K~y~) 'cold'(< *qartä; cf. BTA K~1iV T

'sleep' (< *Sintä; cf. BTA K~~·w, Syr. 1L:.. ). 'valley' (< }J.li/ta; cf. BTA K~?'l! 'valley', K?·~n 'hollow')

The variant form of the feminine marker -da is found only in a few isolated words. In the majority of words where the aforementioned phonetic condition for their occurrence exists, the regular form -ta is found, e.g. ~qilta 'ring', xsilta 'jewellery', torta 'cow', ma~forta 'curse', fä#rta 'evening', mahinta 'mare'. 10.3.4.2. The variant -Ia occurs after a vowel:

baxila ksila qomä/a spiila Säla #ola xanu/a xmäla

'weeping' (< bxy) 'hat' (< *ksitä; cf. BTA K~~D~) 'pile' (< *qomäf(i; cf. BTA K~lfii' 'height') 'lip' (< *spätä; cf. BTA K~~ip) 'fever' (< *?iSSätä; cf. BTA K~?~) 'synagogue' (< *#otä; cf. BTA K~i?~) 'Ioom, weaving machine' (< *}J.anütä; cf. BTA 'stall, shop')

K~~ln

'mother in law' (< *xmätä; cf. BTA K~~!:l)

The existence of läl in the penultimate syllable of the words qomäla and späla suggests that these are back-formations from plural forms with the ending *-ätä. There is evidence that in some cases the ending -Ia has ceased to be interpreted as a form of the the feminine marker. This seems to apply to späla, which is treated as masculine in gender. The 1/1 appears to be taken as a root letter.3 3 A similar process has taken place in the Jewish Urmia dialect, where the ward for 'lip' is spilta. Here the original feminine marker -Ia has been interpreted as a root letter and an additional marker -ta has been affixed.

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In most cases where the feminine marker -ta occurs after a vowel, the vowel was originally followed by a consonant, which has now been elided (cf. patterns 5-6, 11-13, 19) or the the -ta has been attached to a loanword, e.g. gorita 'sock' (< Kurd. gora), mäsita 'fish' (< Kurd. masi). An exception is qärita 'beam' (cf. • •• , 4 Syr. l ~ ....,. 10.3.4.3. Nouns ending in -ala, form the feminine by attaching the ending -tila (apparently a double feminine ending), e.g. gawala 'beggar' (m.), which has the pattern CaCaCa, forms the feminine gawaltila 'beggar' (f.). We may include here also the noun klelta chicken (Syr. /;,..:~}), which consists of two feminine markers, the *t of the first having shifted to /ll after the vowel; cf. the form ktetä in the Christian dialects of the Ashirat and Alqosh. In some NENA dialects this double feminine ending is more widespread and is found also on other types of nouns e.g. Jewish Koy Sanjak dimfelta 'tear' (Mutzafi p.c.), Jewish Urmia dimmelta 'tear', kixwelta 'star', xittelta 'a grain of wheat' (Garbell 1965:49). 10.4. Derivational suffixes The old Semitic nominal prefix m-, which is found in earlier Aramaic, is almost completely absent in nominals in Jewish Arbel. The prefix occurs in stem II verbal bases that are historically participles (e.g. maSdir 'he sends'), yet these now belong to the verbal rather than the nominal morphology. It has been preserved in the noun xmätalxmala 'needle' (for these two variant forms see S1.3.6) after metathesis with the first radical (< J xyt; cf. BT A K~n~). Other old nominal prefixes such as t- are also not found. Various suffixes, however, are used productively in the formation of nouns. 10.4.1. Diminutive suffixes (i) -ona

The diminutive suffix -ona (f. -unta) occurs regularly in many nouns referring to male family relations. The original function of the suffix in these forms was to express endearment, though it has now become a fixed feature of the morphology: lamona laxona brona sona xalona

'paternal uncle' 'brother' 'son' 'grandfather' 'maternal uncle'

4 Similar patterns in the distribution of the allomorphs of the feminine ending -ta and -!a have been found in the noun morphology of Jewish Zakho and Amedia (cf. Hoberman, 1997: 320-321) and in the Christian koine dialect (Sara 1993).

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149

This Aramaie diminutive morpheme is added freely to loanwords, as is shown by the forms ?amona 'paternal uncle' and xalona 'maternal uncle', which are of Arabic origin (transmitted through Kurdish). The form xäla 'maternal uncle' without the diminutive suffix is used as a vocative, e.g. xala Ral}amim 'uncle Ral;lamim' (L:498). Most of the corresponding female family relations are not expressed by diminutive forms, e.g. ?amta 'paternal aunt', bräta 'daughter', sota 'grandmother', xalta 'maternal aunt'. The only noun referring to a female family relation that has the diminutive suffix is xalunta 'sister'. The diminutive may be identified in a few other nouns, e.g. Siyona 'fool, madman' (cf. Si?a 'mad'), qarfona 'courgette' (cf. qarfa 'pumpkin'), mamona 'breast' (Kurd. memik, Turk. meme). (ii) -ila

In some cases the suffix -ila may function as a diminutive morpheme. A possible example of this is the word zatila (f.) 'cake of bread' (cf. Ashirat zatä 'cake', Maclean 1901:90). The diminutive function of this suffix is clearly produclive in the neighbouring dialect of Koy Sanjak, in which it is used with a pejorative or endearing connotation, e.g. baxtila 'little wife', xaluntila 'little sister, swaftila 'little neighbour' (Muzafi, p.c.). This -ila ending is apparently a form of the feminine morpheme. This is reflected by the fact that the 1/1 disappears in the plural form of zatila, viz. zatye. In the Koy Sanjak dialect the ending is placed only on feminine nouns. The feminine inflectional ending is recorded as functioning as a diminutive in some NENA dialects (Maclean 1895: 240; Rhetore 1912: 181; Sara 1990).5 In the Christian Alqosh and Aradhin dialects, moreover, this diminutive feminine suffix sometimes has the form -ita, which corresponds exactly to -ila, e.g. ziqä 'bag' - ziqitä 'small bag' (Rhetore, ibid.), gö ja 'vine' göjita 'small vine' (Krotkoff 1982: 40).6 10.4.2. Abstract suffixes The ending -ula, which derives historically from *-uta, normally forms abstract nouns referring to a quality. It is usually attached to the base of an existing noun or adjective. This is a productive inflectional suffix which is not restricted to bases of Aramaie stock, e.g.

jwänula näSula

'beauty' 'manliness, virtuous act'

5 Perhaps one ean interpret the double feminine morpheme -elta as a diminutive in the word jinnelta 'demoness', whieh is found in the text of the Jewish dialeet of Nagada published by Hopkins (1989: 263). In Jewish Arbe! the form used, in the plural at least, is jinnoke, whieh exhibits a Kurdish diminutive element (MaeKenzie 1961: 145). 6 There are some isolated examples of a diminutive !II element in dia1eets that do not exhibit the { > I shift, e.g. the Christian Urmia form bibiltä 'pupil of the eye' (Syriae ~ ef. Nöldeke 1868: 112). This is apparently uneonneeted with the -ila form deseribed above. The Kurdish diminutive suffix -Ia (MaeKenzie 1965:145) may have bad some bearing on this form. It ean be traeed, however, already in earlier Aramaie that did not eome under Kurdish influenee, e.g. Christian Palestinian Aramaie ~~""' 'small line', ~a.. 'small iota' (Nöldeke 1868b: 475).

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SECTION TEN

qoru/a sahlula tujarula xriwula ya/ula zaqaru/a zdula

'depth' 'testimony' 'commerce' 'wickedness' 'childhood' 'weaving' 'fear'

It is sometimes used to refer to a set of items sharing a quality, e.g.

baqa/ula maluxula xamu~u/a

xarupu/a yaruqu/a

'vegetables' 'salty things' 'sour things' 'pungent things, strong (drink)' 'vegetables'

In the formation of these forms, the abstract e~ding -ula is attached to the noun or adjective base without the shift in Stress causing any reduction in the vowel length of the base. They do not, therefore, follow the general principle that the vowel a in a propretonic syllable is short (cf. §2.3.2), e.g. ya/ula 'childhood' (< ya/a), nasula 'manliness' (< nasa). By analogy, all cases of propretonic a before an abstract ending are pronounced long, even where they do not occur independently of this ending, e.g. baqiilula 'grocery trade' (< Arab. baqa/). Abstract nouns are sometimes formed by the endings -iitula or -iinula. These appear to have arisen by combining the Aramaie affix -ula with the Kurdish abstract endings -ati and -ani respectively (cf. Mackenzie, 1961: 217). Examples: mamnuniitula Spiratula xriwatula zeringiratu/a pi~xanu/a

pisiinula

'gratitude, kindness' 'goodness' 'evil, mischief' 'the trade of a goldsmith' 'merriment' 'stench, putrefaction'

10.4.3. -ana This ending is attached to various types of nouns. (i) It may be suffixed to the present verbal base CaCC- to form a noun with the sense of a 'habitual doer of' or 'current doer' of the activity referred to by the root, e.g. ?ax/ana

'big eater, glutton' (./ ?kl)

NOUNS

kalwiina Satyiina Samyiina

151

'writer' (.Jklw) 'drunkard' (..!Sty) 'listener' (.Jsmy)

Weak letters in the middle of the root are contracted, e.g. loliina in compounds such as xuba-loliina 'dyer' (,J lwl). The ending used with this sense may also be attached to the base of a noun, as in dugliina 'liar' (< dugla 'lie'). We may perhaps include here Sul{iina 'ruler', which does not have an immediate verbal or nominal base. It is attached also to loanwords, e.g. mardäna 'brave man'(< Kurd. merd 'brave'). (ii) Gentilic nouns referring to members of ethnic and religious groups, e.g bSilmiina kildiina

'Muslim' 'Chaldaean Christian'

(iii) Other nouns

In some cases -äna has been added to extend the form of a nominal but without bringing about any semantic modification, e.g. kpiina m. ximyäna

'shoulder' (BT A N~~~ and N~~ m., Syr. J.;~ f.). The historical development may be reconstructed as *katpa > *kappa > kpiina. 'father-in-law' (BTA N~~)

The -iina ending in these two forms may be a back-formation from a plural ending -iine (§10.10.3.1).7 Feminine forms of nouns in -iina are normally formed by replacing the final a with the inflection -ta, e.g. laxlanta, bSilmanta, Sul{anta. In the speech of informant L, the feminine of bsi/miina is formed by the sdouble feminine ending -ti/a, viz. bSilmantila. The -i/a element is derived from *-itii, which is often used with nouns and adjectives with the *-iinii suffix in earlier Aramaic. It is still found added directly to the suffix in some NENA dialects, e.g. Christian Alqosh kefiinii (m.), kefiinitii (f.) 'stony' (Maclean 1895: 57, Rhetore 1912: 43).

10.4.4. -al a This suffix is found in nouns referring to members of religious communities, e.g. hulala surala

'Jew' 'Christian'

The feminine of these is formed by adding an ending that contains a 7 Cf. the Aradhin dialect, which has Singular klipa and either klipe or klipäne in the plural (Krotkoff 1982: 44).

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combination of two feminine inflectional elements, one of which has shifted to !l/ after a vowel. Two different variants of this are used in the Arbel area.

Informant L uses the feminine ending -tila, viz. hula?tila, sura?tila. Elsewhere the feminine is formed by replacing the -a?a ending by -elta, viz. hulelta, surelta, which are found in the speech of informants from the village of Awena. The same double feminine morphemes can be identified in the Jewish Arbel nouns gawa?tila 'beggar (f.)' and klelta 'chicken' (see §10.3.4.3). The -elta ending is the normal way of forming the feminine of gentilic nouns of the type hula?a and sura?a in the dialect of the Jews of Koy Sanjak. 10.4.5. -na This occurs in nouns referring to the ethnic or geographical background of somebody, e.g.

?arbelna ?arbenna ?arbinna bagdädna koyna kurdna rwandizna zaxona

'inhabitant of 'inhabitant of 'inhabitant of 'inhabitant of 'inhabitant of 'Kurd' 'inhabitant of 'inhabitant of

Arbel' Arbel' Arbel' Baghdad' Koy Sanjak' Rwandiz' Zakho'8

It is also added to some loanwords, e.g.

läjina (< Arab. /äji?) mahäjirna (< Arab. muhäjir) tayäna (< Turk. taya)

'refugee' 'fugitive' 'wet-nurse'

A number of different variants of the feminine are attested for these forms, when they express ethnic or geographical origin. The -na ending may be replaced by -ta or -ne/a:

?arbe/ta ruwandizta ?arbelne/a ruwandizne/a bagdädne/a

8 The ending in these gentilic forms corresponds to -naya in some NENA dialects (Maclean 1895: 242; Krotkoff 1982: 45). The -na form, therefore, is likely to be a contraction of *-na?a < -naya. One may compare the contraction of the gentilic ending -aya (= Jewish Arbe! -a?a) to -a in the Jilu dialect, e.g. jilwa 'a man from Jilu' < *jilwaya (Fox 1991: 39).

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153

The feminine of kurdna is attested in the following two forms: kurdenta kurd/antila

10.4.6. -i This is used in some words as a gentilic ending of the masculine singular: farabi JawenaJi

'Arab' 'inhabitant of the village of Awena

The feminine and plural of these are formed by derivatives by inflections of the -na ending: farabanta 'Arab woman', farabne 'Arabs', Jawenanta 'woman from Awena'. 10.5. Compounds Nominal compounds are formed by the combination miirelmiiri(t)- ('possessor of') + noun. The first element is often unstressed, in which case the a is usually shortened. In most cases they function as attributive predicates. Examples: mare-qiwta mare-#nfata mare-Saraf mare-dukiina miirid dqinta miire-skinye mare-mi~wa

mare-~edaqa

miiri gora miirit l,laSta

'powerful' 'professional' 'honourable, commanding respect' (B:36) 'shopkeeper' (L:27) 'someone possessing a beard' (L:279) 'people with knives' (L:302) 'someone performing good deeds' (L:479) 'a charitable person' (L:479) 'a married woman' (B:142) 'professionals' (B:5)

Names of professions can be formed by compounding a nominal from the root Jw/ with some other noun, e.g. xuba-Jo/iina 'dyer'. Note also ~aSta-awiila (< ~aSta + Jawii/a) 'worker'. 10.6. Nouns ending in -e A few nouns of original Aramaie stock end in-ein the Singular, e.g. /e/e 'night' and, in the speech of informant B, suse 'horse' (other informants use the form susa). The -e in these words has developed by the coalescence of the -a nominal

154

SECTION TEN

inflection with a weak *y, which is seen in the earlier Aramaie forms, e.g. BTA N:?•?, N:9~D. Other apparently singular nouns of Aramaie stock ending in -e should be classified as pluralia tantum, e.g. gäre 'roof', mafe 'water, Simme 'sky', xa?e 'life'. The infinitive of stemll verbs, however, which ends in -e (CaCCoCe), may be regarded as a singular nominal form, e.g. masdore 'sending'. A few nouns borrowed from Kurdish end in -e in the singular. In all cases this is the original ending in the source language and the noun has been borrowed without adaptation to Aramaie inflectional morphology. In some cases the Kurdish form is the oblique inflection of a from in -ä. Where it has been possible to establish their gender, these nouns are feminine, as in Kurdish, e.g. kre f. 'rent' (Kurd. kire), dinye f. 'world' (Kurd. dinye, oblique form of dinyii). 10.7. Non-adapted loans A large number of loanwords are used in the dialect without being adapted to the Aramaie morphology and occur in their original form without the -a or -ta inflections. The majority of these are loans from Kurdish. Some come from Arabic, though they may have entered the language indirectly through Kurdish (see §10.1). These unadapted loanwords retain their original phonological form, which sometimes includes features that contravene the normal phonological principles of the dialect (see §2.3.1 iii.c, 2.3.2 ii.e, iii.g, 2.3.3 v). An a vowel in an open nonfinal syllable, for instance, may be short: barbaql 'flowerpot' (Y:14), xabar 'announcement' (8:153), nasaj 'Ioom' (L:506). Conversely, long vowels occur in closed syllables, e.g. karpa~ 'brick' (Y:30), särak 'headscarf' (Y:150), sindli.n 'anvil' (L:166). An -a ending in some loanwords occurs also in the original form of the word, e.g. masala 'story' (Kurd.), käbra 'man, fellow' (Kurd.), kara 'butter' (Kurd.), ku~a 'street, lane' (Kurd.), ?oda 'room' (Kurd.), tapa 'hill' (Kurd.), qondara 'shoe' (Kurd.), gulla 'bullet' (Kurd.), mi~wa 'good deed' (Heb.). This applies also to a few words taken directly from Arabic that have the feminine ending -a (the vernacular Arabic reflex of the tä marbüta), e.g. qalfa 'citadel', miknfsa 'broom', Samfa 'candle', sabika 'ingot', J:zafla 'party'. In some such words, the final -a is treated like the Aramaie nominal inflectional vowel and is dropped when other inflections are added, such as pronominal suffixes, plural endings and the marker of annexation -itl-id, e.g. masalox 'your Story' (S:105), ?ode 'rooms', qalfe 'citadels'. In others, however, the -a is treated as an invariable element in the base of the word and it is retained before inflections, e.g. käbra?e 'men', mi~wa?e 'good deeds', mi~wa?id didox 'your good deed'. These should be distinguished from loanwords originally ending in -a that have been fully adapted to Aramaie morphology and have a distinct -a inflection added in the singular, e.g. la?a 'side' (Kurd. Ia), da?a 'mother' (Kurd. da). A few loanwords are found in both adapted and unadapted forms, e.g. J:zaws and J:zawsa 'courtyard' (Kurd. J:zew~). qori and qorya 'bowl, pan' (Kurd. qori). Kurdish forms ending in -atl-ät, deriving from the Arabic tä' marbüta, are not all consistently adapted by adding the Aramaie inflection. In addition to forms such as dolta 'wealth' (Kurd. dewlet), qiwta 'strength' (Kurd. qiwet), J:zäjrta 'tool'

NO UNS

155

(Kurd. J}acet), ?ädita 'custom' (Kurd. adet), xidmftalxizmita 'service' (Kurd. xidmetlxizmet), #nfata 'profession' (Kurd. sinfet), one also finds unadapted forms like ?ädat 'custom', ?amalyat 'operation', rasrat 'social intercourse', J}ukumat 'government', mam/akat 'town', ma~rufat 'expenditure', rix~at 'permission, allowance'. The unadapted loans include also Kurdish compound nouns, e.g. Cayxäna 'tea house', J}apiSxäna 'prison', bogani (Kurd. bo 'smell' + geni 'rotten') 'stench'. 10.8. Kurdish derivational suffixes Many of the unadapted loanwords contain Kurdish derivational suffixes (cf. Mackenzie 1961: 144-49, 217-18). -i and -äti form abstracts: e.g. naxoSi 'illness', rai}äti 'rest, tranquillity', ga?enäti 'perfidiousness', siyäsi 'politics', mardäri 'housekeeping, administration', bazirgäni 'trade of a cloth-merchant'. The Kurdish ending i is attached to the base of a Hebrew word in Sa/omi 'state of peace', which appears in phrases such as peSet b-Sa/omi 'remain in peace' (said to somebody on departure). -Ca forms the diminutive, e.g. bäqCa 'Oittle) garden'. -kär expresses the 'doer' or 'maker' of something, e.g. xizmitkär 'servant', ~infatkär 'professional'. -Ci and -gir form nouns of trades or skills, nanawanCi 'baker', kuraCi 'maker of bricks' (< kura 'kiln'), {ayyarci 'pilot', ?asingir 'blacksmith'. -dän forms nouns with the meaning ' .... -holder', e.g. Caydän 'teapot', jazdän 'purse'. -där, suffixed to nouns, has the sense of 'possessor of', e.g. dukandär 'shopkeeper'.

10.9. Gender of nouns 10.9.1. Aramaie words Words of Aramaie stock ending in the inflection -ta are feminine and those ending in -a are generally masculine. A number of nouns ending in -a, however, are feminine. Feminine nouns of Aramaie stock ending in -a can be classified as follows: (i) Names of parts of the body, e.g:

Jena ?ila faqla käsa

'eye' 'hand' 'leg' 'stomach'

156

SECTION TEN

nal;liila poqa

'ear' 'nose'

The last word is maseuline in other NENA dialeets and earlier Aramaie; ef. Jewish Urmia poqa (Garbell 1965: 324), Christian Urmi püqii (Maclean 1901: 248), Syr. ~~ m. 'partition between the nostrils'. Differenee in gender is eommon aeross the NENA dialeets (Maclean 1895: 35). The feminine gender of this word in Jewish Arbel may be due to analogy with the gender of other nouns denoting parts of the body. Alternatively, it is possible that its gender was influeneed by that of a feminine Kurdish word with the same meaning, e.g. bevil. Exeeptions to this eategory include kpiina 'shoulder', spiila 'lip', pimma 'mouth', libba 'heart', reSa 'head', all of whieh are maseuline. (ii) Names of fauna:

didwa qamla qat{u xiwwa

'fly' 'louse' 'eat' 'snake'

The eognates of didwa and xiwwa in earlier Aramaie are usually maseuline. (iii) Others

?ara dukka ?irxel ?urxa kiiwa kixwa miila mitra niSiima noSa SimSa Suqa tarpa

'ground' 'plaee' 'mill wheel' 'way' 'window' 'star 'town' 'rain' 'soul' 'self' 'sun' 'street, market' 'leaf'

Most of these nouns are feminine in earlier Aramaie or at least are of eommon gender. In the ease of dukka, kawa and niSama, the earlier Aramaie eognates have the feminine infleetion -tii/-{a: Kl'l::l~"', Km:!l (the maseuline form K~:!l also exists), Knovh The feminine gender of 'word~- that are maseuline in ~~rlier T :

:

'

NO UNS

157

Aramaie may have arisen by influenee from the feminine gender of Kurdish words of the same meaning. This applies to kixwa 'star' (BT A K~rill m., cf. Kurd. ster f.), mitra 'rain' (BT A K,OC m., ef. Kurd. baran f.).9 '

TI

'

10.9.2. Loanwords Kurdish loanwords generally have the same gender as they do in the souree language. The Sorani Kurdish spoken in the region of Arbe! still makes a distinetion between genders in the form of the oblique ending, in eontrast to southern Sorani (Suleimaniye, Kirkuk), where all morphologieal distinetions have been lost (MaeKenzie 1961: 56-57). A few feminine words are adapted to Aramaie morphology by attaehing -ta to them (see §10.3.3 above). Most feminine words, however, either take the Aramaie infleetion -a or are left unadapted. Examples: (i) With added -a infleetion: ~arpaya

da?a daSta dukiina gundora kaxrta eueka le}Jefa xabra zambila

'bed' (Kurd. cerpe f.) 'mother' (Kurd. da f.) 'plain, eountryside' (Kurd. dest f.) 'shop' (Kurd. dukan f. < Arab. dukkiin m.) 'melon' (Kurd. gundor f.) 'Ietter' (Kurd. kaxet f.) 'bird' (Kurd. eueik m. or f. 'bird') 'quilt' (Kurd. lih.et f. < Arab.) 'word' (Kurd. xeber f. < Arab. m.) 'basket (made of palm leaves)' (Kurd. zembil f., < Arab. zanbll m., Arbe! Arab. zambil m.)

(ii) Unadapted: ~ay

~ok

diyiiri poSi sir tfang

'tea' (Kurd. ~ay f.) 'knee' (Kurd. ~ok f.) 'gift' (Kurd. diyarl f.) 'veil' (Kurd. poSi f.) 'seeret' (Kurd. sir f. < Arab. m.) 'shot' (Kurd. tifeng f. 'gun')

We may include here also words that end in -a in the original Kurdish form, e.g.

9 Krotkoff (1982: 64) explains the feminine gender of the cognate of mi(ra in the Aradhin dialect in this way.

158

SECTION TEN

?oda gulla jäda lakka lista masala mugäza panjara tapa

'room' (Kurd. ode f.) 'bullet' (Kurd. gul/e f.) '(main) road' (Kurd. cade f. < Arab.) 'spot, patch' (Kurd. leke f.) 'list' (Kurd Iiste f.) 'story' (Kurd. mesele f.) 'shop' (Kurd. migaze f.) 'window' (Kurd. pencere f.) 'hill' (Kurd. tepe f.)

The few Kurdish loanwords that do not have the same gender as the source language are either names of parts of the body or names of fauna which are masculine in Kurdish but are treated as feminine in the Aramaie dialect. This is no doubt by analogy with the general feminine gender of other nouns of these categories. Examples:

bäla f. bäsk f. kirma f.

'wing' (Kurd. bal m.) 'upper arm' (Kurd. bask m.) 'worm' (Kurd. kirm m.)

Similarly mega/a 'flock (of sheep)' is treated as feminine (cf. B:49), although the original Kurdish word magal is masculine. Note also the word dibbas f. 'bee', which is of uncertain origin (< Arab. dibs ?).10 Words borrowed directly from Arabic and Hebrew retain their original gender, e.g.

miknisa f. qalfa f. Jamfa f. warda f. /}ä$är f.

'broom' (Arab.) 'hill, citadel' (Arab.) 'candle' (Arab.) 'flower' (Arab.) 'courtyard' (Heb.)

Nouns denoting individual fruits and vegetables are generally feminine, irrespective of their origin and form. This includes Kurdish loanwords that are originally masculine. Perhaps the feminine gender in this category of words results from the influence of Arabic, which uses the feminine marker to denote nomina unitatis in fruits and vegetables. Examples:

farmüt f. ba$ira f.

'pear' (Kurd. < Turk. armut) 'grape'

10 One would expect m rather than Ist if the word was of original Aramaie stock; cf. the form dabälä m. 'bee', which is found in some NENA dialects (Maclean 1901:60).

NOUNS

batäta f. burtrqäl f. goza f. loza f. qaspa f. Siftiya f. tenalte?ena f. tiffäl} f.

159

'potato' (Arab.) 'orange' (Arab., but Kurd. portogal m.) 'nut' (Kurd. goz f. < Arab.) 'almond' 'date' (Kurd. qesp f.). 'water-melon' (but Kurd. §ivti m.) 'fig' 'apple' (Arab.)

10.10. Plural forms of nouns Various plural forms of nouns are used in the dialect. In most cases the singular inflections -a and -ta are replaced by a plural inflection without any other changes to the morphology of the noun. There is no one-to-one correspondence between singular inflections and plural inflections and so the plural form of a singular noun is not predictable. The different types of plural formation are described below. Some nouns are attested in more than one plural form. Occasionally there is a semantic distinction between the two forms, e.g. bela 'house' has two plurals, bäte and beläne. The first, bäte, refers to houses with one floor, whereas the second, beläne, refers to buildings of more than one floor. 10.10.1. Plural ending -e This is the most common plural inflection and is attached to a variety of singular forms. (i) Plural in -e from singulars in -a, e.g.

Singular

Plural

baruxa didwa f. jiräna käwa f. kixwa f. näSa qräwa tara tura yarxa yäla

baruxe didwe jiräne käwe kixwe näSe qräwe tare ture yarxe yäle

'friends' 'fly' 'neighbour' 'window' 'star' 'man, person' 'conflict' 'door' 'mountain' 'month' 'children'

160

SECTION TEN

(ii) Plural in -e from singulars in -ta. If a vowel occurs in the singular form immediately before the -ta inflection, this vowel is separated from the plural ending -e by 1?1. A long läl is shortened before the 1?1 in accordance with §2.3.2. iii.b. If a short vowel occurs in a closed

syllable before the -ta inflection, the shortness of this vowel is retained in the plural. As a result, the consonant may be geminated, following the principle of syllable structure described in §3, e.g. Singular

Plural

beta Cipäta qärita sikta Sräta

be?e Ci pale qärye sikke Sra?e

(iii) Plural in

'egg' 'meat dumpling' 'beam' 'peg' 'lamp, light'

-e from singulars in -C

Loanwords ending in a consonant without Aramaie singular inflection normally form plurals by the addition of -e, e.g. Singular

Plural

dinär finjän l;laywän kalabäb karpuc qapang taxt tabbäx dawlamand

dinäre finjäne l;laywäne kalabäbe karpuCe qapange taxte tabbäxe dawlamande

'dinar' 'cup' 'animal' 'cock' 'brick' 'window-blind' 'bed, board' 'cook' 'rich person'

A short vowel that occurs in a closed syllable at the end of the singular form generally retains its shortness in the plural. In such forms the final consonant may be geminated, in accordance with S3, e.g. Singular

Plural

balam doSak maflim

balame dosake maflime

'small ferry' 'mattress' 'rabbi'

Occasionally a short vowel is lengthened when its syllable is opened in the plural, e.g.

NOUNS

Singular

Plural

gar

gare

161

'time'

If the short vowel in the final syllable of the singular is an epenthetic vowel it is

elided in the plural, e.g. Singular

Plural

tikir nawaf qifil ras im sikil

fikre nawfe qif/e rasme Sikle

'thought' 'kind, sort' 'lock' 'picture' 'picture'

A few Hebrew loanwords have the Aramaie -e inflection added to the Hebrew plural ending -im, e.g. SeSbenime 'groomsmen' (Y:75), Sedime 'demons' (B:91). (iv) Plurals in -e from singulars in -V Unadapted loanwords ending in final -i form the plural by replacing the -i by the glide /y/ before the plural inflection. Examples: Singular

Plural

diyiiri (f.) poSi (f.) qori tazi

diyarye poSye qorye tazye

'gift' 'veil' 'bowl, pan' 'greyhound'

Unadapted loanwords ending in -a or -o in the singular inserted a glottal stop before the plural inflection -e, e.g. Singular

Plural

kiibra

kiibra?e

mi~wa

mi~wa?e

kilo

kilo?e

'man, chap' 'good deed' 'kilo'

In the two words kiilo 'bride' and qa(tu 'cat', which are of Aramaie stock, the final vowel is generally replaced by the glide Iw/ before the plural inflection: kalwe, qa(twe. The plural form kiilo?e, however, is also attested, as weil as kalawiile (see §10.10.5.4). It should be noted that not all unadapted loanwords form plurals. Many are treated as invariable and do not take either singular or plural inflection, e.g. zeringlr-welu 'They were goldsmiths' (B:6), bazrigim welu 'They were cloth

162

SECTION TEN

merchants' (B:5), yaxsirilu 'They are prisoners' (L:447), dawlamand riiba 'many rich people' (L:30), xa min-rab-wele 1 ?ot-miila 1 'He was one oftheRabbis of the town' (L:129). Note also nanawanti 'baker/bakers', sir 'secret/secrets', naxoSi 'illness/illnesses'. In some words both inflected andinvariable forms are used, e.g. dawlamand 'rich person' may be inflected in the plural with -e or may be left without inflection. Occasionally a loanword is given the plural inflection of the source language, e.g. flurrid 'young ones' (S:68) (Kurd. pl. of "Kurr), and the Arabic plurals ?a{rafit Arbel 'the environs of Arbel' (L:38), ?amtiileu 'things like it' (L:497), {/(lha rbaf 'three quarters' (L:211). 10.10.2. Plurals in -ye from feminine singulars with -ta Many feminine nouns ending in -ta form the plural by replacing the -ta with the ending -ye. Examples: Singular

Plural

?armalta baruxta faxfurta gorita kliwta knista mahinta ma$forta $Qilta torta xalunta zbufta

?armalye baruxye faxfurye gorye kliwye kniSye mahinye ma$forye $qilye torye xalunye zbufye

'widow' 'friend (f.)' 'plate' 'sock' 'amulet' 'synagogue' 'mare' 'curse, insult' 'ring' 'cow' 'sister' 'finger'

We may include here skita, pl. skinye 'knife', in the singular of which the original lnl has been elided: *skinta (cf. S3). Similarly, the feminine singular ending in -La, an allomorph of -ta, is sometimes replaced by -ye in the plural. This is found in the following: Singular

Plural

ksila zatila

ksiye zatye

'hat' 'pitta bread'

A related pattern is found in the form $lolye, pl. of $[ola 'synagogue'. Note also the pluralform panjarye from the singular panjara f. 'window' (Kurd. pencere f.).

NO UNS

163

10.10.3. Plurals with the element -än10.10.3.1. -äne A large number of nouns with -a in the singular, both masculine and feminine in gender, form a plural by extending the ending -e by the element -än-. Examples: Singular

Plural

?ara (f.) ?urxa (f.) ?ewa baxta (f.) be/a da?a (f.) didwa dukka guda mindix mi{ra (f.) pimma qora ruwwa Sirma tara tora tura xilma

?aräne ?urxäne ?ewäne baxtäne be/äne da?äne didwäne dukkäne gudäne mindixäne miträne pimmäne qoräne ruwwäne Sirmäne taräne toräne turäne xilmäne

'land' 'way' 'cloud' 'woman' 'buildings' 'mother' 'fly' 'place' 'wall' 'thing' 'rain' 'mouth' 'grave' 'grandee' 'buttock' 'door' 'ox' 'mountain' 'dream'

A few of these are also attested with a plural in -e, e.g. bäte, didwe, tare, tore, ture. As remarked above, there is a semantic distinction between the plural beläne and bäte, the other plural of bela. The form beläne refers to buildings with more than one floor, whereas the form bäte refers houses of only one floor. The feminine noun xalta 'maternal aunt' also has this plural ending: xa/täne. The /t/ of the singular inflection is treated like a root consonant and is retained. 10.10.3.2. -anye Some feminine nouns ending in -ta form a plural with the ending -anye. This can be analysedas the feminine plural ending -ye extended by the element -an- (the vowel is short due to its occurrence in a closed syllable). As with xalta, the /t/ of the singular inflection is treated like a root consonant. Examples:

164

SECTION TEN

Singular

Plural

J;.asta J;.ajita kista mista

l;.aStanye J;.ajitanye kistanye mistanye

'job, work' 'tool' 'bag' 'hair'

We should include here the loanword kaxta (f.) 'letter', pl. kaxtanye, the ltl of which belongs etymologically to the original word in the source language (Kurd. kaxet) and is not part of the feminine inflection. 10.10.4. Plurals ending in -äle A few nouns with the singular inflection -a, of both genders, form the plural by replacing the -a with the ending -äle. This is the reflex of the earlier Aramaie plural ending *-ata. The *t has shifted to !ll, by the regular sound rule. The final *a has been replaced by Iei by analogy with other plural endings. Examples: Singular

Plural

faqla (f.)

faqläle

$idra yoma baruxa

$idräle yomäle baruxale

'leg' 'dress' 'day' 'friend'

The ending -äle occurs also in a few feminine nouns that end in the singular inflection -ta or -da. The singular inflection is sometimes replaced, e.g. Singular

Plural

sota (< *sawta) kalda

sawäle kaläle

'grandmother' 'daughter-in-law'

Other times the ltl of the singular inflection is retained, e.g. Singular

Plural

?amta qanuSta

?amtäle qanuStäle

'paternal aunt' 'broom'

The ending -äle may also be used to extend an existing feminine plural form, e.g. xalunye, a plural of xalunta 'sister', is sometimes found in the extended form xalunyäle.

NO UNS

165

10.10.5. Plurals with the element -aw10.10.5.1. -awe A few nouns with the singular inflection -a, of both genders, take a plural ending in which the -e is extended by the element -aw-. The Ia/ before the Iw/ is pronounced short (cf. §2.3.2 iii.e). Examples: Singular

Plural

le/a mäla (f.)

lelawe mälawe

'festival' 'village, town'

The variant form malwale is attested in the speech of informant B. 10.10.5.2. -awäne The -aw- element is also combined with the -äne ending, as is found in the following forms: Singular

Plural

tele bqatta (f.)

/elawäne bqattawäne

'night' 'morning'

In bqattawäne the /t/ of the feminine inflection is treated like a root consonant. 10.10.5.3. -yawäne The -ye ending of feminine nouns with the singular inflection -ta may be extended by both the -aw- and -än- elements resulting in forms such as fa~iryawäne, plural of fä~irta f. 'evening'. 10.10.5.4. -awäle The plural ending -äle is extended by -aw- in nouns of both genders ending in -a. Examples: Singular

Plural

baruxa xitna XUl.$a (f.)

baruxawäle xitnawäle xul.$awäle

'friend' 'bridegroom, son-in-law' 'shirt'

The first Ia/ of this plural ending is occasionally elided, e.g. baruxwäle. The nouns xitna and baruxa are found also with other plural forms, viz. xitne, baruxe, baruxäle, baruxyawä/e. The -awäle ending is also found in the plurals of the diminutive forms lamona, laxona, xalona. In these words the plural ending is attached to a base without the diminutive -ona. We may include here also kä/o, the -o ending of

166

SECTION TEN

which may be a diminutive in origin (cf. 510.12.1): Singular

Plural

lamona laxona xalona killo

lamawille laxawille xalawille kalawille

'paternal uncle' 'brother' 'maternal uncle' 'bride'

In the speech of informant B the shortened form laxwille 'brothers' is also found. The feminine word xalunta 'sister', which is diminutive in form, has a plural form xawille. This is derived from the base xa-, without the diminutive -unta or the medial !ll, which is historically the feminine marker. It corresponds closely to the pluralform of earlier Aramaic; cf. BTA N~1nl$. This word has other plural forms, derived directly from the singular: xalunye, xalunyille. The word killo also has the plural forms kalwe and kalole. A few feminine nouns ending in the inflection -ta form the plural by suffixing -awille to the Singular inflection: Plural Singular

lamta ra}Jamta

lamtawille ra}Jamtawille

'paternal aunt' 'mercy'

The word lamta also has the plural lamtille 10.10.5.5. -yawille The plural ending is further extended by lyl in the form baruxyawille, pl. of baruxa 'friend'. 10.10.5.6. -awilte The plural ending -awilte is attested only in lagawilte 'Aghas', pl. of lilgil. This consists of -ilte, apparently a doublet of -ille, extended by the element -aw-. 10.10.6. Reduplication of final radical Another method of extending a plural form is exhibited by the word (oppa (f.) 'ball', pl. (oppilpe, in which the final radical is reduplicated. This pattern, however, has not been found in any other word. It is far more widespread in some other NENA dialects (Maclean 1895: 50-51; Rhetore 1912: 33; Krotkoff 1982: 42).

167

NO UNS

10.10.7. Irregular plurals Singular

Plural

bela bräta gora Säta klelta

bäte bläne gure Sinne kläle, kille, kle?e

'house' 'daughter, girl' 'man' 'year' 'chicken'

In addition to the three irregular plurals, klelta also has the common plural pattern klelye. The noun baxta 'woman' has a suppletive plural form ?inse (L, S, B) or ?iSe (Y) in addition to the regularly formed baxtäne. 10.10.8. Pluraliatantum gäre girse julle mafe pangurye päre roqe safäre Simme SiSme xa?e xre

'roof' 'ground wheat' 'clothes' 'water' 'embers' 'money' 'spit' 'barley' 'sky' 'sesame' 'life' 'excrement'

10.10.9. Plural of compound nominals Compound nominals and nominals consisting of a closely knit phrase normally form the plural by adding a plural morpheme to the final noun of the phrase, e.g. Singular

Plural

marit-bela mare-qiwta mare-skita yälit ?amona

marit-bäte mare-qiwtanye mare-skinye yälit ?amawäle

'householder' 'strongman' 'possessor of a knife' 'cousin'

168

SECTION TEN

10.11. Annexation of nouns A noun may be annexed to a following noun, attribute or clause that qualifies it by replacing the singular and plural endings -a and -e by the ending -it. This ending derives historically from the pariticle *d- of earlier Aramaic. The particle has become bonded with the first noun and devoiced. The stress normally falls on the preceding syllable: baba 'father' (independent form), biibit (annexed form). The most common usage of this form is to annex two nouns together in a genitiverelationship e.g. babit Yosef 'the father (baba) of Joseph' (Y:13), sonit babl 'the grandfather (sona) of my father' (B:14), l}astit bela 'house work (l}asta) (Y:107), batit dawlamand 'the houses (bare) of rich people' (Y:112), mewtinit ?6bela 'the guests (mewane) ofthat house' (B:60). A clause qualifying an annexed noun functions as a relative clause, e.g. ?okepit pllle reSeu 'the stone (kepa) that feil on him' (B:160), ?o-naSit wa#a pzSle baqeu 'the person (nasa) who acquired a portion' (B:69), wi-kmeniwa ta-nna naSit la-lyelu ta-xlula 'They brought it to the people (naSe) who had come to the wedding' (Y:127). The annexed form of a noun is occasionally used before an attributive adjective, e.g. dukklt rumanta 'a high place' (L:1), naSit ruwwane 'the important people' (Y:235). Before voiced consonants the ending is sometimes -id, e.g. flmrid broneu 'the age (fimra) of his son' (Y:135), qorid babox 'the grave (qora) of your father' (L:103), ?amonid da?l 'the uncle of my mother' (L:134), mtirid bela 'the owner of the house' (S:57). The basic form of the ending, however, is -it, which frequently occurs before voiced consonants and vowels (see examples above). The ending -itld is attached also to loanwords that end in a consonant, e.g. l}awSit #ola 'the courtyard (l}awS) of the synagogue' (Y:29), mal}allit hula?e 'the neighbourhood (mal}all) of the Jews' (B:11), mafzfmit mamlakat 'the Rabbi (maflim) of the town' (B:13), mispa{id babi 'the judgment (miSpar) of my father' (S:107). A loanword ending in an -a that is not the Aramaie singular marker retains the -a before the annexation ending, e.g. mi$wa?id babl 'the good deed (Hebrew mi$wa) of my father'. The quality of the vowel of the annexation ending may change as a result of the phonetic environment. It often assimilates to the quality of an Ia! in the preceding syllable when it is separated from this by a Iaryngal, e.g. hula?at ? Arbe/ 'the Jews (hula?e) of Arbel' (L:30), sura?at Saqlawa 'the Christians (sura?e) of Saqlawa' (B:104), malwa?at mSilmane 'the villages (malwa?e) of the Muslims' (B:8). The vowel Ia! is also found in the annexation ending of the word l}aqq in the phrase b-l}aqqat-ilhele 'It is by the truth of God' (Y), no doubt under the influence of the uvular !ql. In the environment of Iw! the Ii! of the annexation ending sometimes shifts to Iu!, e.g. xalwud da?a 'milk of the mother' (Y:108). In the speech of B the consonant of the ending -itld is occasionally dropped, e.g. koltini mSilmane 'the street (kolana) of the Muslims' (B:47), xa-yomi Sabbat 'one Sabbath' (B:125), b-kefl nosaw-wela 'It was her own decision', literally 'her own pleasure' (B:78), mtiri gorela 'She is married', literally: 'She is an owner of a husband' (B:142), b-dawri Plisa-i Kora 'in the time of Pasa-i Kora' (B:145). This

NO UNS

169

is likely to have developed by total assimilation of the dental consonant to the initial consonant of the following word and subsequent reduction of the resulting geminated consonant, i.e. yomiS Sabbat > yoml Sabbat.11 In a few cases, however, an Ii/ element is used in addition to the annexation ending -it in the speech of B, e.g. kulla mamlakatit i-Kurdistan 'all the towns of Kurdistan' (B:146), xa qaznagit ?i-rizza 'one qaznäg of rice' (B:118). Annexation constructions such as these are found in the dialect of the Jews of Ruwandiz (Mutzafi, p.c.). The i particle may be a reduced form of a demonstrative ?ay, which occurs elsewhere in the Jewish Arbel dialect only in the phrase ?aysat 'this year'. Demonstratives with the forms ay and i are recorded by Garbell (1965: 87) as being used in the Jewish Urmia dialect in similar syntactic contexts, e.g. julle ay Sabbat and julle i Sabbat 'Sabbath clothes'. In texts written in the Jewish dialect of Ruwandiz, moreover, the form of the particle is clearly ?ay. It may be more than a coincidence, however, that -i is also the izafe particle in the Kurdish dialects of the region (MacKenzie 1961: 61-64) and this may have had an influence on the Neo-Aramaic form. The Ii/ vowel in the annexation suffix -itld may have arisen by phonetic attenuation of the -a and -e nominal endings. Other explanations are possible. It may be a vestige of an archaic 3ms. pronominal suffix -e that functions proleptically, e.g. bäbit Yosef < * bäbe d-Yosef 'his father - (the one) of Joseph' (Nöldeke 1865: 149). If this is the case, the 3ms. suffix must have become fossilized and so anticipated nominals of both genders and numbers.12 Alternatively, it may be identified with the demonstrative element i < ay discussed above. Occasionally the particle t/d is not bonded to the annexed noun and the original final vowel of the noun is retained. The particle is a clitic that is syllabified with either the first or the second word. For the sake of Orthographie consistency, in the transcription it is always written with the second word, e.g. xalwa d-noSaw 'her own milk' (L:79), tre-be?e t-xaw 'two raw eggs' (S:61), be?e d-la-bSile 'eggs that arenot cooked', ?iyya-simma t-kllwli 'the name that I have written' (L:81), ?iyya käbra d-marit go/ka w-torta 'this man, who is the owner of the heifer and cow' (S:7). In a few cases the annexed form of a noun is formed by removing the ending -a of the independent form without the addition of -itld. This is found with the nouns brona 'son', bräta 'girl, daughter', be/a 'house' and resa 'head, beginning', e.g. bron-Maraj 'the son of Maraj' (B:109), bron xaluntl 'the son of my sister' (L:548), bron amonit bäbl 'the son of my father's uncle', brat tl?zha yome 'a girl of three days', bei bäbl 'the house of my father' (B:92), me-reS yarxit Nzsan 'from the beginning of the month of Nisan' (Y:35). The annexed form of bela 'house' is often shortened further to be, e.g. be hu/a?a 'the house of a Jew' (Y:241), be käbra 'the house of the man' (S:40), be babit bräta 'the house of the This assimilation is found in other NENA dia1ects; e.g. Hertevin suseb ba~r (< sused 'horse of the sea' (Jastrow 1988: 26). 12 Some NENA dialects have proleptic pronominal suffixes in annexation constructions that still distinguish genders; cf. Tsereteli (1965: 230), who cites a case from the Jilu dialect: simm-o-d baxta Maryam 'the name of the woman is Mary' (literally: 'her name- of the woman is Mary'). 11

ba~r)

170

SECTION TEN

father of the girl' (B:79).13 The annexation form of plural nouns is in some isolated cases formed by removing the plural inflection -e.14 The attested forms all come before attributive adjectives (§14.10), e.g. nas xriwe 'bad people' (B:13), mindixan daqiqe 'small things' (B:29). The noun miira 'owner, master' generally has the annexed form miire in compound nominals (cf. §10.5), e.g. miire dqinta 'possessor of a beard' (L:280), miire-skine 'possessors of knives' (L:302). Annexed forms created by removing the nominal inflectional ending sometimes occur in combination with the particle tld, which is prefixed to the following word, e.g. bei d-{yya 'the house (bela) of this man' (S:31), kud daqtq dlaxxa-wen 'any minute that I am here' (L:573).15 The particle tld is frequently used after demonstrative pronouns to annex them to a relative clause. It is regularly syllabified with the final vowel of the demonstrative, unless the following word begins with a vowel. In the transcription, therefore, it is written with the demonstrative, e.g. liyyat lii-q{illulleu 'the one who has killed him' (Y:225), lot-kewa 'whoever came' (L:229), lod dukiina pallx 'whoever opens a shop' (L:164), llnnat itiwele b-saray 'those who are sitting in the govemment offices' (Y:174). Interrogative pronouns are annexed to relative clauses in the same way, e.g. mannlt lii-gbe Sate 'whoever wishes to drink .. .' (Y:58), gazhwa mannit maxeniwa 'we used to see who they were beating' (L:297), mat qarewa 'whatever he read' (Y:46), mat taxnl 'whatever they grind' (Y:103), hemat ~aqewa galleu 'whoever spoke to him' (L:516), lekld gazet 'wherever you look' (L:4), matot kimret 'as if you were to say' (L:72). There is an isolated example of the izafe particle -i being used in this construction: hema-i xa {purtit hulala laxca dimma lale minnaw 'whatever fingemail of a Jew- blood issues from it thus' (= If blood issues thus from any fingemail of a Jew) (Y:182). 10.12. Nouns in the absolute state A few nouns of Aramaie stock lack the nominal inflection -a, -ta, or -e outside of the syntactic context of annexation. Some of these may be survivals of the absolute state of earlier Aramaic. The forms are to be divided into those that regularly lack inflection and those that lack inflection only in certain syntactic contexts. 13 The annexation form be can be identified in the element Iw/ of the noun sawi/a 'pillow'. This has developed by metathesis from some such form as *be-slidli; cf. Mandaic (pl.), BTA 1t1~1:t and Arabic wislida. The form without bisada, Syriac }.:~ and metathesis is found in Christian Salamas psädiyli (Maclean 1895: 28, 1901: 35). 14 This feature is found in some other NENA dialects; cf. Tsereteli (1965: 228). 15 We may perhaps compare this double annexation with the construction that is found in some NENA dialects, whereby the particle tld occurs twice when the nomen rectum of an annexation construction is a demonstrative; cf. Tsereteli (1965: 229), who cites examples from Christian dialects such as yli/a d-d-a nliJa 'son of this man', baxtit d-a buqraci 'wife of this herdsman'. An example is found in the Jewish dialect of Nagada in the text published by Hopkins (1989: 267): raxmanu/it d-ay brona 'Iove of that boy'.

T,..;.l

NO UNS

171

10.12.1. Regularly lacking inflection These include some of the names of the days of the week. A full list of the days is given here for the sake of completeness:

xusaba trusab ({(lhUSab ?arbUSab xamsusab ?arota yomit jimfaljumfa Sabbat

'Sunday' 'Monday 'Tuesday' 'Wednesday' 'Thursday' 'Friday' 'Saturday'

The forms with -Sab without inflection can be traced to the absloute form ::1'!!7 (emphatic N~!p) of earlier Aramaic. The Iack of gemination in xuSaba is probably by analogy with the names of other days. Also falling into this category is mindi 'something', (< *mindaf < *middaf) and its variant mindix (cf. §1.3.5). When preceded by a word ending in a vowel the lnl of this word is sometimes elided together with the vowel of the first syllable, e.g. xa-mdi xilya 'something sweet' (Y:86). Of less clear Status are the words qat{u 'cat' (cf. Syr. ~). kälo 'bride' (cf. BTA N~~; absolute state N~~) and ?irxel 'grinding stone' (cf. BTA N~~"J). The form corresponding to qattu in Turoyo is qätun, which suggests that qa(!u may be a absolute state of a dimunitive form *qa((un (cf. Jastrow 1988:87). The Jewish Urmia dialect has +qatula with the ending -Ia, which may the feminine morpheme used to form a diminutive (cf. §10.4.1). Christian Urmia has qätö f. vs. qä(ä m. and qätontä 'kitten', the last of which is clearly a diminutive form (cf. Marogulov 1935/1976: 28). This suggests that Christian Urmia qätö and Jewish Arbel qattu are not simply shortened forms of a diminutive. The ending of qauu may be related to the one found in the Jewish Arbel form kälo 'bride'. It should be noted that in other NENA dialects the vowel -o replaces -a in various words expressing family relations in addition to kiilo. In many of these the -o is added to the feminine ending, e.g. Jewish Urmia: kaldo 'daughter-in-law', amto 'paternal aunt', xalto 'maternal aunt', mamo 'paternal uncle' (Garbell 1965:46), Jewish Ruwandiz: biibo 'father' (Mutzafi, p.c.). It is also found in personal names (Rhetore 1912: 182-183), e.g. Mixo (< Mixa'el). In such cases the -o is unlikely to be a reflex of the Aramaie diminutive morpheme -on, since this would be expected to precede the feminine marker; cf. xalunta 'sister•.16 In the 17th century Nerwa texts the ending -oya is attested (presumably -o +nominal inflection -a), e.g. xaloya 'maternal uncle' (Sabar 1984: 207). It is possible that the -o element should be identified with the Kurdish 16 This aspect of morphology was overlooked by Maclean (1895: 239-240), who considered the ending to be a shortened form of the -ona diminutive suffix.

172

SECTION TEN

diminutive and vocative suffix -o. This is used mainly in the Kurmanji dialect. The corresponding Sorani ending is -a (=-ein Kurdish orthography), which may explain why the corresponding family terms in Arbel Aramaie mostly end in -a, i.e. kalda, ?amta, mama, bäba. The word ?irxel is construed syntactically as a feminine singular. It is unlikely, however, that the -l isaform of the feminine ending (< *-ta) withouta inflection. In some NENA dialects the form is ?irxe, without the secondarily added -l, the final -e apparently being the result of the inflectional ending -a coalescing with the weak radical y, as is found in the nouns tele 'night' and suse 'horse' (cf. §10.6).17 This -l ending may be compared to the semantically otiose in element that is added to various pronominaland verbal forms in some NENA dialects, e.g. Jewish Amedia ?it - ?i{in 'there is' (cf. Haberman 1997: 329; Maclean 1895: 77). It is probably to be identified also in the word Sitqel 'last year', which, although deriving historically from a form with final *d (cf. BT A ,~~1p~). should be compared with cognates in other NENA dialects with no final consonant (Tiari Sitqe) or with final-n (Alqosh Sitqen) (Maclean 1895: 158).18 We should include here also the paradigm of the qatil form of the verb, which is derived historically from absolute state forms of the active participle (qatil 3ms. < *qätil, qatla 3fs. < *qätla, qatli 3mpl. < *qätlin, etc.) and the forms of the numerals (e.g. xamSa < fern. absolute */J.amSä, xamSi < pl. absolute */J.amSin). Some nouns of feminine gender that end in -a appear to be historically absolute forms, though the inflection in -a is now treated the same as the regular -a nominal inflection, e.g. dukka 'place', käwa 'window', niSäma 'soul' (cf. BT A : N~?~"f. N~'; N~'?lp~)_19 Some adverbial forms and quantifiers are in origin adjectives in the absolute state, e.g. mi-qma?el 'previously' (< *qmäyit; cf. §13.2.1), räba 'many' (< *rabbat), bassor 'few' (§14.12). 10.12.2. Nouns attested in both the absolute state and the regular inflected form These include the following: Inflected form yoma tele

Absolute state yom lel

day night

17 There is no need to consider such nouns ending in -e tobe in the absolute state as Maclean does (1895: 26-27). 18 Krotkoff (1982: 13; 1985: 127) draws attention to the insertion of non-etymological II! after the initial/t/ in the ward tlawle{a 'warm' of the Aradhin dialect (cf. Syr. ~ol). 19 This is how Nöldeke (1868: 116) interprets the form düka in Christian Urmia, which occurs alongside the form duk{a. The feminine gender of the Jewish Arbel words dukka, kawa and niJllma supports the view that they developed by the same process.. Sara (1990: 52), on the other hand, states that in the Christian koine (Chaldean as he calls it) the feminine suffix in duk{a has a diminutive function ('place') and stands in semantic opposition to the non-diminutive masculine form düka ('space'). One should also note that there is a certain amount of variability between nouns with the feminine inflection -ta and corresponding forms without it. According to Maclean (1895: 240-241), for instance, in Tiari a feminine ending is often added to an noun where other NENA dialects Iack it.

173

NO UNS

Sli.ta safta niiSa

Siit!Sat safa naS

year hour person

The absolute state is formed by removing the inflectional ending. Note the singular form Slit 'year', which does not correspond to the historical absolute state form *Snä, but is formed by removing the -a from the synchronic form Säta. Of interest is also safta, which is a loan from Kurdish (ultimately of Arabic origin), but nevertheless forms a absolute state by removing the feminine inflection -ta. The absolute state of yoma is shortened still further than the form yom by the loss of the final Im! in the word ?idyo 'today'. For the syntactic contexts in which the absolute state forms occur see §14.2. 10.13. Definite article The affix -ake serves as a definite article. This is clearly a borrowing from the Kurdish dialects of the area, which have an affix of definition with the form aka in the direct case and -akay in the oblique case (MacKenzie 1961: 58). When -ake is attached to a noun in Jewish Arbel, the singular and plural endings -a and -e are removed. As a result, the formal distinction between singular and plural is lost in nouns where this distinction is made only in the final vowels, e.g. Singular: yälake (yäla + ake) 'the boy' (L:76), xalwake 'the milk' (L:81), da?ake 'the mother' (Y:156), näsake 'the man' (Y:252). Plural: yälake (yäle + ake) 'the children' (L:74), pärake (päre + ake) 'the money' (L:161), ~u~kake (~u~ke + ake) 'the young birds' (S:66), be?ake (bele + ake) 'the eggs' (S:62). If the noun ends in a consonant, a short vowel in the final syllable of the noun is elided, e.g. gäsln 'plough', gäsnake 'the plough' (< gäsin + ake). If the stress is retracted, it passes over the a vowel of the affix -ake and falls on the penultimate syllable (see S5.1), e.g. tarake 'the door' (S:12), bSilmanake 'the Muslims' (Y:178), yalake 'the children' (Y:64).

SECTION ELEVEN

ADJECTIVES 11.1. Adjectives can be divided into those that are of original Aramaie stock, on the one hand, and those that are loanwords, on the other. The adjectives of Aramaie origin have masculine and feminine singular forms and a plural form common to both genders. They can be classified into a relatively small number of morphological patterns. The loanwords are generally not adapted to Aramaie morphology and are of an invariable form, without inflection for gender or number. A few, however, are fully inflected and are adapted to an Aramaie morphological pattern. 11.2. Adjectives of Aramaie origin (1)

CCäCa, f. CCaCta, pl. CCäCe 'white' xwära

(2)

CäCa, f. CaCta, pl. CäCe 'new' xäla

(3) CCiCa, f. CCiCta, pl. CCiCe This is a very common pattern. In earlier Aramaie passive participles of the pe'al stem had this form. This passive sense has been preserved in many of the attested examples.

bsila dmixa gwira kpina npila rkiwa skina skira sliqa Slixa Spira twira xlima xmila

'cooked' 'asleep' 'married' 'hungry' 'fallen' 'mounted' 'dwelling' 'drunk' 'cooked' 'naked' 'good' 'broken' 'thick' 'standing'

ADJECTIVES

175

In initial /y/ roots the lyl in the duster yC is realized as ?i-, e.g. ?itiwa 'sitting'. Some adjectives of this pattern derive from original *CaCCiCa patterns, e.g. ~pira 'good' < *~appirä (BTA NV~W), xlima 'thick' < *hallimä (BTA Nl?'~r:r). (4) CiCa, f. CiCta, pl. CiCe This is the equivalent of pattern (3) from middle lyl roots:

?iqa diqa piSa ~i?a

wiSa

'narrow, tight' 'fine, thin' 'remaining, alive' 'foolish, mad' (< .J*~gf) 'dry'

(5) CiCya, f. CCita, pl. CiCye This is the equivalent of pattern (3) from final /y/ roots. In most cases the original syllabification *CCiya and *CCiye in ms. and pl. has been restructured by metathesis of the Ii/ vowel.

kirya, f. krita qiwya, f. qwita #IJya, f. ~}Jita siwya, f. swita ~itya, f. ~tita ~ipya, f. ~pita xilya, f. xlita

'short' 'strong' 'thirsty' 'sated' 'drunk' 'pure' 'sweet'

In a few words the original syllabification remains in the ms. and pl., e.g. triya, f. trita, pl. (riye 'wet'. Note that the feminine ending -ta does not shift to -La after the vowel, as is generally the case with nouns.l Roots with final/w/ are treated like strong roots of the pattern CCiCa, e.g.

qliwa, f. qliwta xriwa, f. xriwta

'clean' 'bad'

The irregular adjective xa?a 'alive' has the pattern CCita in the fs.: xr ?ita (the initial short [I] is an epenthetic, in accordance with §4.1.11). In the ms. and pl., however, it has pattern (2) CäCa: xa?a, xa?e (the long vowel before the 1?1 is pronounced short; cf. §2.3.2. iii.b).

1 This differs from the distribution of the allomorphs -ta and -la of the feminine ending in Jewish Zakho and Amedia and in the Christian koine dialect, which is the same in both nouns and adjectives; cf. Hoberman (1997: 320-321), Sara (1993).

176

SECTION ELEVEN

(6)

CCuCa, f. CCuCta, pl. CCuCe 'naked' Sluxa

(7) CCoCa, f. CCuCta, pl. CCoCe In this pattern, there is a qualitative distinction between the lang vowel lo/ in the open syllables of the ms. and pl. forms and the short Iu/ in the closed syllable of the fs. 'red'

smoqa, f. smuqta

(8) CoCa, f. CuCta, pl. CoCe This is the equivalent of pattern (7) from weak roots. Note again the difference in the quality of the vowel in the fs. 'black' 'small'

koma, f. kumta zora, f. zurta

(9) CuCCa, f. CuCta, pl. CuCCe This is found only in the ward ruwwa, f. rubta, pl. ruwwe 'big'. In the fs. informant B uses the form rabta.2 (10) CuCiina, f. CuCanta, pl. CuCiine Same adjectives from middle weak roots with patterns equivalent to (6) or (7) are extended by the addition of the suffix -äna. The vowel after the first radical, which is often pronounced short (cf. §2.3.1. iii), has the quality of Iu/ in all forms: kusiina, f. kusanta rumiina, f. rumanta

'low' 'high'

When the first vowel is pronounced short the following consonant is sometimes geminated in accordance with §3, e.g. rumiina [rumma:nre]. (11) CaCiiCa, f. CaCaCta, pl. CaCiiCe Sahara

'blind'

(12) CaCiCa, f. CaCiCta, pl. CaCiCe bahira daqiqa marira qarira Saxina

'bright' 'fine, small' 'bitter' 'cold' 'warm'

2 The fs. form rabta is the one that is used in the Jewish NENA dialects of Ruwandiz and Urmia.

ADJECTIVES

177

(13) CaCuCa, f. CaCuCta, pl. CaCuCe

famuqa fatuqa bahura pa~uxa

paruxa qalula raduxa xarupa yaqura yaruqa

'deep' 'old' 'bright' 'happy' 'wide' 'light' 'boiling' 'pungent, strong (drink)' 'heavy, expensive' 'green'

Since the vowel after the initial radical in patterns (11)-(12) is short the following consonant is sometimes pronounced geminated in accordance with §3, e.g. basima [bressi:mre] 'pleasant, fine'. (14) xet

The adjective xet 'other' is invariable. The same form is used for both genders and numbers, e.g. ya/a (m.) xet 'another boy', briita (f.) xet 'another girl', niiSe (pl.) xet 'other people'.3

11.3. Adapted /oans A number of loanwords have been fully adapted to Aramaie morphology, in that they are inflected for gender and number and have one of the aforementioned morphological patterns. Examples:

faziza barila IJzira xli$a zal]iima 11.4. U nadapted /oans

'kind' (Arab. faziz) 'empty' (Arab. bii{i/) 'ready' (Kurd.IJazir) 'finished' (Arab. ../XI$) 'hard, difficult' (cf. Kurd. zehmet 'difficulty')

Most borrowed adjectives remain unadapted. They retain their original phonological form, which often contravenes the usual principles of syllable structure in the dialect. A lang vowel may occur in a closed syllable, e.g. ma/Jbub 'lovable', and a short vowel in an open penultimate syllable, e.g. naxos 'ill'. They are invariable in form, e.g. kar 'deaf' (Kurd.): gora kar 'a deaf man', baxta kar 'a deaf woman', niiSe kar 'deaf people'. The majority come from Kurdish. Same

3 The form xet appears to be a fossilized form of the original feminine singular; cf. Christian Urmia xenii (ms.), xetii (fs.).

178

SECTION ELEVEN

of these are compound words such as brindiir 'wounded' (B:Sl) (Kurd. birin + dar 'having a wound'), zinzirdiir 'having chains' (Y:116) (Kurd. zinzir + dar), naxoS 'ill' (Kurd. na+xos 'not healthy'). Some loans come directly from Arabic, e.g. tiini 'second', J:tadd 'sharp', mlawwan 'coloured', and a few from Hebrew or Rabbinie Aramaic, e.g. gure qaddls 'holy men' (Y:87). Loan adjectives that have been adapted to Aramaie morphology sometimes have unadapted doublets, e.g. /:liizir 'ready, present' (Kurd.), which also occurs in the adapted form /:lzira (see §11.3).

SECTION TWEL VE

NUMERALS 12.1. Cardina/s 12.1.1. Numerals 1-10 The numbers are of an invariable form and are not inflected for gender. They derive historically from the form used with masculine nouns: 1 2

xa tre

3

r!!lha larba xamsa ?ista sola tmanya licfa lisra

4

5 6

7 8

9 10

A form etymologically related to tre is tirn-, which is used before pronominal suffixes to express the sense of 'both of', e.g. firnan 'both of us', firnu 'both of them'. For the emphatic pronunciation of the first syllable in this word and also in t{(lha see S1.2.4. 12.1.2. Numerals 11-19 As with the cardinals 1-10, theseareinvariable and derive historically from the form that was used in earlier Aramaie with masculine nouns: 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

xe-sar tre-sar t!llt!l-sar larba-sar xamsa-sar lista-sar sola-sar tmani-sar licfa-sar

180

SECTION TWEL VE

These forms are treated as two elements cliticized together. For this reason the a in the pretonic open syllable before the -sar is not lengthened (see S2.3.2 ii, S6). Note the retention of the original dental in the second syllable of {(l/t(l-sar. This has been weaken to lh/ in {/(lha. 12.1.3. Tens 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90

?isri {/(lhl ?arbl xamsl ?istl So?i tmani ?itfi

The short vowel/a/ in the open syllable in tmani may have arise by analogy with tmanya. 12.1.4. Hundreds 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900

?imma tre-mma (tre ?imma) {/(lha-mma ({/(lha ?imma) ?arba-mma (?arba ?imma) xamsa-mma (xamsa ?imma) ?ista-mma (?iSta ?imma) so?a-mma (so?a ?imma) tmanya-mma (tmanya ?imma) ?itfa-mma (?itf a ?imma)

The long forms wihout elision of the initial ?i- of ?imma are used only in slow, careful speech. 12.1.5. Thousands 1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000

?alpa tre ?alpa {/(lha ?alpa ?arba ?alpa etc.

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181

12.1.6. Combination of numerals The numerals are generally combined in descending order, each linked by the conjunction w, e.g. ?isri-w xa '21', ?isri-w tre '22', ?alpa-w ?itfa-mma-w ?isri-w ?ista 1926. Occasionally units and tens are combined in ascending order, e.g. tre u-?arbl, t!?zha w-?arbl 'forty-two, forty-three' (L:432). 12.2. Ordinals Special ordinal forms exist for at least the first decade. 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th

?awwal, ?awwatl dini, tremln, tänimln, dwamln t!!J.hamln ?arbamln xamSamln ?iStamln So?amln tmanyamln ?itfamln ?isramln

These are invariable forms. The suffix -min is of Kurdish origin and is combined with the Aramaie cardinal in the forms for third-tenth and also in one of the forms for second (tremln). The forms ?awwatl and dwamln are of Kurdish origin, though, of course, ?awwatl comes ultimately from Arabic. ?awwal and tänl seem to be direct loans from Arabic. 'Last' is expressed by the Kurdish loans dwa?e, dwa?l or ?axirl. When these ordinal adjectives are used attributively, the noun precedes and is annexed to them,1 e.g. gorit ?awwatl 'the first man', gorit tänl 'the second man', baxtit tremln 'the second woman', nlisit ?axirl 'the last people'. The only exception is ?awwal, which may be placed either before or after the noun, e.g. ?awwal gora 'the first man', ?awwal baxta 'the first woman', tre-yomit ?iiwwa/ 1 'two first days' (B:72). Ordinals can also be formed by annexing a noun to the cardinal number, e.g. jlirit t!!J.ha 'the third time' (B:159), yomit tmanyii 'the eighth day' (B:88).

1 This feature is the case also in the Jewish Urmia dialect, where Garbell (1965b: 172) attributes it to Kurdish influence.

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SECTION TWEL VE

12.3. Fractions Special words for fractions exist only for 'half' and 'quarter': 'half' 'quarter'

pilga ribif, ~arag

The forms rfbif and ~arag are loans from Arabic and Kurdish respectively. The plural of rfbif is either formed regularly by attaching the Aramaie plural inflection, e.g. tl!zha ribfe 'three quarters' (L:426), or the Arabic plural form is used, e.g. t{{lha rbaf 'three quarters' (L:211).

SECTION THIRTEEN

PARTICLES 13.1. The term 'particle' is used here in a broad sense to include all items that do not fall into the categories of noun, pronoun, adjective or verb. Same of the particles take nouns as their complement to express relations between elements in a clause, others take clauses as their complement to express relations between clauses. These two classes of particle are termed 'prepositions' and 'clausal conjunctions' respectively. The large residue of particles that do not fall into one of these two classes have various disparate functions, including adverbs, quantifiers, determiners, connectives and interrogative particles. Apart from the prepositions, most particles are uninflected. W e bring tagether here all the particles except the quantifiers and determiners, which are discussed in the section on syntax §14.12. 13.2. Adverbs 13.2.1. There is no productive adverbial inflectional ending that can be used freely to create adverbs from nouns or adjectives. There are some traces, however, of the use of a feminine form of an adjective with original final *-t in an adverbial function. This applies to the form qma?el, which is used by informant B as an adverb (e.g. mi-qma?e/ 'previously' B:77) or a preposition. The form is derived from *qmayit. In the speech of other informants it is contracted to qamo/. This type of adverbial ending with final -t was very productive in Syriac in the form of the the inflection -ä?it and also in earlier types of Aramaic, e.g. Biblical Aramaie ml:~~;~ 'for the second time', nw 'hungrily'. Same demonstrative adverbs have an -a ending, which is generally not stressed, e.g. blira 'afterwards, backwards', qama 'forwards', lo?a 'inside' < *1go?-a. This may perhaps be identified with the nominal inflection -a. Other endings occurring on adverbs include -e, -ane, -aneha and -oka, e.g. qadome 'tomorrow', ?attane 'now', ?atdineha 'at this very moment, right now' and timmaloka 'yesterday'. These are likely to be deictic elements in origin. We give below a full inventory of the adverbial particles, first those of Aramaie stock and then the numerous particles that are loanwords. (i) Spatial adverbs

laxxa laxxane ?i/-laxxane (Y) lax (Y) ?il-lax (Y) ?iftam

'here'

'there'

" 'there, thither'

184

SECTION THIRTEEN

?il-?ilya, t-ilya tixya, ?il-tixya xela lala (S) lola tara blira qäma

'above, upstairs' 'below, downstairs' 'at the bottom' 'inside' 'outside' I 'backwards', min-blira 'from behind' 'forwards, in front'

(ii) Temporal adverbs

?atta lattäne (Y) lattaneha ltdyo ?idyo bqatta timmal timmaloka (Y) la-Iimmal la-Iimmal lo xet qadome qadome fa$ir qadome b-Iete bahru bahUru lidtel lel xet ?aysat sitqel mi-qmalel bara

'now' 'at this very moment'2 'today' 'this morning' 'yesterday' 'the day before yesterday•3 'three days ago' 'tomorrow' 'tomorrow afternoon' 'tomorrow night' 'the day after tomorrow' 'two days after tomorrow' 'tonight' 'last night' 'this year' 'last year' 'previously, formerly' (B:77) 'afterwards', only in phrases such as yomid-bara 'the day afterwards' (Y:59), ~atta xsabid blira 'until the following Sunday' (Y:74)

1 This word literally means 'door'. Its adverbial use in the sense of 'outside' is likely to have developed as a calque on Kurdish der (Garbell1965b: 175). 2 The -ha is clearly a deictic element that is attached to the form attäne. Campare the expression ha atta 'right now', which occurs in the text published by Hopkins (1989: 268) in the Jewish dialect of Nagada. 3 Literally: 'not yesterday' < Ia timmal; cf. the equivalent expression in Christian Alqosh: timmal Ia yoma xena (Rhetore 1912: 201).

PARTICLES

185

(iii) Interrogative adverbs

kela loka leka m-teka ?imim miito tikma tama

'where?' 'where, whither?' 'whence?' 'when?' 'how?' 'how many?' 'why?'

(iv) Miscellaneous

raba ?atxa ?axta ?axd Sxet tam

'much, very' 'thus' 'so much' 'more' only in comparative: biS tam 'better'

13.2.2. Adverbial particles of non-Aramaic origin The adverbial particles that are not of Aramaie origin are listed below in alphabetic order. The majority of these come from Kurdish:

batas batane tuta drang dwa?e min-dwa?e dwa?e dwa?e düz gaflatan hat ?il-/:tii~il

hayya ?it-giire jarubar nezi1dt qatiyan

'free of charge, for no reason' (Kurd.) 'by oneself' (Kurd.) 'somehow' (Kurd.) 'late' (Kurd.) 'then, later' (Kurd.) 'at last, finally' (Kurd.) 'straight ahead' (Kurd.) 'suddenly' (Arab.) 'still, truly; just, only' (Kurd.) 'in sum, in conclusion' (Arab.) 'quickly' (Kurd.) 'sometimes' Oiterally: 'there are times', giire < Kurd.) sometimes (Kurd.) 'near, almost' (Kurd.) 'never' (Kurd. < Arab.)

186

SECTION THIRTEEN

tiiza min-x(mjil yawas yawas yawas yzmkin

'just recently' (Kurd.) 'previously' (Kurd.) 'slowly, gently' (Kurd.). 'perhaps' (Arab.)

13.3. Prepositions Most prepositions are attested in two variant allomorphs, one before pronominal suffixes and the other before nominals and adverbials. The forms of pronominal suffixes that arealso attached to nouns are attached to prepositions, e.g. biiri 'after me', biirox 'after you', biireu 'after him', biiraw 'after her' etc. The forms of l- and b- that are suffixed to verbs and have a variant series of pronominal suffixes are treated as verbal suffixes (see S8.3, §8.16-18) rather than prepositions. Some prepositions geminate the final consonant when a pronominal suffix is attached, e.g. min 'from', minneu 'from him'. Pronominal suffixes are not attached directly to prepositions that end in a vowel. In some cases a preposition ending in a vowel has resulted from the elision of the original final consonant. Before suffixes this consonant is always restored, e.g. ga- (< gaw) 'in', ga-bela 'in the house' (L:234), but always gaw- before suffixes: gawaw 'in it (f.)' (Y:27). Pronominal suffixes are not attached freely to all prepositions. Prepositions that invariably end in a vowel do not take pronominal suffixes. In order to do so they must be combined with another preposition or be replaced by a suppletive form ending in a consonant. The preposition ta- 'to, for', for example, is used only before nominals. Before suffixes it is replaced by biiq- : biiqi, biiqox, etc. When standing before nominals or adverbials, some short prepositions are prefixed as proclitics. Others have their own stress. A number of prepositions are linked to the noun by means of the annexation inflection -it. A few of the prepositions are also used before clauses and function as conjunctions. When this is the case, the clause is treated as equivalent to a nominal complement of the preposition. In what follows the prepositions are listed with their allomorphs before pronominal suffixes and before nominals and adverbials. (i) b- 'in, at, by, by means of'. Before pronominal suffixes the lbl of the particle is geminated and a prosthetic ?i- added at the beginning: 3ms. ?ibbeu, 3fs. ?ibbaw, 3pl. ?ibbu, etc., e.g. har-xlra-bbeu 'She just looked at him' (Y:159), tqelebbeu 'He pleaded with him' (Y:263). The prosthetic ?i- is usually elided after vowels (see §8.18), ?eneu qzmla qzpla bban 'His eye Struck us' (B:110), raba Ia zllle bbaw 'Much time did not pass' (B:109). Before nouns beginning with the sequence Cv-, b- is often prefixed without any intervening vowel, e.g. b-leJe 'in the night' (L:501), b-makine 'by machines' (L:506), b-qiireu 'on bis neck' (Y:150). Before an unvoiced consonant the lbl is often devoiced (see §1.2.1) and before lpl its existence is sometimes barely audible, e.g. b-piiyez [ppa:'jez] 'in autumn'

PARTICLES

187

(B:119). Before an initial duster CC-, however, a vowel is always inserted, e.g. badeniwa bi-xlula 'They began the wedding' (Y:74). Even before initial Cv- it is sometimes followed by an epenthetic vowel (cf. §4.1.16). Before a pharyngal it is pronounced with a short epenthetic [a], e.g. ba-flraq 'in Iraq' (Y:l). Before the Iaryngals 1?1 and lh/ it is pronounced with a short epenthetic vowel with the same quality as the following vowel, e.g. ba-? Arbe/ 'in Arbel' (B:29), riiba lafatjltwa bü-hula?e 'They did not interfere much with the Jews' (Y:8), be-?ela 'during the festival' (Y:61), bi-?ila 'by hand' (L:506). A short epenthetic occasionally occurs in other contexts, e.g. bi-Sixra 'with coals' (Y:70). Sometimes when b- is prefixed to a word beginning with ?V- the initial I? I is elided, e.g. blyya Sfkil 'in this way' (L:561), b-imma 'in a hundred' (L:564). (ii) bäq- 'to, for'. This is used only before pronominal suffixes. Examples: bäqeu 'to him' (B:46), baqu 'for them' (Y:35), baqox 'for you' (Y:143), baqan 'for us' (Y:146). (iii) bär/bar 'after, behind; apart from'. This has a long vowel before all suffixes except -xun, which begins with a consonant and so the preceding syllable is closed and the vowel shortened (barxun), e.g. bäreu 'behind him' (B:39), firqali bäreu 'I ran after him' (L:308), baraw 'after her' (Y:84). Before nominals it usually has the form bar, e.g. ?ilyelu bar bäbl 'They came after my father' (B:22), bar #ola, bar ?ixäla 'after prayers, after food' (B:44). Occasionally it occurs with the annexation ending, e.g. min-bärid bela 'behind the hause'. The preposition bar can also function as a conjunction introducing a temporal clause (see §19.3.4), e.g. bar wlslu, lä-deqllu. 'After they have dried, they crush them' (B:113).

(iv) barambär- 'beside, opposite' (Kurd.). With a pronominal suffix: barambäran 'opposite us', kullu ?il-Sevaf barambäraw lä-kweni. 'Everybody was beside Seva" (B:93). The syntax of the last example is curious, in that the particle is postposed after the noun, resuming the reference to the noun by the pronominal suffix. Before a nominal the preposition takes the annexation ending: ?äna liixamlen barambiirit belu 'I am standing opposite their house'. (v) be 'without' (Kurd.). This is used only before nominals. Examples: be käwe 'without windows' (B:2), be päre 'without money' (L:482). It can be combined with the preposition min to act as a carrier of the suffixes, e.g. be minnan 'without us' (L:135). (vi) ben 'between'. Before a noun: ben tre bäte 'between two houses'. (vii) darmadar- 'around' (Kurd.). Before pronominal suffixes: darmadäreu 'around it'. Before nouns it has the annexation ending: darmadärit mez 'around the table'. (viii) min-dawr- 'around' (Kurd. < Arab.). Before pronominal suffixes, e.g. 3ms. min-dawreu. Before nominals it has the annexation ending -it, e.g. min-dawrit hoda 'around the room' (Y:43).

188

SECTION THIRTEEN

(ix) rj.idd- 'against' (Arab.). 8efore pronominal suffixes: rj.iddi 'against me', rj.iddeu 'against him', etc. 8efore nouns it has an annexation ending: rj.lddet ?ot jamaftid didan 'against one of our community' (L:32). (x) ga/ 'with' (Kurd.). 8efore pronominal suffixes the /// is geminated: ms. gal/eu, 3fs. gal/aw, 3pl. gal/u, etc. 8efore nouns it sometimes has its own stress, e.g. gill soneu 'with his grandfather' (Y:168), gall}ukumat 'with the government' (L:521), gal baruxawäteu 'with his friends' (L:200), gal-milake 'with the dead man' (Y:226). The 1/1 is occasionally geminated when an initial 1?1 is elided in the following noun, e.g. gal-anne baruxe ([grellren'ne:] < ga/ ?anne) 'with these friends' (S:115). In a few isolated cases the 1/1 is sassimilated to the initial consonant of the following word, e.g. gar-rul}e (< ga/-rul}e) 'with the spirits' (L:543), gar-rlzza 'with the rice' (Y:120), fa/wer gax-xa-1-dhle 'trade with one another' (L:469). Occasionally gal is used as a clausal conjunction, e.g. gal-?o-mlre bäqeu hula?a may/e ?äti la-l}aqet, min-xä~eu lä-paltet. xa xayzaran mxe/e-l/eu. 'As he said to him "Why is it that you are speaking to a Jew? You should protect him", he struck him with a stick' (L:454). (xi) gawlga- 'in'. 8efore pronominal suffixes it always has the lang form with the a vowellengthened in an open syllable, e.g. gawaw 'in it' (Y:27). 8efore nominals the lang form occurs frequently. In some cases it has the annexation ending. Forms without the annexation ending are frequently unstressed proclitics. Examples: gaw-bäte 'in the houses' (Y:15), gaw-l}awSit #ola 'in the courtyard of the synagogue' (Y:29), gaw-kaxta 'in the Ietter' (S:30), gaw ?o l}awsa 'in that compound' (B:l), gawit bare 'in the houses' (Y:15), gawit majmaf 'on a tray' (Y:45). The short form ga- occurs only before nouns. In most cases it is unstressed. Examples: ga-suqa 'in the market' (L:226), ga-mar ake 'in the water' (L:504), ga-mizgaft didu 'in their mosque' (L:510), ga-tura 'in the mountains' (8:18). In slow hesitant speech it is occasionally stressed, e.g. ga xa-piyäla 'in a cup' (L:78). The short form ga- is found combined with the preposition min with pronominal suffixes: ga-minnu 'among them' (L:40). The prepositions b- and min may be prefixed to gaw: bi-gäweu 'within it' (Y:25), min-gaw pimmox 'from your mouth' (8:110), m-gaw-pisra 'from inside the meat' (8:121). (xii) geb 'with, at/to the home of, in/to the community of'. 8efore pronominal suffixes: 3ms. gebeu, 3fs. gebaw, 3pl. gebu, etc. 8efore nominals it is sometimes cliticized without its own stress, e.g. ?ilyele geb-Säbtr 'He came to the home of Sabir' (L:451). Examples where it bears stress: geb bank 'with the bank' (L:155), geb xaluntl 'to the home of my sister' (Y:154). (xiii) l}atta 'until'. This occurs only before nominals and adverbials, e.g. l}atta bqatta 'until morning' (S:26), l}atta yomid dwa?e dideu 'until his last day' (L:554), l}atta dinye 'for ever' (L:575), l}atta dwa?e 'until the end' (L:531), l}atta slitit safarbi:zrlig 'until the year of the First World War' (8:16), mu-ruwwe l}atta zore 'from the big to the small' (Y:199). The particle l}atta is frequently used also as a clausal conjunction (see §19.3.5).

PARTICLES

189

(xiv) min-jidwit 'in addition to, apart from'. This is attested only in min-jidwlt dehwa 'in addition to gold, apart from gold' (L:362). (xv) l- 'to, in', direct object marker. Before pronominal suffixes the /ll is geminated and preceded by a prosthetic ?i-: 3ms. ?illeu, 3fs. ?illaw, 3pl. ?illu, etc. The initial ?i- is usually elided after vowels. It is attached before nouns as a proclitic. When the noun begins with a consonant it is preceded by a prosthetic ?i-. Examples: ?il-bela 'in the hause' (Y:4), ?il-?lräq 'in Iraq' (Y:32), ?il-dasta 'to the countryside' (B:63). The prosthetic vowel is usually elided after vowels, e.g. pllgid-yoma 1-,#ola-welu gure 'The men were in the synagogue for half a day' (Y:67), kut-xa l-belit noSeu 'Everyone in his own hause' (Y:190). If the noun begins with ?V-, the initial I ?I is elided and the preposition is attached without a prosthetic vowel, e.g. l-axonaw 'her brother (direct object)' (Y:157). When, however, the initial consonant of the noun is lhl or 1?1, instead of a prosthetic ?i, a short epenthetic vowel may be inserted after the 1-, e.g. lü-hula?e 'the Jews (direct object)' (Y:167). Note that the quality of this epenthetic is the same as the vowel in the next syllable. In the speech of B, the /ll is sometimes assimilated to the initial consonant of the word to which it is attached, e.g. ?i~-,#6/a 'in the synagogue' (B:73), ?immamlakatan 'in our town' (B:95), ?ib-Bagdad 'in Baghdad' (B:40), paltlwa ddaSta 'They went out into the countryside' (B:61). This preposition is prefixed to a number of spatial adverbials, e.g. ?il-tixya 'below' (B:154), ?il-ilya (B:154), (?i}l-tara 'outside' (S:2). In a number of cases it has become an integral part of the form of the adverbial. In such forms it is written without a hyphen in the transcription, e.g. liuxa 'here' (< *1-häxä), ?iftam. In some isolated cases l- is used as a clausal conjunction to express purpose (see §15.1.1.2 iv), e.g. ?iyya rav, lii-ke hawa ta-hula?e, l-iqntif ?ollu Ia zadeni. 'This Rabbi comes back to the Jews to persuade them nottobe afraid' (Y:215). (xvi) magon 'like'. It is attested before pronominal suffixes only in L. The lol is pronounced short even though it is in an open syllable, by analogy with the freestanding form magon: maglineu 'like him' (L:130), magönu 'like them' (L:280). Before nominals and adverbials various forms are used by the informants. Informant L uses the form magon, e.g. magon Hmal?axH 'like an angel' (L:247), magon swan 'like a shepherd' (L:348), magon-laxxa 'like here' (L:15). Informant B sometimes uses the form magon, e.g. magon taxtit tire 'like boards of needles' (B:30), but also a form with the elision of final -n, e.g. magii papa 'like the Pope' (B:106), and a form with an additional internal lnl, e.g. mangon Sex 'like a sheikh' (B:13), mangon Sxiite 'like matches' (B:30). Informant Y always uses the shortened form mgö or mga when the following word begins with consonant, e.g. mgö-babeu 'like his father' (Y:33), mgfi xmärelu 'They are like asses' (Y:176), mga-laxxa 'like here' (Y:43), mga-Hmal?axlmH 'like angels' (Y:41), mga-laxxane 'like here' (Y:51). Before a word beginning with a vowel, informant Y normally uses the form mgan, e.g. mgan-iyya 'like this' (Y:ll), mgan iyya-bOtil 'like this bottle' (Y:55). Occasionally the initial vowel is elided and the short form mga is used, e.g. mga-tdineha 'like nowadays' (Y:22). Note that in the short forms mgö and mga, which result from the elision of final -n, the vowel remains short.

190

SECTION THIRTEEN

(xvii) min 'from, of'. Before pronominal suffixes the lnl is geminated: 3ms. minneu, 3fs. minnaw, 3pl. minnu, etc. Before nouns it generally occurs in the full form min and is attached as a proclitic, e.g. min-be/a 'from the hause' (Y:4), minSuqa (Y:11), min-#wa 'made out of wood' (Y:101). In a few cases it is stressed, e.g. mln liyya 'from this' (L:193). Occasionally it is used in a shortened form, in which the final -n is elided. Before a ward beginning with Cv-, it may be reduced to m-, e.g. m-kipnu 'from/on account of their hunger' (L:334). This is sometimes pronounced with a short epenthetic vowel, which is usually the same quality as following vowel. Secondary gemination of the initial consonant of the following ward may then result, e.g. mf-xa-nawaf [mix'xrenawaS'] 'of one type' (Y:31), mü-ruwwe [rp.yrr1,1w'we:1 l}atta zore 'from the big to the small' (Y:199). It may even take stress and, as a result, the vowel is pronounced lang, e.g. me-res yarxit Nlsan 'from the beginning of the month of Nisan' (Y:35). Before a ward beginning with a duster CC-, it is always pronounced with a short vowel, e.g. mizdulu 'from their fear' (Y:234). (xviii) qäm 'before (spatial), in front of'. Before pronominal suffixes: qameu 'in front of him' (B:39), qämaw 'before her' (L:249), qamox 'before you' (S:48). Before nominals the vowel is pronounced either lang or short, e.g. qam tara 'before the door' (S:8), qam tarid be hula?a 'before the door of the hause of a Jew' (Y:241), qam soba 'before the stove' (B:124), qam lenl 'before my eyes' (S:49). It is found combined with the preposition b- and m- (min), e.g. xa-waxit yäte b-qäm-tarid iyya bela da-fltlu 'When children were passing by the front of the door of this hause' (S:8), b-qam yäne joge bf-qeta zareniwa rizza 'In front of these streams they would sow rice in the summer' (B:65), kul/a qlmlu m-qamit biibi 'Everyone stood before my father' (L:442), m-qämeu 'before him' (L:131). (xix) qamo/ 'before' (temporal or spatial). This is attested only before nominals. The stress regularly falls on the penultimate syllable and the Ia/ vowel is short. In the majority of cases it is temporal in sense, e.g. qamol HIJatunaH 'before the wedding' (Y:125), qamol Rasld f Ätl 'before (the time of) Rashid 'Ali' (L:63). Occasionally it is spatial, e.g. qamol bela 'in front of the hause'. Before a ward beginning with a vowel the final /II is sometimes geminated, e.g. qamol ['qam;,ll] iyya 'before him' (L:63). The particle qamol is also used as a clausal conjunction (see §19.3.6), e.g. lamman qamo/ lezen, mlre bäql 'But before I went he said ...' (L:492). (xx) qmale/ 'before (temporal)'. This is used instead of qamo/ in the speech of informant B. It occurs only before nominals, e.g. qmale/ tre-mma-Sinne 'two hundred years ago' (B:15), qmalel qaflit dwa?e 'before the final convoy' (B:57). It is combined with m- in qmale/ m-brit-mila 'before the circumcision' (B:91). (xxi) min-qabil 'instead of, in exchange for'. Before pronominal suffixes the vowel of the second syllable is elided, e.g. mü-qubleu 'instead of it' (L:177), mqublu 'instead of them' (L:497). Before nominals, e.g. min-qabil golki 'instead of, in compensation for my heifer' (S:20). It may take the annexation ending, e.g. mqublid jore 'instead of urine' (L:86), min-qublid anne axca sinne 'in exchange for these many years' (S:96).

PARTICLES

191

(xxii) reS 'upon, concerning•.4 Before pronominal suffixes: 3ms. reSeu, 3fs. reSaw, 3pl. reSu, etc. Before nominals reS, e.g. reS suse 'on horseback' (B:39), reS-radyo 'on the radio' (B:41), reS jäda 'on the road' (B:45), reS ?urxa 'on the road' (B:50), reS kolani msi/mäne 'to the street of the Muslims' (B:47), rei-safodid lyya käbra 'to the feast of this man' (S:109), ?agar f.taqinnox res bäbl 'if I were to speak to you about my father' (L:560), rd-?enl, rd-xa?l 'willingly' (literally: 'on my eyes, on my life') (L:120). Occasionally the annexation ending is added, e.g. reSit näSe 'for people' (L:555). (xxiii) ta- 'to, for'. This occurs only before nominals. It is generally a proclitic without its own stress. Examples: ta-goraw 'to her husband' (S:59), ta-käbra 'to the man' (S:125), ta-bronl 'to my son' (B:81), ta-?iyya fUmarbak 'to this 'Umarbak' (L:416), ta-ya gora 'to this man' (S:117), ta-kappära 'for an atonement' (B:97), ta-kulla sltwa 'for the whole winter' (B:118). In a few cases it has its own stress, e.g. ta msi/mane 'for the Muslims' (B:7), ta bi-Suqa 'for (selling) in the market' (L:186). It may be prefixed to an independent pronoun, e.g. ta-?onl 'to them' (Y:552). Before pronominal suffixes, however, it is replaced by biiq-. Occasionally bäq- is combined with ta-, e.g. ta-baqan 'to us' (B:98). Note the interrogative particle tama 'why' Oiterally: 'for what'). The particle ta- is occasionally used as a clausal conjunction to express purpose (see §15.1.1.2 iv), e.g. lii-lyeli ta-briitox hawt-il/a ta-bronl. 'I have come for you to give your daughter to my son' (B:81). (xxiv) min-tarafit 'on account of' (Kurd. < Arab.). This is attested in the speech of L: min-tarafit iyya 'on account of this', min-tarafit Jena 'on acount of the evil eye' (L:210). (xxv) xel 'under'. This is attested only before nominals: xe/ xa-Jiläna 'under a tree' (B:47), xe/ Ji/iine 'under the trees' (B:63), xel klelta 'under a chicken' (S:61). 13.4. Miscel/aneous uninflected partie/es

These may operate within a clause or may function as clausal conjunctions. The majority are loanwords, which have been taken for the most part from Kurdish.

?afil/u Ja gar Jamman Jaxir babas

'even' (Heb.) 'if' (see §19.4.1) (Kurd.) 'but' (Arab.) 'but' (Kurd.) (volitional particle, see §15.1.1.2 i.a) 'only' (Kurd.)

4 Etymologically the word means 'head'. Its use as a preposition is a calque on the Kurdish ser, which is used either as a noun ('head') or a preposition ('upon'); cf. Garbell 1965b: 175.

192

SECTION THIRTEEN

bis te ... te tlnki da?e

ham .... ham ham har heStan hor hawa hiQ -is

ka Ia, lä lä mar nakun,naku ?o

taqriban xätir, ta-xätir ?u-

yä yan yan ... yan yoxsan

'more' (see §14.16) (Kurd.) 'both ... and' (Kurd.) 'because' (Kurd.) (volitional particle, see §15.1.1.2 i.a) (Kurd.) 'yes' (Kurd.) 'both ... and ' (Kurd.) 'also' (Kurd.) 'only', also used as intensifier (Kurd.) 'yet, still' (Kurd.) intensifier (variant of har) (Kurd.) 'back' (see §15.14) (Kurd.) 'nothing' (Kurd.) 'and, also, as for' (Kurd.). The Ii/ is elided after a word ending in a vowel, e.g. xlula-s goliwa 1 'and they danced' (B:86). For the syntax of the particle, see §14.14, §18.1.2. 'as, when, such that' 'not' (see §8.13, §17.2.7.3, §17.5.7) pre-verbal particle (see §8.12, §15.1.5) volitional particle (see §15.1.1.2 iv) (Kurd.) 'lest' (see §15.1.1.2 iii) (Kurd.) or 'approximately' (Arab.) 'so that, because' (Kurd.) 'and'. This is realized phonetically in various ways (see §4.1.9), e.g. w, wr. For the syntax of the particle, see §14.14, §18.1.1. vocative particle (Arab.) 'or' 'either ... or' (Kurd.) 'otherwise' (Kurd. < Turk.)

SYNTAX

SECTION FOUR1EEN

THE SYNTAX OF NOMINALS 14.1. Expression of definiteness A nominal is definite in status if the speaker assumes that the hearer is able to identify the referent to which it is referring. The assumption that the referent is identifiable is based on various factors. The most common Situation is where the referent has been mentioned previously. Even if it has not been explicitly mentioned it may still be treated as definite so long as some item or situation has been mentioned which is closely associated with the referent and from which its existence may be inferred, e.g. (a) 'His wife, a gun-shot had hit her ... he had aimed so that the bullet would hit Aaron, but she stretched out her band and the bullet hit her'. (B:135-138) (b)

'The man sold those eggs and saved the money'. (S:66)

In (a) 'buHet' is treated as definite, since a gun-shot can be expected to involve a buHet, and 'money' in (b) is definite since the act of selling entails money. A noun may be definite if its referent can be perceived in the extra-linguistic context. Proper nouns, which have a unique referent, and generic nouns such as 'mankind', 'the lion', which refer to a dass rather than a specific individual, can be treated by speakers as definite even if they have not been mentioned earlier and are not perceptible. In these cases the speaker assumes that the hearer can identify their referents through general knowledge of the world.1 In Jewish Arbe!, as in other NENA dialects, the original Aramaie morphological distinction between the 'determined state' and the 'absolute state' of nouns has been almost completely lost, with the 'absolute state' surviving only in a few fossilized expressions. As is well-known, in the Bastern Aramaie dialects systematic morphological distinctions between 'definite' and 'indefinite' had already ceased to be expressed by means of these nominal states by the first half of the first millennium A.D. Jewish Arbel has developed various means of compensating for this levelling. These include the use of the numeral xa 'one' with indefinite nouns and the attachment of the suffix -ake to definite ones. Distinctions in definiteness are also reflected in other areas of syntax, such as the expression of the direct object of verbs. Hereweshall be concerned with the use of xa and -ake.

14.1.1. Indefiniteness expressed by the particle xa In aH cases where xa is used before a noun, it is assumed by the speaker that the hearer is not able to identify its referent, i.e. the noun is always indefinite. Not 1 For the notion of definiteness see Chafe (1976: 38-43) and Lyons (1977: 178-197).

196

SECTION FOURTEEN

all nouns with indefinite status, however, are accompanied by xa and so its distribution is more restricted than the indefinite article in English. The use of xa expresses something more than simple indefinite status. In general, an indefinite noun that is preceded by xa is more prominent and individuated than one that Iacks this particle. There are various factors that bring about this prominence. We shall examine here some typical uses. It is important to note that these do not reflect absolute rules but only generat tendencies. (i) When the indefinite noun introduces a referent that plays an important rote

in the subsequent discourse, the particle xa is generally used. The clearest examples of this are cases where the nouns introduce main characters in a narrative, e.g. (1)

HsippurH IJ.aqyan res-xa bsilmäna. 1 res-xa bsilmäna IJ.aqyan. 1 'I shall tell a story about a Muslim. About a Muslim I shall speak'. (Y:202)

(2)

xa rab ?ltwälan, 1 maflim ?Isl].aq kimrlwäle. 1 'We had a Rabbi, called Rabbi Isi}.aq'. (Y:210) xa näsa zille, 1 belit xa näsa mewäna gdlre. 1 'A man went and became a guest in the home of a man'. (S:52) xa-golka wira lo?a. 1 'A heifer came inside'. (S:4)

(3) (4)

The referents introduced by xa in these examples play a prominent rote in the narrative and are referred to many times as it progresses. The use of xa, however, is not restricted to referents that dominate an entire narrative or a long stretch of discourse. It is often used with those that are less durable and are referred to only in the immediately following clauses, e.g. (5)

zillu, xa faqrlt #wa rumanta rumanta ?ltwa. 1 satla nselu rd-ya faqrit ~iwa. 1 xela la?a, 1 xel iyya ?ilanta 1 bdelu nura ?oli.l 'They went, there was a very high tree trunk. They hung a pot on that tree trunk. At the bottom, under the tree, they began to make a fire'. (8:113-114)

(6)

?atxan, 1 ?itwälan tre hode 1 wi-xa haywan 1 basllxwa gaw. 1 ?6dukka lixma golhwa, 1 julle xalllxwa, 1 basllxwa. 1 dwa?e 1 barparqixwa,1 kulla qans1xwa, 1 marisixwäle. 1 'We had three rooms and a verandah, where we used to cook. We used to make bread there, wash clothes and cook. Then, after we had finished, we swept it all and mopped it clean'. (Y:9)

Sometimes a reference to it only in one subsequent clause is sufficient to condition the use of xa, e.g. (7)

xa-kabra Swan-wele, 1 marfewälu. 1 'A man was a shepherd, he was pasturing them (sheep)'. (B:49)

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

197

In the majority of cases where reference to a noun in the subsequent discourse conditions the occurrence of xa, the speaker uses the indefinite noun with a specific referent in mind. Occasionally, however, the noun does not refer to a specific referent from the class of items denoted by the noun but is of nonspecific reference, applicable to any referent belanging to the class, e.g. (8)

hemat xa-dukka nbseu banewa 1 Jitwäle Jara. 1 Jiyya dukka, 1 doq{wä/u nna-bäte bi-kre. 1 'Whoever built a place by hirnself had land. (In) this place they used to rent the houses'. (Y:17)

(9)

Jagar xa-~aywlin täref gdlrwiile, 1 nabliwä/e, 1 zabnlwä/e bäqu. 1 'If an animal became impure, they took it and solditto them'. (B:104)

(10)

xa-mrlid hawewä/e, 1 mrädeu ~a#iwa. 1 'If he had a wish, his wish would be fulfilled'. (B:161)

The item introduced by xa need not be explicitly referred to later, but what follows is nevertheless closely associated with this item, e.g. (11)

xa Jädat ltwa geban, 1 Jagar xa baxta yäla gadirwäla, 1 tmanya /ele 1 yatwiwa 1 Jil-Jo be/a. 1 näse gezlwa yatwlwa Jil-Jb be/a, 1 nobta doq{wa 1 naku HsedimeH Jen{ 1 maxen{ /-yälake. 1 'We had a custom: If woman gave birth to a child (iiterally: if a woman - a child was born to her), they would sit in the house for eight nights. People would go and sit in the house and keep guard lest demons came and struck the child'. (B:132)

In this example, the clauses after the phrase xa lädat elaborate the specific details of the custom. The noun xa baxta is not directly referred to later, yet the following clauses refer to a situation in which the woman is centrally involved. The two deictic phrases ?o bela 'that house' are used to refer to the house of the woman who gives birth. lt is not feit necessary to indicate explicitly that it is the house of the woman that is intended. The woman has been introduced as the central topical referent and it is intended that the following clauses should be interpreted in this light. (12)

?iyya baxta zilla xa-bela, 1 be?ake mlxilplla hawa 1 b-tre be?e t-xaw /a-bsile. 1 'The woman went to a house. She exchanged the eggs for two raw, uncooked eggs'. (S:62)

Here the noun xa-bela is not explicitly referred to in the following clause, but it sets the spatial frame in which the action must be interpreted as having taken place. The noun xa kista in the following example has a similar function: (13)

Soqilu, 1 dareni/u gaw xa kista, 1 Hu-le-?at /e-latH basti minnu. 1 'They keep it (the wheat) by putting it in a bag and gradually cook portians of it (taking it from the bag)'. (B:114)

Where more than one indefinite noun occur in a clause, often only one of them is marked with xa. The one with xa determines the perspective of the following

198

SECTION FOURTEEN

clauses more than the indefinite noun(s) that Iack it. In example (11) above, for instance, the text immediately following the first clause presents the Situation from the perspective of the woman, i.e. people came and sat in her hause and looked after her child. In such clauses with two indefinite nouns, moreover, the one marked with xa is generally the grammatical subject of the clause or is at least placed at the front of the clause in extraposition, as is the case in (11). (ii) The particle xa is used with an indefinite noun when it is presented as one

member of a set of items and the presence of other members of the same set is mentioned or at least implied. In such cases the xa is individuating, picking out individuals from the group of the set. (14)

kulla yatwlwa, 1 yale xa-/?a, 1 ?lse xa-/?a, 1 gure kul/a b-xa reza. 1 'Everyone sat down, the children on one side, the warnen on one side, and the men, all in one row'. (Y:44)

The sense of this is that everyone sat in one of a set of rows along the sides of the food. The phrases containing indefinite nouns with xa give specific details concerning each individual row from this set. (15)

lii-gban xa baxta gora, 1 xa näsa minnuxun hu/a?a 1 tari~ bäqt. 1 'I want a woman or a man, a Jewish person from among you, to repair it for me'.(L:230)

Often only one member of the set is explicitly given, the others being implied: (16)

ku/la resa w-faqlä/eu, 1 gilda ma-gilda mitwlwä/e /- 1 xa /a?a. 1 'Everything, the head, its legs, layer upon layer of skin he had placed on one side (out of the set of sides)'. (S:8)

(17)

kud be/a, 1 xa mispa/:la ?ltwa gaw. 1 'There was one family (out of the set of families in the whole enclosure) in each apartment'. (B:3)

The presence of other members of the set may be inferable from the occurrence of a noun referring to the set as a whole: (18)

wu-hu/a?e u-msi/mäne zll/u gaw tura, xa tura kimrlwäle Brandht. 1 ?ista yarxe ga-tura-we/u. 1 'The Jews and the Muslims went into the mountains, to a mountain called Brandist They were in the mountains for six months'. (B:18)

(19)

qlm!an, 1 zillan reS kolfini mSilmäne, 1 ?iläne-?it gaw. 1 ?itulan 1 xel xa-?iläna. 1 'We went to the street of the Muslims. There were trees along it. We sat under a tree'. (B:47)

(20)

wa$[e zabnlwälu, 1 kud näSa xa-wa$[a zonwa. 1 'They used to sell portians (of Bible reading). Everyone bought a portion'. (B:69)

1

1

This usage of xa is often combined with the adjective xet 'other' in Statements concerning 'one' member of a set and 'another' member of the same set.

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

199

(21)

sqllle minnl xa ~qilta zurta, 1 ••• lä-gben xa-~qilta xer zurta ta-ytilid zora. 1 'He bought from me a small ring ... "I want another small ring for a small child"'. (L:209-214)

(22)

pilgld-yom bSala mlmun. 1 ••• ?atxun xa-nawfa xet ?olmun. 1 "'At midday bring stew" ... "You do something eise"'. (Y:l15)

(23)

?o-dammit ?atxan zl/lan 1 heStan HmiSpa~i.zH zora-wela. 1 dwa?e zlllan xa-dukka xet Snelan. 1 'When we went (there) the family was still small. Then we moved to another place'. (Y:20)

Within this category of usage we may include cases where xa is used to refer to a single, countable portion of something, which would otherwise be expressed as a noun of mass: (24)

nabllwa dusa ... bar-brlt gollwäle l-yäla. 1 xa-dusa dareniwa gaw späleu. 1 'They brought some honey. After the circumcision they gave it to the baby. They put a portion of honey on his lips'. (Y:86)

(25)

?ot-kewa xa-i:ay kmlxwäle, 1 xa-qahwa kmlxwäle. 1 'Whoever came, we would bring him a tea, we would bring him a coffee'. (L:229)

Similarly, nouns meaning 'portion of' or the like are typically preceded by xa, e.g. xa-parNt llxma 'a piece of bread' (S:2), xa-jimmit pisra 'a portion of meat' (S:3). The ward mindilmindix 'something' regularly has xa when it refers to a single, countable item: (26)

kifte. 1 ?itwalan xa-mindlx kimrlwäle safata. 1 'We had something called a safata'. (Y:lOl)

(27)

xa mindlx 1 ?ibl minnl, 1 xa mindlx 1 {olob minnl. 1 'Request fromme something, ask me for something'. (L:116)

(28)

?agar xa näSa qemwa xa-mindix ?o/ 1 tjlddit ?ot jamaftid didan, 1 H~eremH matwlwäle. 1 'If a person did something against somebody belanging to our community, they placed a ban on him'. (L:32)

(29)

?äna waxtit kewa gebl, 1 dabi xa mindix hawlnne. 1 'When he came to me I had to give him something'. (L:331)

When mindilmindix lacks the xa, it is generally being used as a filler ward, in circumstances where the speaker cannot think of the correct ward to use: (30)

?iftam-iS, 1 ?il-? Arbel-iS 1 mindl ?itwa, 1 ma~allit hula?e ?itwa. 1 'Both there and in Arbel, there was something - there was a street of Jews'. (B:ll)

(31)

?atxun Ia ma~etun ?isqti{ ?olerun 1 hestäne mindl 1 - ?atxan ?amir Ia la-sqlllan. 1 'You cannot cancel your citizenship, so far something - wehavenot yet received an order'. (B:43)

200 (32)

SECTION FOURTEEN

qimle ?itlwle gdire xa Sex, Sex ruwwa magon AfurbanA Jot farabne anne lä-gezlwa gaw mindlx ... rasmäle gollwa ga i:ole. 'Then he became a sheikh, a great sheikh, like the Arab bedouin, the people who used to go in something, who pitched tents in the desert areas (outside the town)'. (L:524) 1

1

1

1

1

•••

(iii) Single units of measure of time, quantity etc. are regularly preceded by xa when they refer to a specific referent, e.g. xa-yarxa 'a month' (Y:209), xa-Sata 'a year' (Y:156), xa sfata 'an hour' (Y:l59), xa-yoma 'one day' (Y:252), xa-gar 'once' (Y:149), xa kilo 'a kilo' (L:203), xa dinfir 'a dinar' (L:207). A group of such units may be presented as a single whole by placing xa before the phrase, e.g. (33)

xa ?isra daqiqe 1 '(for) ten minutes'. (L:212), i.e. for a space of ten minutes.

(34)

xa [{{lha arba qondare mxela-lleu. 1 'She hit him three or four times with the shoes'. Literally: 'She hit him with one group of three or four shoes'. (L:268)

When they do not have a specific referent, however, the xa is generally omitted, e.g. (35)

yarxa xa-jlir 'once a month'. (B:33), i.e. one time in any month.

(iv) The particle xa is placed before an indefinite countable noun when its unity is being emphatically asserted. In such cases the xa is always stressed and this is usually the nuclear stress of the intonation group: (36)

?o-dukka, ?agar litwäle näsa ?axil, nfise ta-xa qrusa hawlle. If somebody did not have anything to eat, people there would give down to a single piastre. (Y:lll)

(37)

b-xa daqiqa, ma$etun minute'. (Y:179)

(38)

xa-naS la-Swtqlu gaw. 'They did not leave a Single person in it'. (Y:180)

(39)

?ätl xa-brona wet. 'You are an only son'. (L:193)

1

1

1

qa~letunu. 1

1

'You can kill them in one single

1

1

In such cases the xa is sometimes preceded by the intensifying particle har, e.g. har xa SamaS hula?a 'just one Jewish beadle' (Y:25). The particle xa tends to be omitted when the indefinite noun Iacks the prominence described in the foregoing sections. Nouns that express incidental items, which are not durable and play no roJe in the following discourse are typically used without xa. In most cases they do not refer to a specific referent, but to an unspecified member of the dass of entities denoted by the noun.

201

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

A typical context for the occurrence of indefinite nouns without xa is an inventory of items, the purpose of which is to mention the items but without any intention of introducing them for the sake of further discussion in the succeeding text: (40)

wl soneu 1 masdlrwiilan zatye Saxine min-Suqa, 1 satfa ?ot-masta, 1 qaynag. 1 'His grandfather used to send us warm pitta bread from the market, a pot of cheese, butter'. (Y:11)

(41)

samiiwar ?iina-matwanwa, 1 tay golanwa, 1 ?ixala golanwa. 1 'I put out a samavar, I made tea, I made food'. (Y:39)

(42)

tre hode Slqlllan, 1 haywan Slqillan, 1 w-itlwlan. 1 'We rented two rooms, we rented a verandah and settled there'. (Y:21)

Further examples of indefinite nouns that are not in the centre of attention in the following discourse: (43)

mindixane masdlrwa gal-IJ~"Jbß.la. 1 'he would send things with a porter'. (Y:106)

(44)

xi~~e 1 taxnixwa b-garusta. 1 'We ground wheat with a grinding

wheel'. (Y:133) (45)

har-qtmfe min-sindeU, 1 Jifa dre/e xef sawi/a, 1 /ä-gaze Hbe-JemetH 1 kaxlta {tamila. 'As soon has he got up from his sleep, he placed a hand under the pillow and sees in truth that the Ietter is there'. (S:29) 1

(46)

hayya, 1 hilyya, 1 sräta mllqle, 1 kaxta qiryale hawa. 1 'He quickly kindled a light and read the Ietter'. (S:30)

In these examples the nouns 'a porter', 'a grinding wheel', 'a hand' and 'a light' are involved in the activity of their respective verbs, but are not referred to in, nor set the spatial frame for, the following clauses. In general, if an indefinite noun that occurs in a clause Iacks the particle xa, the speaker presents the clause from the perspective of the event or Situation as a whole without drawing specific attention to the referent of the noun. Further examples are give below. Even if this event or situation is elaborated upon in the subsequent discourse, the indefinite noun generally remains without xa, e.g. the birth of the child in (11). This should be contrasted with cases where the referent is discussed in the subsequent discourse rather than the event or Situation. Where it is specifically the referent that is the centre of attention the noun is generally marked by xa. Even indefinite nouns in existential clauses with the expression ?itl ?itwa may Iack xa if the speaker is taking the perspective of the Situation as whole, e.g. (50), where the subsequent clauses elaborate on the situation that there was a tea shop rather than discuss the entity of the tea shop: (47)

baxta {tam mele. 1 'He married a woman there'. (= He got married) (B:23)

(48)

mafllm gezllwa bäqu, l}aywfin dabil}walu-(ha)wa. 'A rabbi would go to them and slaughter an animal for them'. (B:22) 1

1

202

SECTION FOURTEEN

(49)

qtmli 1 dukana p/ixfi.i ... meli xams{ dinare, 1 ••• Sql/li dukana, 1 bi-kre dwtqfi,i tre sinne, 1 kud yarxa tre dinare, 1 ?ot-tre sinne, 1 ?ot-tre sinne, 1 kud-silt 1 ?isri u-?arba. 1 'I opened a shop .... I borrowed fifty dinars.... I took a shop, I rented it for two years, two dinars every month for two years, twenty-four every year'. (L:154-157)

(50)

t!ayxana ?itwa, 1 b-lele geziwa kulla baruxe, 1 yatwiwa, 1 kef goilwa. 1 'There was a tea shop. In the evening all the friends went (there). They sat and bad a good time'. (Y:3)

(51)

gaw-yane ?ista yarxe ?inqilab gdlra 1 ?ir-Rusya. 1 'In those six months there was a revolution in Russia'. (B:19)

Indefinite nouns often Iack xa when they occur in generic Statements, which, by their nature, stand without any necessary connection with what follows: (52)

baxta ?äsurile ?alya ta-$fola. 1 'It is forbidden for a woman to enter a synagogue'. (Y:29)

An indefinite nominal that is predicative, the function of which is to assign the subject of the clause to a class rather than refer to a specific referent, often Iacks xa: (53)

yalta-wefi.i 'I was a girl'. (Y:5)

(54)

?atxan 1 HmiSpal}aH rubta-welan. 1 'We were a big family'. (Y:38)

(55)

dugla-wela. 1 'It was a lie!'. (B:27)

(56)

David Ia dl ?iyya xilmele. 1 'David does not know whether this is a dream'. (S:28)

This applies also to complements of gdr 'to become': (57)

gdlre hawa niisa. 1 'He became a man again'. (S:51)

(58)

belit xa naSa mewana gdlre. 'He became a guest in the hause of a certain man'. (S:52) 1

Occasionally a predicative nominal has xa. In most cases this occurs if the unity of the entity is being emphatically asserted (59) or if the speaker wishes to give additional prominence to the predicate as a means of intensification of the assertion (60-63): (59)

xa l}awsa-wele. 1 'It was a single enclosure'. (B:9)

(60)

?lsl}aq Sisawa-S xa nasa quya-wele. 1 'Isi)aq Sisawa was also a very powerful man'. (B:36)

(61)

Samad 1 xrlwa wele, 1 xa naSa 1 raba raba xrlwa wele. 1 'Samad was bad man. He was a very bad man'. (L:227)

(62)

xalonid babt 1 xa-nasa ruwwa-wele, 1 xa-nasa ?azza-wele. 1 'The matemal uncle of my father was a really great man. He was a really tough man'. (L:553)

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(63)

203

?iyya ?Ort xa näSa tamlim-wele. 'This Ori was a really fine person'. (L:316) 1

1

Indefinite nouns of mass are regularly used without xa: (64)

Davtd lele 1 J;,atta bqatta sinda titte. 1 'David had no sleep all night until the morning'. (S:26)

(65)

bela min-{ina ?itwale. 1 'The hause was made of mud'. (Y:30)

(66)

nabllwa dusa. 1 'They brought honey'. (Y:86)

14.1.2. Definiteness expressed by the suffix -ake Just as the particle xa is not used with all indefinite nouns, the suffix -ake occurs on only a restricted group of definite nouns. Firstly we may identify some grammatical constraints. It is not used when the noun is combined with a following attributive adjective. Similarly, it is not found on a noun that is modified by a following noun in an annexation construction. The second noun in such a construction, which is not itself modified, may, however, take -ake, e.g. J;,aqqit golkake Nkmele? 1 'How much is the price of the heifer' (S:21). It is occasionally attested with a demonstrative pronoun or a quantifier, e.g. ?iyya yälake 'This child' (L:87), ?o baxtake 'That woman' (L:502), lo rr?i!ake kulla 1 'All that property' (L:408), kulla rr?i!ake 'All the property' (S:125). The pragmatic conditions for the occurrence of -ake are as follows: The suffix is added when the referent of the noun has been introduced in the preceding discourse: (1)

xa-golka wlra lo?a. 1 ... golkake dib/:dile hawa. 1 'A heifer came inside ... he slaughtered the heifer'. (S:4-5)

(2)

mxeJe l-tara. 1 ... tarake twlre-lleu. 1 'He struck the door ... He broke the door down'. (S:ll)

(3)

xa skita zwtnne. 1 ... skitake Ciqylile 1 gaw käseu. 1 'He bought a knife ... he stabbed the knife into his belly'. (S:32-33)

(4)

tre-be?e ltbba. 1 .... belake mlxilplla hawa. 1 'There are two eggs in it (the bag) ... she exchanged the eggs'. (S:57-62)

(5)

gzelan ?arba hulale 1 ... xa-waxit hula?ake mtelu gaw xa megafit ?irbe ?itwa 1 ... 'We saw four Jews ... When the Jews reached a flock of sheep ..'. (B:48-49)

The suffix is also used on a noun that has not been explicity mentioned previously, yet the presence of its referent can nevertheless be inferred from the presence of some other referent or some Situation in the preceding discourse:

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(6)

baxteu 1 xa tfang /ä-mxele-1/aw il-laxxa ... Hza-kavenH lä-wille, I gullake qepa ba-? Aron, 1 Hava!H ?o-?ilaw piStlila, 1 gullake qzpla bbaw. 1 'His wife, a gun-shot had hit her there ... he had aimed so that the bullet would hit Aaron, but she stretched out her hand and the bullet hit her'. (8:135-138)

(7)

käbra /i-?anne be?e zibnile u 1-Smlrre res-pärake. 1 'The man sold those eggs and saved the money'. (S:66)

(8)

marid be/a, 1 baxtake ?ibqatta lä-xera ma? 1 'The owner of the hause - what does the wife (i.e. his wife) see in the morning?' (S:57)

(9)

kulla l!l?i{ake ta-nbseu ptsle 'All the property became his'. (S:125)

The suffix -ake, therefore, is used on definite nouns without attributive modifiers that have a referential link to something in the previous context. The suffix, however, does not occur in all instances on such nouns. It tends to be used with nouns denoting referents that are in the centre of attention and play a central roJe in the immediate context in which they occur, or at least in the overall discourse topic.2 In most of the examples cited above, the noun with -ake refers to a referent that plays a central roJe in the context surrounding the clause in which it occurs. Often these referents are also central to the main discourse topic, e.g. 'the heifer' (1), 'the eggs' (4), 'the bullet/shot' (6), 'the wife' (8). Sometimes they are in the centre of attention in the immediately surrounding context but do not play a central roJe in the averaU discourse topic, e.g. 'the door' (2). Conversely, they may play a central roJe in the discourse topic but have no further mention in the immediately surrounding context, e.g. 'the property' (9). The wider context of examples (1) and (2) are as follows: (10)

xa yoma min-yomäle 1 tara plixa swlqte-1/e iyya käbra. 1 xa-gblka wira /o?a. 1 xa-gblka wira /o?a, 1 ?iyya käbra qlmle, 1 tara gllqlelleu.1 ?iyya golka dwiqlile, 1 dibliile b-ara, 1 golkake dibJ:zli!e hawa. 1 'One day the man left the door open. A heifer came inside. A heifer came inside and the man arose and closed the door. He seized that heifer, threw it on the ground and slaughtered the heifer'. (S:4-5)

(11)

mxele l-tara. 1 kabra /a-mlre tara palixle res noseu. 1 xa-pe/aK. imxele /-tara, 1 tarake twlre-l/eu. 1 'He struck the door. The man did

2 The term 'discourse topic' is used herein the sense introduced by Van Dijk (1977: 130-142). It is the general proposition (i.e. Statement or predication) that is expressed by the discourse as a whole and entails the various component propositions expressed by the individual clauses of the discourse. One may often identify several discourse topics in a passagethat are arranged hierarchically, with each section of discourse having a discourse topic and the discourse as a whole having a general, averarehing discourse topic (cf. Van Dijk, ibid., 136). The term 'discourse topic', which is propositional in structure, should be distinguished from the term 'topic referent'. I use the term 'topic referent' to refer to the referent that a proposition is about (cf. Lambrecht 1994: 117-127). The 'topic referent' of a clause has usually been introduced in the previous discourse.

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

205

not dare to open the door and expose himself. In an instant he struck the door and broke the door down'. (S:11) It can be seen that 'the door' is referred to by a noun with definite Status in both

of these passages. In (11), however, it is clearly more in the centre of attention than in (10). It should also be noted that the nouns that have -ake, viz. golka and tara, also occur in the same passage without the suffix but are still definite in status. In both passages it is the final clause that contains the noun with the suffix. This appears to be motivated by the principle of 'end-weighting' (see §18.4), whereby an item that is repeated over a chain of two or more clauses is given a morphologically heavier form in the final clause of the chain. In sum, the occurrence of the suffix -ake on a definite noun is conditioned by the prominence of its referent in the discourse. The factors that contribute to this prominence include the central roJe of the referent in the immediately surrounding context and/or in the discourse topic as a whole. As with the occurrence of the particle xa, we are dealing here with general tendencies and not absolute rules. Moreover the suffix -ake does not occur in all cases that meet these conditions. In general it may be said that the use of -ake is optional but in the vast majority of the cases where it does occur it conforms to the af oremen tioned condi tions. 14.2. Absolute state A few nouns that generally occur with a nominal inflectional ending are attested in the absolute state in certain syntactic contexts. This results in the dropping of the inflectional ending (see §10.12.2). (i) The majority of cases are nouns referring to periods of time that are put in the absolute state when used as adverbials: ?idlel 'tonight' (Y:170), ?o-te/ 'on that night' (Y:235), lel xet 'last night', pilgld-yom 'at midday' (Y:115), ?idyo 'today', kud-yom 'on every day' (B:55), kud seit 'every year' (L:24), ?6 scit 1 'in that year' (L:47), ?aySat 'this year', Sitqel (< *Satqel) 'last year', xa safa 'for one hour' (L:84), pilglt safa 'for half an hour' (L:84). Sometimes the phrases are treated as nominals and are governed by a preposition, e.g. ta-pilgld-yom 'for midday' (Y:126), bar pilgit-yom 'after midday' (S:115). (ii) The absolute state form of some other nouns is used when the noun is indefinite. The most common of the attested forms is naS 'a person' (absolute state of niiSa), which is used mainly in negative contexts, where it has no referent: (1)

?znna la-ma$eni nas qa~ll. 1 'They cannot kill anybody'. (Y:194)

(2)

nas Ia la-qrllle-1/i.l 'Nobody (from among the Jews) killed me'. (Y:245)

(3)

xa-nas la-swlqlu gaw. 'They did not leave one man in it (alive)'. (Y:180)

(4)

?ilyelu lii-gazeni 1 cl nas llt ga-mizgaft didu. 1 'They went and saw that there was nobody in their mosque'. (L:510)

1

206

(5)

SECTION FOURTEEN

nas HJavodaH la-kulwiile, 1 nas ~(llma la-kulwiile.' 'Nobody gave him work, nobody gave him face (i.e. talked to him)'. (S:2)

14.3. Gender Weshall draw attention here to some uses of the feminine gender. 3fs. pronominal elements are sometimes used in a neuter sense to denote a general situation without referring to any particular entity: (1)

Ia-ta-ku/la nlise Spirta-wela.' 'lt was not good for everybody'. (Y:llO)

(2)

?atxa-wela.' 'It was like that'. (B:122, L:328)

(3)

?i/-mamlakat(m' ?atxa lii-wela.' 'In our town it was not like that'. (B:ll)

(4)

?iyya-wela.' 'That was it'. (B:6, at end of section)

(5)

briita' ?agar Ia ?ebewiila 1-'bronii,' b-l!it nosiiw-wela,' b-kefl noSiiw-wela.' 'If the girl did not like the boy, it was in her hands, it was according to her pleasure (i.e. her wishes were respected) (B:78)

(6)

?istl, so?llire,' ?arbllire,' la-cen tikma wela.' 'Sixty, seventy liras, forty liras, I do not know how much it was'. (L:392)

(7)

?agar b-waxtit xiue' gdlriilox,' ?axca w-axca ?amltti kut farda.' 'lf in the wheat season it happened that you bring me goods with such-and-such an amount in each sack ...' (L:4 7)

(8)

gbe baylin ?o!ltta ta-ya gora.' 'You must make it known to this man'. (S:lOO)

(9)

Soqla biiql ta-{/{lhii-yome xet.' 'Leave it to me for three more days'. (S:107)

(10)

?ilha mi/y(i/e galleu bi-spira.' God made him prosper Oiterally: God caused it to come with him in goodness) (S:125)

Note also pilglt min-Saqlawa !;,atta Ruwandiz didu-wela.' 'Half of (the land) between Saqlawa and Ruwandiz belonged to them' (L:367), in which the prepositional phrase after pilgit is treated as a feminine nominal. General situations or events are also denoted by masculine pronominal elements, e.g. la-wele b-dawrz' 'It (this event) was not in my time' (Y:185, 228), ?iyya-jwanile baqxun?' 'Is this good for you?' (L:l18). Infinitives and verbal nouns, which usually denote a Situation rather than refer to an entity, are often construed as feminine, e.g. gwiira ?atxii-wela' 'Marriage was like that' (B:83), ?isqlit gdlra 'The cancellation of citizenship took place' (B:57). In a few cases infinitive forms that denote entities are also treated as feminine. This has been recorded for the words flziima f. 'invitation', and Sta?a 'drink' (m. or f.).

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

207

In a nurober of other contexts, elements that da not refer to entities are treated grammatically as feminine in gender: (i) The inanimate interrogative pronoun ma may have feminine agreement when

used in an an indirect question, e.g. xerex ma palta 1 'Let's see what comes out' (S:61), lii Ia-tex ma gdiräle 1 'We da not know what has happened to him' (L:513), ta-ten ma golinna 1 'I da not know what to da' (L:125). Sometimes it is treated as masculine, e.g. manni eil ma lä-willu-lleu I 'Who knows what they have done to him' (L:96). In a direct question the pronoun ma is always construed as masculine, e.g. ma willi? 1 'What did I da?' (L:180). The inanimate expressions mindixlmindilmdi 'something' and hU!, ti mindix 'Nothing', moreover, are also masculine. The particle ti, however, is treated as either masculine or feminine when it is used independently to denote 'nothing', e.g. ti la-lyele-lleu 1 'Nothing (m.) happened to him' (B:158), but b'i-fimreu Ci-la lagdiräle1 'nothing (f.) hasever happened to him' (L:93). (ii) The two intransitive verbs frql ?rq 'to flee, run' and gl}k 'to laugh' are generally combined with a 3fs. pronominal element, e.g. ?oni-S la-?arqlla 1 'and they flee' (B:48), ?irqalan 'we fled' (B:50), gal}kiwala 'they used to laugh' (Y:66). The verb frql?rq is sometimes attested without it: farqawa 'she fled' (L:199). (iii) The 3fs. pronominal suffix is found also after the intransitive verb ?zl 'to go'

in expressionssuch as xa yarxa la zille-bbaw 1'one month did not go by' (L:171), riiba la zille bbaw 1'much time did not pass' (B:109). In the constructions described in (ii) and (iii) the pronominal suffixes are not referring to any entity external to the action itself. 14.4. Number

Same grammatically singular nouns are construed as plural: (1)

(2)

xa bela 1 ?ilyelu l-Bätas. 1'A family came to Batas'. (B:140) l}ukumat swlqtu-lleu. 1'The government left him alone'. (L:523)

Conversely some pluralia tantum or collective nouns are construed as grammatically singular. This is attested for the nouns gäre 'roof', mafe 'water', päre 'money' and xiue 'wheat', though the latter is usually treated as a plural:

(5)

gäre rumäna 'A high roof'. mafe kärh-wele, 1 gezwa, 1 zllle, 1 mafake nbllle-lleu. 1 'The water was a canal, it was flowing. He disappeared, the water carried him away'. (L:505) ?agar la ?olile 1 mafake koswa, 1 koswa ga"bäte. 1 'If they had not

(6)

done it the water would have run down, it would have run down into the houses'. (L:24) päre saqlawa. 1bö-?6 päre 1 julle golawätl. 1'She would take money.

(3) (4)

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With this money she would make me clothes'. (L:350) (7)

dwa?e 1 bar xitte pllf[a. 1 'Then, after the wheat came out (i.e. after the wheat harvest)'. (L:55)

A singular indefinite nominal that is preceded by the distributive quantifier kud is sometimes treated as plural: (8)

kud xa baqri minneu, 1 ma gbet? 1 'Each one asks him "What do you want?"' (L:166)

The 3pl. of a verb is often used to express an impersonal, unspecified subject: (9)

?Aron qtlllu. 1 'They have killed Aaron'. (B:134)

(10)

?i/aw qi$alu. 1 'They amputated her hand'. (B:139)

Isolated examples are found of the use of the 3pl. subject agreement on the verb where the clause contains a singular subject with an unidentified referent: (11)

xa ?ilyelu geban min-tura. 1 'Somebody came to us from the mountains'. (Y:148)

(12)

llt xa ?amrex so?a, 1 so?a dawrid didu ga-? Arbe/. 1 'There is not anyone whose family had been in Arbe! for let's say seven generations'. (L:40)

14.5. Demonstrative partie/es

When qualifying a noun the demonstrative particles are always placed before the noun, e.g. ?iyya golka 'this heifer' (S:5), ya-kabra 'this man' (S:16), ?iyya xlinda 'this valley' (B:157), ?iyya qalfa 'this citadel' (Y:24), ?o bela 'that house' (B:132), ?o kepa 'that rock' (B:160), ?o-dukka 'that place' (Y:9), ?inna biite 'those houses' (Y:31), yiine malwa?e 'those villages' (B:31), anne-eueke 'these chicks' (S:65). They may be combined with a noun that is modified by a possessive pronoun either in the form of a suffix or an independent did- phrase, e.g. ?iyya bronl 'this son of mine' (Y:82, also Y:6, 109), ?iyya lislinit didan 'this Iangauge of ours' (L:575), ?iyya bell 'this house of mine' (L:273), ?o Sirikeu 'that partner of his' (L:159), ?inna mdixani 'those things of mine' (Y:142), reS ?oni $iwe 'upon those strips of wood' (L:23). They may also stand independently of a head noun in a variety of syntactic positions. The near deixis form ?iyya is the most widely attested in such constructions, e.g. ?iyya xizmitklirid bei d-zyya wele 1 'This (man) was the servant in this one's house' (S:31), ?iyya mindenile 1 ga/- joreu 'This (one) has cast them out in his urine' (L:87), ?iyya lii-gben minnox 1 'I want this from you' (L:l21), kmir ?iyya mtu, 1 ?iyya mtu 1 'he says "Lay this, and lay this"' (Y:46), wlyya go/anwiile 'I used to do this' (Y:99), min-tarafit ?iyya, 'on account of this' (L:137), bas-?lyya wllle 'he only did this' (L:llO). Examples of the far deixis particle ?o and the plural demonstratives: ?o mlle 1 'Bring that!' (L:376), min-?o 1

1

209

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

xanj{l 'After this' (L:128), ?iyya biS tarn min ?o 'This is better than that' (L), ?inna la-xerl 'These people Iook' (Y:183), yane gadri sawar 'These become sawar' (B:114), ?anne mindenile 'He has cast these out' (L:89), ?inna qitlllu 'They killed these people' (Y:180), res ?oni 'upon those' (L:23). The forms ?o and ?oni standing independently as subjects of a clause in most cases function as 3rd pers. pronouns. As is the case with the other independent personal pronouns, however, ?o and ?oni do not serve as the direct object of a verb or the complement of a preposition when it has this non-deictic function. Instances of ?o and ?oni in these syntactic positions are always far deixis particles. 1

1

1

1

1

1

14.5.1. The function of the singular demonstratives In the plural no morphological distinction is made between near and far deixis, though the form of this plural demonstrative pronoun varies among the informants (§7.3). In the singular the two forms ?iyya and ?o are used. Broadly speaking ?iyya may be categorized as an expression of near deixis and ?o as an expression of far deixis. The precise conditions of their usage, however, are more complex than it may seem prima facie. The function of deictic particles is to locate a grammatical element in space and time. A nominal referring to an object in the extra-linguistic environment that is near to the speaker is qualified by ?iyya whereas one that is not near to the speaker is qualified by ?o. Examples of this usage of the near-deixis form ?iyya is found in the text corpus, e.g. (1)

?atxa-mg(m iyya-bofil, 1 b-qomit ?iyya-botil. 1 'Thus, like this bottle, with the size of this bottle' (Y:55). When uttering this the informant points to a bottle on the table in front of her.

(2)

?lyya brona yalit sawa-wele. 1 'This son was a baby'. (Y:95). The son in question was sitting next to the informant.

Also there are examples in the texts of direct speech using demonstrative particles to refer extra-linguistic objects, e.g. (3)

mele baqeu xa-zo?it kre 1, mlre: a/ 1, ?iyya min-?'iztr dldi lewe. 1 'He brought to him a suit. He said "But this is not made from my wool."' (B:127)

In the vast majority of cases in the texts, however, the deictic pronouns qualify items that occur in the 'world' of the discourse but not in the extra-linguistic environment. The function of deixis within this discourse world is to qualify a nominal with a referent that is identifiable from the context, i.e. a definite nominal, and to point to the location in the context where this identification can be made. In most cases both ?iyya and ?o qualify nominals with referents that have already been introduced and point back to the mention of the referents in the preceding context. The main factor that conditions the choice between the use of one or the other pronoun, however, is not textual proximity. In many cases it is clear that ?o is not used to point further back in the text than ?iyya. The motivation to use one rather than the other is usually the perspective adopted by the speaker. The form ?iyya is used by the speaker to express a

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SECTION FOURTEEN

closer engagement with a referent in a text than is the case with ?o. This is often used to pick out the referents that play a prominent role in the text. It also gives greater immediacy to the Situation described in the text and can be used to mark foregrounded sections. The use of ?iyya to mark prominent referents in a text is weil illustrated in the narratives of informant S, e.g. (4)

David misdlrre biu ya-kabra.' ya käbra ?ilyele.' David lä-xeribbeu iyya käbra, 1 La cli ma ?ol-llleu. 1 'David sent for this man. This man came. David Iooks at this man. He does not know what to do to this person'. (S:16)

(5)

?iyya käbra' xadtimit btibit ?iyya faqir-wele.' ?iyya bekas-wele,' ?iyya käbra. 1 ?iyya xizmitktirid bei d-zyya wele.' 'This man was the servant of this poor man's father. This person was an orphan, this man. This personwas the servant in this (other) man's house'. (S:31)

The deictic ?iyya in these examples points to the expressions in the preceding context that refer to this referent and establish its identity. The purpose of the use of ?iyya rather than of ?o is to mark these referents as key, foregrounded participants in the narrative. Consider now example (6) below, which illustrates the use of ?o and ?iyya together: (6)

xa bela' ?ilyelu l-Bätas. 1 ?ilyelu l-Bätas. 1 26 bela' brätu gwirtawela.' ... ?ilye[u [-Bätas, 1 zzllu b-xa bela, 1 belit xa HfaSir.H 1 ?u-xaH~ederH hzwle bäqu,' ?itulu {tarn.' 2iyya ~az-wllle minnaw.' ~az­ wllle min-bratake. bratake-s marr gorela,' bas' goraw La la-gdire ~ätizn ... 1

'A family came to Batas. They came to Batas. The daughter of that family was married.... They came to Batas and went to a hause, the hause of a rich man. He gave them a room and they settled there. This person lusted for her, he lusted for the girl. The girl, however, is married, although her husband has not consummated the marriage'. (B:140-142) In this example, the use of ?o in the phrase ?o bela is hardly motivated by the remoteness of the referent in the preceding text, since it is the subject of the preceding clause. The occurrence of ?o reflects the fact that the speaker is not presenting this component with as close a perspective as he would be with ?iyya. Here this can be correlated with the fact that the clause beginning with ?o bela supplies background information to the narrative and its referent ('the family') does not play a central role in the narrative. The pronoun ?iyya that occurs a few clauses later, on the other hand, is used to refer to one of the key participants in the central section of the foreground of the narrative, which concerns the interaction between this man and the daughter of the family. It is relevant to note that the other key participant, the daughter, is marked by the definite article -ake. As was remarked in §14.1.2, this article is typically used with prominent referents in the discourse. Consider also (7), where 'the child',

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

211

who is the main focus of attention in the passage, has ?iyya, whereas 'the doctor', who is an incidental participant, has ?o: (7)

telefon willu ta-dixtor didu. 1 mixwelu l/eu, 1 2iyya yiJlake, 1 Jiyya mindenile 1 gal-joreu. 2o dixtor mlre: 1 /a-zdimun sxet. 1 'They telephoned their doctor. They showed him the things that this child had thrown out with his urine. That doctor said "Don't be afraid any more." (L:87-88) 1

There are no hard and fast rules about the application of these principles of perspective. Speakers have a large degree of freedom in this regard and sometimes fluctuate from one perspective to another within a discourse for no clear reason. In general it may be said that ?o is the default form in discourse concerning entities that are spatially and temporally removed from the deictic centre of the speaker. The particle ?iyya is used in such types of discourse when, for some reason, the speaker wishes to express greater prominence of a referent by presenting it in a closer perspective. In some cases, as in examples (6) and (7) above, it is possible to correlate the distribution of the demonstratives with the relative importance of the participants in a stretch of discourse. We may identify in the use of demonstratives two pragmatic strategies for the expression of the discourse prominence of a referent. One is the aforementioned distinction between proximal perspective and non-proximal perspective. The other is the very strategy of opting to point by means of the deictic particle to the location in the context where the referent of a noun is to be identified as opposed to omitting this deixis altogether. This second strategy is weil illustrated in (4) and (5) from the narratives of informant S, where the central referents are given prominence not only by presenting them with near perspective by the use of ?iyya rather than ?o, but also by the very use of deictic particles as opposed to their omission. Most instances of these deictic particles are redundant for simply establishing reference. The purpose of their use is principally, it seems, to express prominence. Many of them correspond to the definite article or anaphoric pronouns in English idiom. The use of ?iyya to express a near, immediate perspective is sometimes associated with a shift to the present tense, e.g. (8)

xa-HminhizgH ?itwalan, 1 pes ya-Hminhag,H 1 ?il-?ere~ ?Isra?e/-is yaHminhagH gollxxe. 1 minhagake mayle? 1 'We had a custom. This custom still exists, we follow this custom also in the land of Israel. What is the custom?' (B:68). Note again the use of -ake with referents presented in close, prominent perspective.

(9)

gollwiile qalya. 1 ?iyya-qalya mayle? 1 miSxa palt{ m-gaw-pisra, 1 pallt m-gaw-pisra. 1 'They used to make qalya. What is this qalya? They extract the oil from the meat and it comes out of the meat'. (B:120-21).

As is seen in this example, when giving recipes the speakers often express a close engagement with the subject by using near perspective demonstratives. A

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further example, without a shift to the present tense, is the following: (10)

pisra daqdiqcmwa 1 gar-rlzza. 1 HrablininH 1 darixwa gaw ya-rizza. 1 'We chopped up meat with rice and put spices in this rice'. (Y:120121).

The distinction between two different referents expressed by two juxtaposed occurrences of the same noun is made by presenting one in close perspective (?iyya) and the other as non-proximal (?o), e.g. (11)

?iyya-la?a w-?6-la?a xa-parcit llxma kxzlwa. 1 'He used to eat a slice of bread on this side and on that side (i.e. here and there)'. (S:2)

(12)

?urxiine 1 min-ya-l?a w-?o-l?a. 1 'There were roads on this side and on that side'. (Y:16)

(13)

?iyya cikmele J:taqqeu? 1 ... ?6 cikmele J:taqqeu? 1 'What is the price of this?' ... 'What is the price of that'. (L:379)

In most cases, therefore, the nearness of the deixis of ?iyya relates primarily to nearness in perspective rather than closeness of previous mention. The deictic function of ?iyya is to point to a previously mentioned referent. The particle ?o is not, however, simply the far deictic counterpart of ?iyya. A more accurate description of ?o is that it is unmarked as to location, as opposed to ?iyya, which is the marked member of the pair. As is the usual case with the semantically unmarked member of a pair of items, ?o may have a specific or a neutral meaning. When used with its specific meaning, it functions as a deictic pointing to a referent in the context without near perspective, complementing ?iyya. When used neutrally it is unspecified as to location. The result is that it invites the hearer to Iook at the context to identify the referent but does not point in any particular location. Also it is unspecified as to perspective. It is simply a marker of definiteness indicating that the referent is identifiable somewhere from the context. We may interpret the occurrence of ?o in the phrase ?6 bela in example (6) as a case of its being used with its specific meaning of a deictic particle, pointing back to the previous mention of the referent, without a near perspective. In a few cases ?o is used with a noun whose referent is not explicitly mentioned in the preceding context but is only inferable. The particle here appears to have its specific deictic sense and point back to where the referent is inferable as if it were explicitly mentioned. Consider (14) and (15): (14)

?agar xa baxta yiila gadlrwiila, 1 tmanya lete 1 yatwlwa 1 ?il-?o bela. 1 'If a woman gave birth to a child, people used to sit in the hause for eight nights'. (B:132)

Here the referent of the noun bela 'hause' has not been explicitly introduced into the previous context. It is inferable from the Situation of 'a woman giving birth to a child', in that it is typically expected that the mother and child would be in a hause.

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(15)

213

Xa bel(i ?i/yelu l-ßiit(lS. 1 ?i/yelu l-ßiit(lS. 1 ?o bela 1 briitu gwirtawela.1 baxtit ?o gora, 1 xaltit da?zla. 1 'A family came to Batas. They came to Batas. The daughter of that family was married. The wife of the man is the aunt of my mother'. (B:140)

This is the full version of the beginning of the text cited in (6) above. The word gora refers to the man who is the head of the family. This referent has not been explicitly mentioned, but is inferable from the mention of 'the family', which would typically be expected to have a man acting as head of the household. As is shown in the translations of (14) and (15), English idiom hasthedefinite article rather than a demonstrative in such cases. Several examples of ?o that occur in the text corpus are best interpreted as having the neutral meaning of the particle, i.e. unspecified as to proximity or perspective. In such cases ?o does not point to a specific place in the context but indicates that the referent of the noun is identifiable somewhere in the context, as does the definite article in English. Likewise it is neutral with regard to perspective. In a number of such cases, ?o qualifies a noun referring to a referent whose identity is established by a following relative clause, e.g: (16)

?o-kepit plue reseu. 1'The stone that feil on him'. (B:160)

(17)

?o-dammit ?atxan zzllan 1 heStan HmiSpaJ:zaH zora-welan. 1 'At the time that we went, we were still a small family'. (Y:20)

(18)

dwa?e 1 maflim Hmi-Se-beraxH golwa 1 1-?o-niiSit wa~la pzSie biiqeu. 1 'Then the Rabbi said the blessing mi-se-berax for any person to whom the Iot feil'. (B:69)

(19)

qemixwa bqattit lele, 1 La damxlxwa, 1 ?o-yomit J:zasta hawewälan. 1 'We got up before dawn. We did not sleep, on any day that we had work to do'. (Y:104)

Here the ?o indicates that the referent is identifiable from the context, in this case by virtue of the description in the following clause, which has a close syntactic cohesion with what precedes. The referent in these constructions may be specific items, as in (16) and (17), or a class of entities, as in (18) and (19). A related construction is the use of ?o to introduce a relative clause without a head noun. In such cases the annexation particle tld is bonded to the demonstrative: (20)

?ot HJaqafotH pilwäla qämeu 1 kulla sltre tora 1 faydew-welu. 1 'The one to whom the haqqafot had fallen had all the Torah scrolls (to carry)'. (B:70)

(21) ?od J:zaqele 1 gal-xa hula?a 1 ?eneu plotmun. 1 'Whoever speaks (harshly) to a Jew, knock out his eye!'. (L:124) (22) ?ot-tltwäle, 1 kud-damma kplna-wele. 1 'Whoever did not have anything was always hungry'. (Y:llO)

214 (23)

SECTION FOURTEEN

Jot-kewa xa-cay kmixwäle. 1 'Whoever came, we used tobring him tea'. (L:229).

The singular form Jo is used even where the subject of the relative clause is plural. (24)

Jot xa?eniwa gallim, 1 Jod be minnan fltwälu rtsiq, 1 fltwälu l}aSta. 1 'Those who lived with us, those who did not have a livelihood or work without us'. (L:135)

(25)

Jod-dawlamand-welu, 1 kulla-bate, 1 kut kepa mi-xa-nawaf baneniwa. 1 'Those who were rich built all the houses (in such a way that) each brick was of a (different) type'. (Y:30)

The particle Jo before a noun in annexation form qualified by a nomen rectum or the possessive particle did- may also be neutral as to proximity and be no more than a marker of definiteness, e.g. (26)

Jo da?ilt Jiyya Wäl}zd 1 xalwa hiwla bäqi 1 b-yäluli. 1 'The mother of this Wal).id gave me milk in my childhood' (L:352)

(27)

jiräne, 1 Jo kuca didan 1 kulla qimlu b-leU 'The neighbours, our street, everybody got up in the night'. (L:65)

(28)

Jo l}azzan didu 1'Their cantor'. (L:541).

Further examples of Jo used in its neutral sense are cases where it is placed before an adjective or other nominal modifier to nominaUze it, e.g: (29)

Jitwali Jarba yäte. 1 Jo-zora 1 tfqha yarxe-wele, 1 Jilyelan ta?Isra?e/.1 'I had four children. The small one was three months (when) we came to Israel'. (Y:7)

(30)

tre l}izbe-Jitwa. 1 xa kimriwälu 1Säfifl, 1 Jo-xet la Cen ma kimriwälu. 1 'There were two groups. One was called Säfi'I. I do not know what they called the other'. (B:lOl)

In such phrases the particle Jo indicates that the word following it has a referent that is identifiable from the context, and so is a nominal. The neutral Jo is used with the word xet 'other' even when it modifies a noun, so long as the noun is definite, e.g. Jo-xet /}ä$ar 'The other courtyard' (B:lO). Occasionally the near deixis demonstrative Jiyya is used where the referent indicated by the demonstrative is identifiable from a following relative clause. In such cases, however, the demonstrative is not neutral as to proximity or perspective. In (31) it qualifies a noun with a newly introduced referent, ,whereas in (32) and (33) it occurs without a head noun. In all cases the demonstrative refers to a specific referent that plays a central roJe in the discourse. The (31), where the referent is being introduced for the first time, we may say that the deictic Jiyya is neutral as to proximity in the context, but specifically expresses a near perspective in the presentation of the narrative:

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

215

(31)

?iyya kabra d-mlirit golka w-torta 1 miila kulla Cirale. 1 'The man who was the owner of the heifer and the cow searched the whole town'. (S:7)

(32)

?iyyat baslale. 1 'The one who was doing the cooking'. (Y:37)

(33)

?iyyat lä-q[illu-lleu. 'The one who was killed'. (Y:225) 1

The demonstrative ?iyya is used to nominaUze a numeral in the following: (34)

babl, 1 ?ilha manlxle, 1 tmanya yate, 1 ?ista ?axawatl, 1 ?tina iyya So?a, ?o marwewiilan. 'My father, may God grant him peace, (had) eight children, - my six siblings, and me, the seventh, he brought us up'. (L:108) 1

1

The near deixis form ?iyya is occasionally used with a newly introduced referent expressed by a simple noun, without a modifying relative clause. In all such cases the referent plays an important roJe in the succeeding text. The near deictic particle indicates that it is a textually prominent referent that is identifiable somewhere in the context, without pointing to a specific location. The deictic ?iyya is neutral as to proximity in the context, but nonetheless presents the referent with a prominent, near perspective,3 e.g. (35)

?iyya dbanta ?itwalu. 1 'They had a pistol'. (Y:206)

(36)

zabinwälu ta-iyya bSilmäna. 1 'He used to sell them to a certain Muslim'. (Y:260)

When ?o is used with expressions of space and time referring to the spatiotemporal frame of what precedes, it can be interpreted as having its specific sense, in that it refers to something which is explicitly present in the preceding discourse, e.g. (37)

?o-dukka, 1 titwa ?axta gam, 1 kuba 1 mga-attaneha. 1 'In that place there was not so much worry and anguish as now'. (Y:22).

(38)

?6-damma hestan jal;dl-weli. 1 'At that time I was still young'. (Y:5).

(39)

?tina ke m-batl, 1 kimriwlila pinsilln, 1 ?o-waxt. 1 'I remernher it was called penicillin at that time'. (L:91).

It is also used with a phrase referring to a component of the preceding spatiotemporal frame, as in (40), where the temporal setting has been given as the festival of Purim. The deictic force of the ?o is strengthened by the particle har. (40)

har-?6 y6mit Sabbat 1 'the very same Sabbath'. (B:42)

When used independently of a head noun, ?o is likewise unmarked for location. It may be used in its specific meaning and point to a non-proximal location as 3 A similar use of demonstrative pronouns with newly introduced referents is found in BT A, e.g. lt,:a lt1l"1l"1 'a certain man', ltnn•lt lt'l"ll"l 'a certain woman', '1'17 1ll"1 'goats' (cf. Margolis 1910: 70; Schlesinger 1928: 180).

216

SECTION FOURTEEN

counterpart of ?iyya, which points to a near location: (41) ?iyya tob mlle, 1 ?o mlle. 1 'Bring this roll, bring that!'. (L:376). As was remarked above, when ?o acts as an object of a verb or complement of a preposition it always has this specific meaning. In subject position independent ?o usually has its neutral meaning of unspecified location and perspective and functions as an anaphoric pronoun. It should be noted, however, that the interpretation of ?o in subject position as specific or neutral is often ambiguous. The independent ?iyya is often used to act as subject of a clause in place of ?o in order to express a near perspective. In such cases English idiom prefers a simple anaphoric pronoun, e.g. (42)

?iyya waxtit-zille, Ia-gaze ma? 'When he went, what does he see?'. (S:10)

(43)

?iyya mindenile 1 gal-joreu. 'He has cast them out in his urine'. (L:87).

1

1

The definite marker -ake is associated with prominent referents. Nouns with ake, however, are found qualified not only with the demonstrative ?iyya but also with ?o, e.g. ?iyya yiilake 'This child' (L:87), ?o baxtake 'That woman' (L:502). This indicates that the -ake suffix is not functionally equivalent to ?iyya. Unlike the vast majority of cases of ?iyya, the suffix -ake is a deictic that is unspecified as to location. It simply indicates that the referent is identifiable in the context without pointing to any particular place. A demonstrative that is specified as to location, therefore, is a more powerful deictic. lt appears that the choice to use ?iyya rather than ?o with a noun that has -ake can still be interpreted as a distinction in prominence and perspective. In this case the distinction would be on a Ievel additional to the prominence already expressed by the -ake suffix. 14.5.2. Use of ?iyya as a presentative On a few occasions the particle ?iyya functions as a presentative particle ('behold, here is, here are'): (44)

?iyya tre ~u~ka piltlu. 1 'Behold! Two chicks hatched out'. (S:64)

(45)

?iyya mindixiinox ?ot-mlrox baql. 1 'Here are the things of yours that you asked for fromme'. (L:176)

(46)

ha-iyya kaxta min-mirlzne Qadlrbak. 'Here is Ietter, from the Qadirbek 'amirs'. (L:369)

(47)

?iyya-lmma filse. 'Here are a hundred fils'. (L:405)

1

1

1

lt is used in a similar function to strengthen the temporal adverb ?atta 'now':

(48)

?atta-iyya 1 gberun qatfetuni, 1 ?lzna qiimox-wen. 1 'lf you want to kill me right now, I am standing before you'. (L:305)

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

217

14.5.3. The function of the pluraldemonstrative In the speech of all informants the distinction between near deixis and far deixis plural pronouns has almost completely collapsed. In the vast majority of cases one particle is used as a pluraldemonstrative modifier (LandS: ?anne, Y: ?inna, B: yäne) and functional distinctions between near and far perspective are not expressed. There are a few isolated cases, however, where the plural pronoun ?oni is used as a demonstrative expressing far deixis. As with the distinction between ?iyya and ?o in the singular, the far deixis relates to perspective rather than textual distance. In (49) and (50) the far perspective is also expressed by the use of past tense forms rather than the present: (49)

(50)

?itwa qärye. 1 reS qärye 1 matwlwa 1 Hma~a~alot 1 H reS ?oni 1 matwlwa ~iwe zore zore, 1 reS ?oni ~iwe, 1 reS ?oni Hma~a~elet 1 H­ ~a#ra kimrlle 1 - kmeniwa tina matwlwa. 1 'There were beams. Upon the beams they placed mats. On those they placed small strips of wood. They brought mud and placed it on those strips, on those mats, - they were called ~a#ra'. (L:23) tikma barqiye hlwlu min-? Arbe/, 1 ta-bäbl, 1 ta-?onl 1 jwäbu läkawlwa:1 gebile, 1 la-zdimun. 1 'They sent so many telegrams from Arbel. They replied to my father, (the replied) to those (telegrams): "He is with me, do not fear"'. (L:552)

There is evidence that the plural demonstrative particles can be used either in a specific sense of pointing to referents that are located in the context or in a neutral sense of a marker of definiteness. In their specific sense they point to referents that have been mentioned in the context. In a few isolated cases they are used with referents that have not been mentioned in the preceding context but are inferable from it. In their neutral sense they simply indicate that the referent of the noun is identifiable from the context without pointing to a particular location. Examples where the plural demonstratives appear to be used in a neutral sense include cases where they nominalize an adjective. The demonstrative is placed either directly before the adjective or is linked to it by the annexation particle -t. Note that in (54) below the adjective ruwwa is given the nominal plural ending -äne: (52)

mire ?agar ruwwane zlllu, 1 ?!nna zore kitlla ?lle w-aqJelu. 1'He said "If the great men have gone, the small ones are all hands and legs"'. (Y:194)

(53)

?lnnat ruwwake ?od didxun 'Your great people'. (Y:174).

(54)

?innat ruwwäne 1'The great people'. (Y:180).

We may include among the uses of pluraldemonstratives in a neutral sense their occurrence with nouns whose identity is established by a following specifying phrase that is syntactically linked to the noun. This phrase may be an adjective, a possessive pronoun, a genitive phrase, or a relative clause: (55)

anne nlisit ruwwe 1'The great people'. (L:490).

218

SECTION FOURTEEN

(56)

?anne lixma ruwwe ruwwe ?atxa, farife kimrlwälu. 1 'The pieces of bread that were big like this were called loaves'. (L:567)

(57)

?anne bsilmäne ?ot ?o mäla 1 'The Muslimsofthat town'. (L:509).

(58)

?anne ?ixtiyäre didan 'Our old folk'. (L:297).

(59)

~rlxle ?anne xolfimid dideu ga-bela. 1 'He called to his servants in

the hause'. (L:123) (60)

wi-kmeniwa ta-inna naSit lä-lyelu ta-xlu/a. 1 'They used tobring (it) to the people who had come to the wedding'. (Y:127)

The demonstrative particle is occasionally used with a newly introduced referent expressed by a simple noun, without a modifier. In all such cases the referent plays a central roJe in the immediately succeeding text, where its identity is established, e.g. (61)

hula?e, 1 ?iyya }Jastu wela. 1 keniwa ?anne bSilmäne, 1 min-dar keniwa. 1 'These Muslims used to come. They used to come from afar'. (L:20)

(62)

jarubar, 1 keniwa gebeu ?anne ?agawäte. 1 'Sometimes these Aghas used to come to him'. (L:llO)

Plural demonstratives that are used independently of a head noun (see above) generally have the specific sense of pointing to referents in the context. They appear to be used in a neutral sense, however, when introducing a relative phrase, e.g. (63)

?u-pilgeu bi-zoda palyanwäle ta-?lnnat lltwälu ?axliwa. 1 'and I shared out more than a half of it to those who had nothing to eat'. (Y:272)

(64)

?lnnat itiwe/u b-saray 'The people who are dwelling in the palace'. (Y:174)

In subject position the neutral deictic sense of identifiability from the context is expressed by the pronoun ?oni. (65)

}Jatta ?oni ~/elu, 1 ?ilyela da?at ?Is}Jaq Le?a xlpla-llox. 1 'While they prayed, Leah, the mother of Isaac, came and washed you'. (Y:88)

(66)

?oni ?ix{i/an kixllwäle. 1 'They eat our food'. (B:105)

(67)

/ä-zadeni, 1 w-oni

ma~eni

maxenilu. 1 'They are afraid, but they are

capable of striking them'. (L:297). The pronoun ?oni is occasionally used as a determiner tonominaUze an adjective or plural relative phrase, e.g. (68)

?oni xet 1 'The others'. (L:567)

219

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(69)

?/mit ruwwe ruwwe 'The great people'. (L:488)

Before most relative phrases, however, ?oni is replaced by ?ot (cf. §19.1.1.1 iii). 14.6. Possessive pronouns Possessive pronouns that modify nouns are expressed as suffixes which are attached either directly to the noun or to the independent possessive particle did-. The independent particle is placed immediately after the noun. Nouns that are followed by this particle are generally put in the annexation form, e.g. dlmmid didxun 'your blood' (Y:227), !iSlinid didi:zn 'our language' (L:72), xiliwid didax 'your milk' (L:81), ?tzli dldi 'my wool' (B:127), ?anne xollimid dideu 'his slaves' (L:123), ?anne sirikld didl 'my partners' (L:203). Occasionally the nouns remain in the independent form, e.g. fitrlna dideu 'his shop window' (L:327), xizme did(:zn 'our relatives' (L:555), ?anne ?ixtiyäre didan 'our old folk' (L:297), hula?e didan 'our Jews' (L:335). Unadapted loans generally remain without annexation inflection, e.g. ?o kuca didan 'our street' (L:65), H#bburH didan 'our community' (L:111), posl didaw 'her veil' (L:261), malla didu 'their mullah' (L:509), mizgaft didu 'their mosque' (L:510), ?o J:zazzan didu 'their cantor' (L:541). Occasionally the did- phrase follows the noun in an appositional genitive contruction (see §14.9.2). In such cases the noun remains in the independent form. Both original Aramaie words and loanwords are found in this construction, e.g. gure ?od-didan 'our husbands' (Y:65), gal-mafallim ?od-didan 'with our teacher' (L:452), Hnas{H ?od-didan 'our president' (L:134). This construction is also attested after a noun with the definite article -ake, which cannot be inflected: ?{nnat ruwwake Jod didxun 'your great people' (Y:174).4 The use of the independent particle did- with loanwords that have not been fully integrated into the morphology of the language is usually due to the fact that inflectional endings, including pronominal suffixes, tend to be avoided. Elsewhere there is a free structural choice between a noun with suffixes and one with a did- phrase, and rules cannot be formulated to explain the motive for the choice of one construction rather than the other in all cases. In some cases the possessive pronoun is a greater information focus than the noun. In most instances of this type the focus is contrastive and the did- phrase bears the nuclear stress, e.g. (1)

?agar mlre hula?e lä-qtlllu-lli, ?atxan dimman res-?ilxun, q{olunnan. wa-?agar mire Ia hula?e, mlre: dlmmid didxun ?atxan 1 gotlxxe. 1 'lf he says "The Jews have killed me", our blood is in your hands, kill us. But if he says "Not the Jews"', he said "We shall have your blood."'. (Y:227) 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

4 The use of the annexation form or genitive phrase 1od before did- suggests that the initial/d/ of the did- phrase is no Ionger interpreted as the genitive particle d- but rather a fossilized unit; cf. the remarks of Tosco (Pennacchietti and Tosco 1991: 27) regarding the syntax of the corresponding genitive particle in Neo-Aramaic texts from the former Soviet Union.

220

SECTION FOURTEEN

(2)

holte-lli Jiina. 1 Jiyya mewfinid didllewe? 1 'Give him to me. Isn't he my guest'. (L:551)

(3)

mlre bäqeu: 1 xwlija mafallim, 1 ... mfitot kimret Hkvod ha-rab,H 1 bliSfinid didan. 1 'He said to him: "xwlija mafallim", ... that is to say kvod ha-rab in our language'. (L:72)

In the majority of constructions with the independent possessive pronoun, however, there is not a higher information focus on the pronoun than on the noun. It is significant that certain types of noun regularly take pronominal suffixes rather than did- phrases, unless the pronoun is the focus of contrastive stress. These include close family members and inalienable possessions,S e.g. Jlleu 'his band' (Y:147), faqteu 'his legs' (Y:155), reSeu 'his head' (L:460), Jenl 'my eyes' (L:228), bqartox 'your neck' (Y:147), bäbl 'my father' (L:234), daJeu 'his mother' (Y:154), lamonl 'my uncle' (L:387), bräteu 'his daughter' (L:200), xalunteu 'his sister' (Y:l55), baxtl 'my wife' (L:231). Outside of these categories of noun the choice appears tobe free between the use of suffixes or did- phrases. We may infer from this distribution that the construction with a did- phrase expresses a greater individuation of the noun and the possessive pronoun and a greater distinctness between the two than does the suffix construction. It is for this reason that the suffix construction is preferred for nouns that are closely associated with the referent of the pronoun. A phrase with did- may occur independently of a head noun in predicative position, e.g. (4)

kulla did6x-ilu. 1 'They all belong to you'. (S:84)

(5)

fina Ci-didite. 1 'Nothing belongs to me'. (S:86)

(6)

dehwa laxca w-laxca didiJxile. 'Such and such an amount of gold belongs to you'. (L:207) 1

1

In the speech of informant B, there is a single instance of an independent possessive pronoun formed by attaching a suffix to the particle fayd-. This occurs in predicative position: kulla slfre tora 1 faydew-welu. 1 'All the scrolls of the Torah belonged to him' (B:70). 14.7. Reflexive pronoun The reflexive pronoun nos- is used in various syntactic contexts. (i) Subject It may be used as the subject of a clause or in apposition to a noun or pronoun functioning as subject. In this position it either Singles out the subject for 5 Tosco (Pennacchietti and Tosco 1991: 27) and Polotsky (1994: 93) have noted the sarne phenornenon with regard to the distribution of the corresponding gentive particle in Neo-Ararnaic texts frorn the forrner Soviet Union and in the Jewish Zakho dialect respectively.

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

221

assertive focus ('I myself, he himself,' etc.) or has an exclusive sense denoting that the subject referent is acting alone ('by myself, by himself,' etc.). The sense of 'acting alone' may be intensified by the particle har (7): (1)

nosi la y?iltl 1 min-leka liyya päre kewa. 1 'I myself did not know where this money was coming from'. (L:208)

(2)

la ylllli nosi leka päre daren. 1 'I myself did not know where to put the money'. (L:201)

(3)

dwale noSaw w-blänaw l}aSta wlllu. 1 'Then she herself and her daughters worked'. (Y:149).

(4)

lana nosi mafzn-weli.l 'I myself was a helper'. (L:491)

(5)

hemat xa-dukka noSeu banewa 1 ?ltwäle lara. 1 'Whoever built a place by hirnself had land'. (Y:17)

(6)

xetlwälu nosu. 1 'They used to sew them by themselves'. (Y:146)

(7)

yatuwwa H[el-a-sederH qarewäla har-noSeu. 1 'He used to sit on seder night and read it all by himself'. (Y:33)

When standing as the direct object complement of a verb or as the complement of a preposition it denotes co-referentiality with the subject of the cluase: (ii) Object complement (8)

noseu mindyale gaw-bal}ra. 1 'He threw hirnself in the river'. (Y:257)

(9)

nosox u-tikma barux6x-iS mllu. 1 'Bring yourself and a few of your friends'. (S:llO)

(10)

ptiftu ?atxa 1 nosu. 1 'They brought themselves out'. (L:487)

(11)

waxt ttti, 1 xa säta, 1 tre sinne xet, 1 l}atta nosi gazinna. 1 'I have time, (I need) a year or two more until I see myself'. (i.e. before I establish

my business)'. (L:192) (iii) Complement of a preposition (12)

?iyya 1 ?ilyele 1 siqtlile ?iyya baxta, 1 nibllile ta-noseu. 1 'He came, carried off the woman and took her for himself'. (L:499)

(13)

bi-päyez 1 kud nasa xitte saqilwa ta-nbseu ta-kulle sitwa. 1 'In autumn every person laid in wheat for hirnself for the whole winter'. (B:115)

(14)

kabra la-mlre tara pallxle res noseu. 1 'The man did not dare to open the door upon hirnself (i.e. and expose himself)'. (S:ll)

(15)

jar kud-jar 1 tre, t{{lha nase nabllwa gal-noseu. 1 'Each timehe took two or three people with him'. (B:108)

222 (16)

SECTION FOURTEEN kud mispaJ:ta daw/amimd 1 ?arba xamsa miSpaJ:te kimyiiwa gebnosaw.1 'Every rich family would receive four or five families into its home'. (B:59)

(iv) Complement of a noun The noS- phrase may be genitive complement of a noun. In such cases the possessive pronoun has greater individual focus than it does in the form of pronominal suffix. In most cases it is co-referential with the subject of the clause (17-20), though this is not always the case (21-22) (17)

1-dukkid nbsan mellxwa min-kipnim. 1 'In our own place we were dying of our hunger'. (Y:118)

(18)

kud-naSa bas il-belit noSeu dtwa mä-?tt. 1 'Everyone knew only what was happening in his own house'. (Y:l5)

(19)

meta xanCi xalwa d-nosaw. 1 'She brought some of her own milk'. (L:79) kud-niisa briixl nbseu kmewälu. 1 'Everyone said his own blessings'. (B:76) ?äti babid iyya gbra /ä-qtlllox, 1 ... gaw-J:tawsid noseu, 1 lä-tselox hawa. 1 'You have killed the father of this man ... and have buried him in his own courtyard'. (S:46) bräta 1 ?agar la ?ebewäla l- 1brona, 1 b-ilit noSaw-wela, 1 b-kefl noSaw-wela. 1 'If the girl did not like the boy, it was in her hands, it was according to her pleasure (i.e. her wishes were respected)'. (B:78)

(20) (21)

(22)

The function of noS- as a genitive complement is close to that of did-, which also expresses a greater individuation of the possessive pronoun than a pronominal suffix. The degree of assertive focus appears, however, to be greater with noS- than with did-. In some cases the two constructions are used in parallel, cf. (23) and (24): (23)

?iyya 1 b-xalwid didax xlolle. 1 'Wash this with your milk'. (L:81)

(24)

?o-xalwit nosaxile. 1 halle ta-yälake- 1 'It is your own milk. Give it to the child'. (L:82)

When used with the lpl. suffix in these contexts, noS- has an exclusive sense ('ours not including you').6

6 Some NENA dialects express the distinction between exclusive and inclusive possession by two different 1pl. pronominal suffixes, e.g. Christian Urmia -an (inclusive), eniy (exclusive); cf. Polotsky (1961: 19-20).

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

223

14.8. Reciprocal pronoun The reciprocal pronoun dixle may be the direct object of a verb or the complement of a preposition. (i) Direct object When functioning as the direct object, it is preceded by the object marking particle /-. It may be the direct complement of the verb (1) or it may be placed in apposition to the verb in a phrase combining xa expressing the subject and 1dixle the object (2-3): (1)

ca-raba gblxwa l-dixle 1 'How we loved one another!' (B:46)

(2)

ma~iil:zllu xa l-dlxle 1 'They pacified one another'. (L:458)

(3)

mxelu xa 1-dixle 'They beat one another'. (L)

(ii) Complement of a preposition

Prepositions are placed before dixle without the addition of xa: (4)

xlula gollwa, 1 gure u-?inse gal-dixle. 1 'Themen and warnen danced together'. (B:62)

(5)

Ia fetlwa gal-dlxle ti-jar. 1 'They never went out with one another'. (B:85)

(6)

kulla gal-dlxle l:zaSta goltwa. 1 welan kullan gal-d'ixle. 1 'Everybody worked with one another. We were all with one another'. (Y:l)

(7)

mazidlwa reS-dixW 'They used to outbid one another'. (B:69)

(8)

?idgare gal-jirane gollxwa, 1 b-dlxle, 1 mafiniznwalu, 1 mafiniwali. 1 'Sometimes we worked reciprocally with the neighbours. We helped them and they helped us'. (Y:lOO)

(9)

bSilmane hula?e mga-dlxle loslwa. 1 'The Muslims and Jews dressed like one another'. (Y:144)

(10)

tre-lele gollxwa mgo-dlxle. 1 'We spent two nights in a similar way'. (Y:52)

In one isolated instance xa is placed between the preposition and dixle: (11)

?itwälan fa/wer gax-xa-l-d'ixle 1 rliba. 1 (< gal-xa-1-dixle) 'We had many dealings with one another'. (L:469)

Redprocity can also be expressed by two occurrences of the particle xa: (12)

xa-1-xa ral:zmlwa. 1 'They were compassionate to one another'. (L:569)

224

SECTION FOURTEEN

14.9. Genitive constructions A noun may be modified by another noun in a genitive relation. This may be expressed in two ways: (i) By annexing the first noun (nomen regens) to the second (nomen rectum), e.g. sonlt babl 'the grandfather of my father' (B:14). For the morphology of nominal annexation see §10.11. (ii) By placing the second noun in apposition to the first preceded by the expression ?ot (literally 'the one of' ?o + t), e.g. karasta ?ot ziringre 'the equipment of goldsmiths' (L:165). 14.9.1. Annexation In general both the nomen regens and the nomen rectum in an annexation construction are definite. Occasionally, however, one of them is indefinite. A singular indefinite component is often marked by the particle xa, but this is not obligatory either for the nomen regens or the nomen rectum. (i) Indefinite nomen regens, e.g. xa-partit llxma 'a slice of bread' (S:2), xa megalit ?irbe 'a flock of sheep' (S:73), xa faqrit $iwa rumanta rumanta 'a very high tree-trunk' (S:113), xa-sinnit dlb 'a tooth of a wolf' (L:209), but slnnit dlb (L:210), without the xa. The nomen regens may be an indefinite plural, e.g. jogit mafe 'streams of water' (B:64). (ii) Indefinite nomen rectum, e.g. belit xa naSa 'the house of a man' (S:52), plskit xa yarxa 'the sufficiency of a month' i.e. enough for a month (Y:93) but be hula?a 'the house of a Jew' (Y:241), without xa. The annexation construction may be used recursively, with the result that the second noun is itself annexed to another noun, e.g. maytit babid ya faqlr 'the corpse of the father of this poor man' (S:35), kaxit!d mispatid iyya kabra 'the letter of the judgment of this man' (S:27), xizmitkarid bei d-lyya 'the servant of the house of this man' (S:31), xadamit babit ?iyyii: faqlr 'the servant of the father of this poor man' (S:31), tarid be hula?a 'the door of the house of a Jew' (Y:241). The nomen rectum may be a phrase consisting of two conjoined nouns, e.g. bliid babaw w-da?ii:w 'in the hands of her father and mother' (B:77), marit golka w-tortii: 'the owner of the heifer and the cow' (S:7). A nomen regens consisting of conjoined nouns is generally avoided. An isolated example is: gildii: w- 1pisrii: w- 1garme u-ma garmit golka 1 'the flesh, the meat, the bones upon bones of the heifer' (S:12). 14.9.2. Genitival apposition The element ?ot (< ?o + t 'the one of'), which introduces the second noun, is a fixed feature of this construction, even when the first noun is plural, e.g. bsilmane 1 ?ot-?Arbe/ 1 'the Muslims of Arbel' (L:42), ?anne bSilmane ?bt ?b mälii: 'these Muslimsofthat place' (L:509), kulla hula?e ?ot-? Arbe/ 'all the Jews of Arbel' (L:469), xanCi masale ?ot-? Arbe/ 'some stories of Arbel' (L:138). In a few cases the first noun is in the annexation form, e.g. jiranlt ?ot hulate 1 ga-Saqlii:wa 1 'the neighbour of the Jews in Saqlawa' (L:411). In the vast majority of instances the first noun is in the independent form.

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

225

The connection between the two components of the appositional construction is looser than annexation and the second component is often separated from the first by other elements of the clause, e.g. (1)

JiSta-SoJa jwanqe kmeniwa Jot-/:tilWS. 1 'they would bring six or seven young men betonging to the residential enclosure'. (Y:49)

(2)

xa-waxit yiiJe b-qiim-tarid iyya bela da-fltlu, 1 Jod-iyya siyona 1 'when children were passing in front of this house of this madman'. (S:8).

The nomen rectum may even be placed before the nomen regens, though this is not a frequent usage, e.g. Jot gwiire 1 ••• Jisri ({(lhi zo?e 1 'twenty or thirty pairs of earrings' (L:171). In some cases there appear to be syntactic reasons for the use of the appositional genitive. In (3) below, for instance, the occurrence of the pronominal suffixes prevent the annexation form from being used andin (4) the annexation form is avoided to preserve the structural balance in the phrase bela beta: (3)

soteu u-soneu Jod-biibeu' keniwa geban.' 'His grandfather and his grandmother - (on the side) of his father - used to come to us'. (Y:21)

(4)

geziwa bela bela Jot-Hfasirim.H 1 'They went from house to house of rich people'. (Y:114)

Moreover the appositional gentive is often used where the nomen regens is a loanword that has not been adapted to Aramaie morphology, e.g. faskar Jot flraq 'the army of Iraq' (L:521), HfatldH Jot briiteu 'the future husband of his daughter' (L:200), HrofeH ?ot ?irbe 'a shepherd of sheep' (L:348). The motivation for the use of the appositional genitive contruction rather than annexation belongs in most cases, however, to the discourse-pragmatic Ievel of the language. We describe here the main contexts in which it is found. (i) In many cases the appositional construction is used to attract greater attention to the content of the nominal phrase as a whole (nomen regens + nomen rectum)

than would be achieved by the annexation construction. In most examples of the construction betonging to this category, this is expressed on the prosodic Ievel by presenting the nominal phrase in its own independent intonation group. In a few instances it is given still further prosodic prominence by giving each component its own intonation group, e.g. kllsa' Jot-Jirbe' 'the fat of sheep' (Y:120), lixma' Jod-doqa' 'bread of the doqa' (Y:127). One may identify a variety of purposes for which attention is drawn to the content of the phrase. We present here some examples by way of illustration. (a) The construction may be used to express a greater information focus than would be the case with annexation. This is clearly shown by the following passage:

226 (5)

SECTION FOURTEEN

b-lyya sfki/ 1 ?tina xe?eli,l ?atxim xa?ixwa, 1 kulla hula?e ?ot?Arbe/,1 Ia-bas hula?at ?Arbe/, 1 kulla dukka. 1 'In this way I lived, we lived, all the Jews of Arbe!, not only the Jews of Arbe!, (those of) every place'. (L:469)

Here the phrase kulla hula?e ?ot-? Arbe/ 1 is an information focus. The annexation construction hula?at ? Arbe/, on the other hand, does not express such a focus, but presents given information onto which the focus kulla dukka is integrated. As is the case with example (5), an appositional genitive phrase is often used to express something that is one of an inventory of items. Each item in the inventory is an information focus. Compare (6) and (7) below: (6)

wi soneu 1 maSdirwälan zatye Saxine min-Suqa, 1 satla ?ot-masta, 1 qaynag 1 Hb-toxH majmaf mgan-iyya 1 ruwwa. 1 'His grandfather used to send us warm pitta bread from the market, a pot of cheese, butter on a big tray like this'. (Y:ll)

(7)

ta-bqatta ?ixala golixwa, 1 mga mlri, 1 xifte, 1 tipale, 1 mindl. 1 tapilgld-yom,1 sisme gal-xurma diqe, 1 ?u-Iixma 1 ?od-doqa 1 'For the morning we would make food, as I have said, wheat stew, meat and rice, etc, and for lunch sesame crushed with dates, bread made on a doqa'. (Y:126-27)

Examples such as (6) and (7) show that the discourse factors conditioning the occurrence of the appositional genitive do not correspond completely with those that determine the use of theindefinite particle xa (cf. 514.1.1). The appositional construction is used to introduce referents that play a prominent roJe in the subsequent discourse and so constitute an important information focus, e.g. (8)

kl/Sa 1 ?ot-?irbe, 1 gollxwäla, 1 xallixwäla, 1 xalllxwäla b-mafe raduxe, 1 qalplxwlila 1 'We prepared the fat of sheep. We washed it, we washed it with boiling water and stripped off the skin ... '. (Y:120)

(9)

xalunteu 1 zllla 1, ?o-dukka ?ltwa maflim ?ot-flraq ... mlre bäqaw ... lä-xer HseferH qämeu, 1 Iä-xer. 1 kimlr 1 ... 'His sister went, in that place dwelt the rabbi of Iraq ... He said to her ... He Iooks at the book before him. He Iooks. He says ..'. (Y:163-65)

(10)

f.tatta ?atta 1 ma$en ?amrlnnox 1 xanCi masa/e ?ot-?Arbe/. 1 'For the time being I can teil you a few stories of Arbe!'. (L:138) In the subsequent discourse the informant proceeds to narrate these stories.

A prominent information focus expressed by the construction may reflect a defeat in expectation, e.g.

227

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(11)

?iina La y?llli ?iyya jiranit ?ot hula?e ga-Saqlawa. 'I did not know she was the neighbour of the Jews in Saqlawa!'. (L:411). 1

1

1

The phrase may be explicitly marked as a information focus by a focus particle such as ?afillu 'even', e.g. (12)

?afillu Sultiina ?ot flraq, malik Gazi, ?o-kewa ga-Saqlawa. 'Even the ruler of Iraq, king Öazi - he came to Saqlawa'. (L:4)

(13)

?aflllu tayxana ?ot-bSilmiine ?ot-hula?e-s ?ztwa. 'There was even a tea house for Muslims and Jews'. (Y:200)

1

1

1 ••

1

1

(b) The appositional genitive may be used with a phrase that is not a focus of new information but rather constitutes the given element in the information structure of the clause. The referents referred to by these phrases, however, play a prominent role in the subsequent discourse and are usually subjects of the clause. Also, the clauses containing these phrases typically occur at the onset of a speech or of a section of discourse. The opening of a discourse unit, therefore, is marked by the reidentification of a prominent referent by a construction that attracts the focus of attention, e.g. (14)

?iyya mafallim ?ot hulale, 1 ?o lii-dafe res bsilmiine. 1 'This rabbi of the Jews, he is cursing the Muslims'. (L:433)

(15)

?anne bsilmiine ?ot ?o miila qlmlu, Ci-la smelu. 'Those Muslims of that town got up and heard nothing'. (L:509) 1

1

1

(ii) Genitival apposition may be used to throw particular focus on one of the components of the construction. This is achieved by exploiting the loose structural connection between the nomen regens and nomen rectum and placing one of them in a position of focus. Several varieties of this are found. (a) The nomen rectum may be given focus by separating it from the nomen regens and placing it at the end of the clause, e.g. (16)

?ista-so?a jwanqe kmeniwa ?ot-}J.awS. 1 'They brought six or seven young men belanging to the residential enclosure'. (Y:49).

(17)

xa-not hiwle baqi, ?ot-?isra dinare. 'He gave me a note of ten dinars'. (L:113) 1

1

The placement of an adjective of the nomen regens immediately after the nomen regens in a apposition genitive constrution or after the nomen rectum in an annexation construction seems to be largely a question of focus. So, in (18) the focus is on the nomen rectum while in (19) it is on the adjective: (18)

?a-rabbit ruwwa ?ot-? Arbe/ 1 'the chief rabbi of Arbel'. (Y:58)

(19)

xa faqrii ~iwa rumanta rumanta 'a tall tree trunk'. (S:113)

(b) The nomen regens may be given focus by placing it after the nomen rectum, e.g.

228 (20)

SECTION FOURTEEN

?ot gwiire ?isrl f!(lhl zo?e wlllan biiqeu 'We made twenty or thirty pairs of earrings for him'. (L:171) 1 •••

1

1

(c) The nomen regens may be given focus in copula clauses by placing the copula immediately after it, thus separating it from the nomen rectum, e.g. (21)

?ilha manlxle biibl xa min-rab-wele ?ot-miila. 'My father, may God grant him peace, was one of the rahbis of the town'. (L:129)

(22)

?o biibaw mln ruwwiine-wele ?ot-Bagdtid 'Her father was one of the great men of Baghdad'. (L:253).

1

1

1

1

1

(d) Splitting an annexation structure and presenting the nomen regens as a syntactically independent noun can be used to express greater focus on the nomen regens, e.g. (23) xa-sinnit dib kimrlwii/e, 1 kaka ?od-dib 1 'It was called a wolf's tooth, a tooth of a wolf'. (L:209) Here the new focused element in the phrase kaka ?od-dib 1 is the word kaka, whereas the word dlb is repeated from the previous phrase. By contrast, in the annexation structure xa-sinnit dib both components are of equal focus. (iii) The genitival element introduced by ?ot may stand in apposition to an

genitive suffix on the first noun rather than in direct apposition to the noun itself, e.g. (24)

hu/a?zd didan, ?ot-?Arbe/, xetlwa rtiba le}Jefe. 'Our Jews, of Arbel, used to sew many quilts'. (L:l8)

(25)

rizzu bis-basima-wele, 1 ?ot-?Arbe/ 1 'Their rice- of Arbel- was the most tasty'. (B:95)

(26)

l;.atta ?ilyelan ?arid didan, ?ot-biibawiilan 1 'Until we came to our land, of our fathers'. (L:571)

(27)

b-qorid biibeu ?od bsilmiinake 1 'By the grave of his father - of the Muslim'. (L:103)

1

1

1

(iv) The genitival Jot-phrase may be used independently of a nomen regens as a predicate of a copula clause, e.g. (28)

dukiinake 1 ?ot-xa bSilmiina-wele. 1 'The shop belonged to a Muslim'. (L:158)

(29)

kulla ?ot-btibit d-iyya faqlrile. 1 'It all belongs to the father of this poor man'. (S:36)

14.10. Attributive adjectives The normal syntax of the attributive adjective is for it to be placed after the noun with the noun in the independent form, e.g. satla ruwwa 'a big bucket'

229

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(Y:137), xa nasa quya 'a strong man' (B:36), kepe zore 'small stones' (L:59).

Occasionally the noun is in the annexation form, e.g. ytilid zora 'a small child' (L:214), dukklt rumanta 'a high place' (L:l), bratit rubta 'the eldest daughter' (Y:109), dukkit ruwwe 'big places' (L:13), anne nlisit ruwwe ruwwe 'those great people' (L:219), ,#wit wiSe 'dry Sticks of wood' (B:123), naSit ruwwiine 'the great people' (Y:235), naS xriwe 'bad people' (B:13), b-~almt kome 'with a dark face' (B:lll < ~alme pl.), mindixan daqiqe 'small things' (B:29). Annexation of the

noun is the norm before ordinal forms of numerals, e.g. jlirit Jawwal 1 ••• jlirit tremin 1 'the firsttime ... the second time' (B:158), tre-yomit Jawwal, 1 tre-yomit dwaJe 1 'two first days, two last days' (B:72). The attribute may be linked to the noun by the particle d-lt-. This construction is historically related to to the annexation construction, e.g. be?e dla-bSile 'uncooked eggs' (S:60), Janne tre-beJe d-xaw 'those two raw eggs' (S:61), tre be?e t-xaw la-bSile 'two raw, uncooked eggs' (S:62) Occasionally the noun is linked to the adjective by the particle Jot, e.g. Sakar Jot-daqlqa 'fine sugar' (Y:54), bnaJa Jot-Jawwal 'an early building' (L:22). In such constructions the attributive phrase introduced by Jot may be separated from the head noun by some other element in the clause, e.g. jiriine Jitwlilan 1 Jot mZSilmiine-S 1 'We also had Muslim neighbours' (B:13). The constructions described in the last three paragraphs, involving annexation inflection and the particles t-ld- and Jot can be interpreted as reduced forms of relative clauses (see §19.1.1.7). When the noun stands in the independent form the adjective is sometimes separated from the noun by another element in the clause, e.g. (1)

xa niiSa minnuxun hulaJa 'a Jewish person from amongst you' (L:230)

(2)

xa niiSa be-?enit Jonit ruwwe ruwwe zora-weli Jtina. 'I was a small man in the eyes of those great people' (L:488)

(3)

kud dimfe 1 lii-makus ruwwe 1 'whilst he shed big tears' (S:lOl)

1

1

1

In a few isolated cases the adjective precedes the noun. This is attested for the loanword xoS 'good', e.g. xos niiSe-welu 'They were good people' (B:13), Jiyya nasa xos nasete 'This man is a good man' (L:326). Adjectives may be used independently of a head noun. This occurs in two circumstances. (i) When the adjective forms an attributive predicate of a clause, e.g. libbeu $ipya-wele 'his heart was pure' (S:125), Jaxca fazlza-wele 'He was so kind' (Y:143), xa hulaJa rliba laJlq-wele 'A Jew was very handsome' (B:145) (see §17.1). (ii) When the adjective is used as a referential expression and treated syntactically as a noun. When definite an adjective is nominalized in one of two ways:

(a) By introducing it by the demonstrative particle Jo, e.g. Jo zurta yafni pllgit gram-wela 1 'the small one- it was half a gram' (L:214).

230

SECTION FOURTEEN

(b) By placing it after the relative expression lot ('the one that'). This does not form a complete relative clause since there is no copula, e.g. lot-rabta 'the big one' (B:10), lot-qtila 'the murdered man' (Y:232). Plural forms may be introduced by either the singular or the plural demonstrative, lotruwwiine (Y:219), llnnat ruwwake (Y:174), linniu ruwwiine (Y:180) 'the great people'. 14.11. Attributive prepositional phrases A prepositional phrase placed after a noun often expresses an attribute of the noun and so is functionally equivalent to an adjective. As is the case with adjectives, the noun may stand in annexation or be linked to the attributive phrase by the particle lot or its plural equivalent (?innat etc.), e.g. suralad geban FalaroSka kimriwiilu. 1 'The Christians where we lived were called FalaroSka' (B:103), maflfmit ib-Betwlita wete. 1 'He was the rabbi in Betwata'. (B:22), b-$1drit qlimox 1 'the shirt on you' (S:48), Sabbatit bar-xlula 1 'the Sabbath after the wedding' (Y:81), kulla-nna nfisit gawit qWa 'all the people in the police-station' (Y:193), kulla mindlx lot ta-suqa 1 'everything for the market (i.e. everything marketable)' (L:162), ta-linse lot ga-bela 'to the warnen in the hause' (L:27), bSilmäne lot geban 'the Muslims in our place' (L:422), lanne ruwwld didan, 1 lot-ga-l Arbe/ 1 'our Ieaders in Arbe!' (L:32). Phrases introduced by lot, linnat etc. may be separated from their head noun by intervening material: (1)

lilyelu läjine 1 b-qamol Ia-latex ta-?lsra?e/, 1 linnat min-ture. 1 'Refugees from the mountains arrived before we came to Israel'. (Y:l13).

(2)

lil-blibox, 1 lil-sonox, 1 lil-ylilake, 1 kullu barxlwa llnnat gaw-l,lawiS 1 'All those in the residential enclosure blessed your father, your uncle and the children'. (Y:64).

Prepositional phrases frequently occur after a noun in the independent state. In such cases they often have attributive function and are nuclear constituents of the nominal phrase. Sometimes, however, they are best interpreted as adverbial adjuncts. The distinction between attributive and adverbial functions is not always clear. Same examples of prepositional phrases that are clearly attributive are the following: bäte be käwe 1 'houses without windows' (B:2), min-bäte gawmalwalat mSilmäne 1 'from houses in Muslim villages' (B:8), jiränlt lot hula?e 1 ga-Saqlawa 'the neighbours of the Jews in Saqlawa' (L:411), lanne xolfimid dideu ga-bela 'his servants in the hause' (L:123), wazir-wele ga-Bagdfid 'he was a minister in Baghdad' (L:253). 1

1

1

14.12. Non-attributive modifiers Nouns are also modified by a number of invariable words that do not denote attributes. These include quantifiers, determiners and interrogative particles. Many are placed before the noun:

231

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(i) kud 'each'. Before an unvoiced consonant the form is sametime kut. This particle is used before an indefinite noun and always has a distributive sense ('each of the items of the set named by the noun'), e.g. kud bela, 1 ?itwale ~awSa 1 'Each apartment had an enclosure' (B:l), kud ?oda gorltwa gawaw 1 'Each room that you entered' (L:69), kud mitqala 'each mitqal-weight' (L:182), kud-yoma 1 'each day' (L:124), kut kepa 'every stone' (Y:30), kut safata 'each hour' (S:24). It may be used with a plural noun that is modified by a numeral when the phrase is treated as a unity, e.g. kud tre Sole 'every two weeks', i.e. 'each period of two weeks' (B: 107). The particle kud can also act as a distributive determiner before a plural pronoun. In such cases it is followed by the preposition min, e.g. ta-kud minnu 'to each of them' (L:167). (ii) kulla: This may be used with singular or plural nouns and placed either before or after the noun. (a) Before singular noun: When the noun is indefinite it has the sense of 'every', i.e. the entire set of items named by the noun, e.g. kulla mindlx (L:153, L:162), kul/a mindl (Y:129) 'everything', kulla dukka 'every place' (L:469), kulla skli 'every type of thing' (L:44). When the noun is definite it has the sense of 'the whole of, all (of)', e.g. kulla ?Arbll 'the whole of Arbel' (L:l), kulla ?b man(iqa 1 'the whole ofthat region' (L:195), m-kulla libbeu 1 'in all his heart' (L:130), kulla belan, 1 f11fi!an 'all our hause, our property' (L:147). In the speech of informant B, kulla is replaced by the form kul/e when used before a masculine singular definite noun, e.g. kul/e So?a, 1 ku/U Pesa~ 1 'the whole week, the whole of Passover' (B:60), ta-kulle sitwa 'for the whole winter' (B:l15, B:l18). Before masculine singular indefinite nouns, or before feminine singular nouns the form is always ku/la, e.g. kulla mindl (B:122), kulla baskaw (f.) 'the whole of her arm' (B:135), kulla tora (f.) 'the whole Torah' (B:28). The element -e in the form kulle appears to be a vestige an earlier form of the 3ms. pronominal suffix (cf. §7.2). 1

(b) After a singular noun: When placed in this position the noun is always definite and kulla has the sense of 'the whole of, all (of)', e.g. ~asteu kulla geblle 1 'All of his work was with me' (L:235), mi-sata kulla 1 t/izha dinare ?itwale. 'In the whole year he had thirty dinars' (L:111), ?o f11fi!ake kulla 'all of that merchandise' (L:408), ?iyya qalfa kulla batit-bSilmane wele 1 'the whole of this citadel consisted of Muslim dwellings' (Y:24). 1

1

(c) Before a plural noun: The particle in this context has the sense of 'all'. The noun may be generic, e.g. kulla sik/e 'all types of things' (L:163), kul/a dukke 'all places' (L:569), or may be a definite referential expression that refers to a specific group of items in the class named by the noun, e.g. kulla dukiine 1 'all the shops' (B:57), kulla ?iSe 1 'all the warnen' (Y:4), kul/a jiräne 'all the neighbours' (Y:10), kulla hula?e ?ot-? Arbe/ 1 'all the Jews of Arbel' (L:469). On a few occasions the particle kulla has a pronominal suffix agreeing with the following noun. In such cases the noun is always a definite referential expression rather than a generic class term and its referent has been referred to in the immediately preceding context. This is often reflected by the presence of a

232

SECTION FOURTEEN

demonstrative pronoun, eogo kullu ?anne ziringre ?ilyetu galli b-Iete 'All of those goldsmiths came to me at night' (L:179), kullu ?anne ~ajitanye kawile 1 'They give him all those tools' (L:167), ?ana fajben 1 ?il-laxxane ?arabne, 1 kullu ?arabne 1 ?ixalan lli-kixllleo 1 'I am amazed that here all the Arabs,- all the Arabs eat our food' (B:lOO)o On a few occasions kulla is separated from the nominal it modifies: kulla q(olunu ?ot-ruwwäneo 1 'Kill all the leading people!' (Y:219)o (d) After a plural noun: Here the noun is always a definite referential expression rather than a generic term, eogo bSilmänlt ?Arbe/ kulla bxelu 'the Muslims of Arbil all wept' (L:135), gure ku/la b-xa reza 1 'the men were all sitting in one row' (Y:44)o When kulla follows a noun at the beginning of a clause the noun should sometimes be analysedas standing in extraposition with the particle kulla acting as the complement of the verbo This may apply to cases where the noun is put in aseparate intonation group, eogo ?anne ~astanye 1 kulla b-zlit hula?e weluo 'These jobs, all of them werein the hands of the Jews' (L:42), jirline, 1 ?o kuca didan kulla qzmlu b-lete 'The Jews, our street, they all got up in the night' (L:65)o In a few examples the particle following the noun has a pronominal suffix agreeing with the nouno All of these are best analysed as extrapositional clauses, as is shown by the intonation group boundaries, eogo näslt saray 1 kullu q(olunu 1 'The people of the palace, kill them all!' (Y:174), ?innat ruwwäne, 1 Hros a-memSaJaH 1 w!-polise, 1 kullu qitlllu 1 'The great men, the head of state and the police- they killed all of them' (Y:180) The particle kulla may quantify an independent pronouno In such cases it is placed after the pronoun and may take a co-referential pronominal suffix, eogo ?oni-s kullu 'all of them' (B:32), ~aqqlt didu kulla 'the due of all of them' (L:205)o It may simply take a pronominal suffix, without any nominal directly dependent on it, eogo kullu min-karput weHto 1 'They were all made of bricks.' (B:4)o The form with the 3pl. suffix kullu may refer in a general sense to everybody present without referring to any specific referents that are identifiable in the context, eogo kullu raqllwao kullu keniwa 'Everyone danced everyone came.' (B:67), kullu ?il-Sevaf barambäraw lli-kwenio 1 'Everyone is standing araund Seva" (B:93)o Sometimes kulla stands alone, independent of a nominal or pronouno In such contexts it has either animate or inanimate referenceo It covers the meanings 'everybody', 'everything' and 'the whole (of something)'o It has plural concord when used in the first and second senses and singular concord when used in the third: keni kulla gebeu 1 'Everybody comes to him' (L:164), kulla le~efe xerlwa 1 'Everybody sewed quilts' (L:16), kulla qemiwa m-qämeuo 1 'Everybody rose before him' (L:131), kulla lä-wllli bäqoxo 1 'I have made everything for you' (L:175), kulla b-ilu-weluo 1 'Everything was in their hands' (L:127), kulla qansixwa, 1 mariszxwäleo 1 'we swept it all and mopped it clean' (Y:9), kulla golwäle kalbe kalbeo 1 'He used to make it all into sticks' (Y:56)o 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

000

1

000

(iii) räba 'much, many'o This modifies either a singular noun of mass or a plural nouno It is placed either before or after the noun:

(a) Before the noun: raba zdula ?ltwa 1 'there was much fear' (L:63), keniwa

233

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

gebeu raba näSe 1 'Many people came to him' (L:142), ?Arbz/ 1 ?ltwä/a 1 reiba simme 1 'Arbil had many names' (L:3). In cases where the noun is combined with another adjective, räba regularly precedes the noun, e.g. ?itwa raba näSe ruwwe ruwwe 1 'There were many very great people' (L:341). It may be separated from the noun by another element in the clause, e.g. rtiba mixll$fan hu/a?e 1 'We saved many Jews' (L:489). (b) After the noun: ma/:t~ul raba ?ttwa 1 'There was much gain' (L:333), ?itwa näse rtiba ga-? Arbe/ 1 'There were many people in Arbel' (L:336), ?itwa gawu daw/amand raba, 1 ?itwtilu päre rtiba 'there were many rich people among them, they had a lot of money' (L:30), hu/a?e rtiba maxeniwä/u 1 ?anne bsilmäne 1 'Those Muslims used to strike many Jews' (L:279). It may be separated from the noun by another element in the clause, e.g. zdula ?itwa raba 1 'There was much fear' (L:275). The particle räba may also function as a nominal by itself, independent of a head noun. In such cases it has either an animate or inanimate sense. It has either plural or Singular concord, e.g. raba keniwa gebeu 1 'Many people used to come to him' (L:56), rtiba Ia zille bbaw 1 'Much did not go by (= before lang)' (B:109), ?ilha misdirre rtiba bäql 1 'God sent much to me' (L:187). It may modify an adjective, e.g. ?Arbe/ rtiba f atuqtela 1 'Arbel is very ancient' (L:137), daw/amand-wele rtiba 1 'He was very rich' (L:57). It is also used as an adverbial, e.g. bsilmäne rtiba gblwäle. 1 'The Muslims liked him a lot.' (L:135), ca-rtiba gblxwa l-dixle 1 'How much we loved one another!' (B:46). (iv) xa, indefinite marker, e.g. xa-dukka 'a place' (Y:17), xa-$fo/a 'a synagogue' (Y:23), xa-parW llxma 'a slice of bread' (S:2). The usage of this particle with nouns has been discussed in §14.1.1. The head noun may have a pronominal suffix, e.g. xa baruxi 'a friend of mine' (S:109), xa dukkeu 'a place of his' (L:125). It may occur independently of a noun with the sense of 'somebody', 'a person' or 'one item from a given class', e.g. ?agar xa 1 gezwa 1 ?ileu pasltwä/a, 1 kimriwäle 1 ... 'If somebody went and stretched out his hand, they said to him ....' (Y:147), ?itwa xa ga-qa/fa 1 'There was a certain person in the citadel' (L:57), ?itwa xa gebu, 1 /:tasta goltiwa, 1 taytinid didu wela. 1 'There was a certain woman in their place, she work, she was their nurse' (L:61), xa minnu bas-xa ?itwa gaw, 1 ?Abraham Zero 1 'In one of those (towns) there was only one (Jew), Abraham Zero.' (B:32). (v) xanCi 'a little, few'. It is used with a singular noun of mass or a plural noun, e.g. xanCi p{sra xille 'he ate a little meat' (S:6), mela xanCi xalwa d-nosaw 'She brought a little of her own milk' (L:79), lä-gben go/en xanCi dehwa 'I want to make some gold (artefacts)' (L:169). In the plural it may function as a quantifier, e.g. xanCi masale Jot-? Arbe/ 1 'a few stories of Arbel' (L:138), or as a determiner, i.e. a particle that does not express the size of the set of items that is referred to but only identifies the referent,7 e.g. xanti järe 1 ... xant!i järe 'sometimes ... 1

1

7 For the distinction between quantifiers and determiners see J. Lyons, Semantics, Cambridge, 1977, 455.

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SECTION FOURTEEN

sometimes (i.e. and other times)' (B:2). In addition to being a modifier of nouns, xanN is found also in other syntactic contexts. It may function as a determiner before a plural pronoun, the pronoun being introduced by min, e.g. x{mti minnu' xuba gollwa,' ximti minnu zaqärewelu.' 'Some of them practiced dying, some were weavers.' (B:32). It can stand on its own with the function of a nominal, e.g. ximti kimrlla $lola,' x{mti kimrlla kniSta.' 'Some called it $lola and some called it kniSta.' (B:74). It is also commonly used as an adverb, e.g. xani:i dmlxle, xani:i qimle. 1 'he slept a little, he got up a little' (L:92), ?fina damxinwa xanti' 'I used to sleep a little' (B:44), ?ezen teren xand' '1'11 go and walk about a little' (B:45). It may modify an adverbial, e.g. xani:i bis-hayya zilli.' 'I went a little faster' (L:295). (vi) xet 'other'. This is used with singular and plural nouns. When the noun is indefinite it is placed after the noun. A singular indefinite noun is always marked by the indefinite particle xa (see §14.1.1 ii), e.g. xa-?iidat xet' 'another custom' (B:60), xa-jar xet 1 'another time' (L:268), xa-mindi xer 'another thing' (B:103), tre sinne xet' 'two other years', i.e. 'two further years' (L:192), {/{lha-yome xet 'three more days' (B:152, S:107). An exception to the rule that xa precedes a Singular noun is found in ga/-naS xer 'with another person' (L:452), where the noun is in the absolute state. This, however, could be interpreted as a plural 'with other people'. When the noun is combined with an adjective, the word xet may be positioned either before or after the adjective, according to where the speaker wishes to place the focus, e.g. lii-gben xa-$qilta xh zurta' 'I want another small ring' (L:214), sqlile minni' tikma mindixfine zore xet' 'He took from me a few other small things' (L:211). When the noun is definite, xet may be placed before the noun and marked by the demonstrative particle ?o, e.g. ?o-xet /:tii$fir 1 'the other courtyard' (B:lO). The element xet is placed after the head in the following adverbial expressions, which have a definite referent: le/ xet 'last night' (B) So?a xet 'last week' (L), /alimma/ ?o xet 'three day ago' (B); cf. lalimmal 'the day before yesterday'. It may modify the adverbial particles ?atxa and xanti, e.g. ?amman ?atxa xet' 'but, otherwise...' (L:121), yatwen xanti xet 'I shall sit a little longer' (L). The form xet is occasionally used as an independent adverbial, e.g. xh Ia zdelan' 'We feared no more' (Y:248). This function, however, is usually supplied by the derivative form sxetlsxet, e.g. la-zdimun het' 'Do not fear any more' (L:88), yälake' her la-bxele' 'The boy did not cry any more' (L:92), ?fina sxet la-gezen 'I shall not go any more' (Y:152), bäbl zadewa' sxer ?ez min-?o dukka.' 'My father was afraid to go tothat place any more' (L:461). The particle xet may also stand independently. In such cases it is treated as a nominalized adjective and is always marked by the demonstrative ?o when definite, e.g. tre f:tizbe-?itwa.' xa kimriwälu' Siififi,' ?o-xet Ia ten ma kimrlwälu.' 'There were two religious parties, one was called Safi'i, I don't know what the other was called.' (B:lOl), ?oni xet 'the others' (L:567). In the Speech of Y, nominalized xet has the suffix -i, e.g. ta-?o-xhi kimrlwa:' 'To the other they said' (Y:115), xa q{llle 1-?o-xhi' 'One killed the other' (Y:207). When indefinite it is preceded by xa, e.g. xa-xiti mariwwiile' 'another used to mix it' (Y:37).

235

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(vii) ger is placed before an indefinite singular or plural noun with the meaning of 'other'. (a) Singular: Singular nouns are qualified by the indefinite particle xa when the sense of 'otherness' intended is 'additional to', e.g. ger-xa dukiina 1 zmlrta 'She filled another shop' (L:376). If the sense is 'a different one' no xa occurs: ?ana qemen zonen m-ger dukka. 1 'I shall go and buy from another (different) place' (L:398), ta-tele bastixwa ger mindl 1 'For the night we cooked something eise (different)' (Y:119), ger mindix 1 Saqtiwa 1 'They bought something eise (different)' (L:21), laxxa ger mindlxila. 1 'Here it isanother thing (it is different)' (L:574). (b) Plural: ?itwa näse xe,Zwa ta-ger näSe 1 'There were people who sewed for other people' (Y:146), ger xizme ?ltwa 'There were other families' (L:555). 1

(viii) l!ikma: This is a quantifier that is used in the following ways: (a) Interrogatively, e.g. tikma ga?eniitlla-willox? 1 'How much treachery have you committed?' (S:93). When referring to a proportion of a given whole, the item referring to the whole is introduced by min, e.g. ?iitlla cet tikma lii-xllle minnu, 1 tikma lii-birbizle minnu. 1 'You do not know how much he has eaten of them, how much he has squandered of them' (S:91). 1

(b) Indicatively, e.g. kud-niiSa 1 kxliwa tikma ma~fie. 1 'Everyone ate several pieces of unleavened bread' (Y:48), sqille minni 1 tikma mindixane zore xet. 1 'He took from me a several other small things' (L:211), tikma Sinne l-Betwata wele. 1 'He was several years in Betwata' (B:23), nosox u-Cikma barux6x-iS mliu. 1 'Take yourself and also a few of your friends' (S:llO). The noun may be introduced by min when referring to a proportion of a given whole, e.g. kud siita 1 ?itwa tikma min-hula?e 1 'Each year there were several of the Jews ...' (L:25). (c) As an exclamatory particle, e.g. Cikma hula?e ?äna mixtr#li! 1 'How many Jews did I save!' (L:330), tikma nase baql l;asta gollwa! 1 'How many people used to work for me!' (L:220), dkma niiSe tr1~lu! 1 'How many people he cured!' (L:543). As in the interrogative and indicative uses, a min before the nominal expresses a proportion of a given whole: Cikma q{llle 1 mln faskar ?ot flraq. 1 'How many did he kill from the army of Iraq' (L:521). The particle tikma can also be used as an interrogative independent of a head noun, e.g. la-cen dkma wele 'I don't know how much it was' (L:73), IJaqqZt golkake tikmele? 1 'What is the value of the heifer?' (S:21). lt is also used as an exclamatory adverbial, e.g. dkma jwan-wela 1 'How beautiful it was!' (L:l). 1

(ix) ma 'what', is found used as an interrogative or exclamatory determiner, e.g. ma xidm'ita ?ittox? 1 What Service have you (forme)?' (L:71), ?ana-cen 1 b-mastkil goliwiilu 1 'I know in what way they use to make them' (L:438), ma-nawfe 1 warde gotlwa! 1 'What different types of flowers they grew there!' (Y:16). Of an essentially exclamatory nature is its function also in the following: gilda magilda 'skin, indeed skin!' (i.e. a large amount of skin) (S:8) and garme u-ma garmit golka 1 'bones, indeed bones of the heifer!' i.e. bones upon bones (S:12),

236

SECTION FOURTEEN

?atlla-ma-fina mispiitox golinne 1 'I am indeed making your judgment' (S:43). When the noun is modified by a relative clause, ma can have the function of a generic determiner, e.g. b-ma-lawnit hawe 1 'in some way or other' (S:6). In most cases ma is used as an independent interrogative particle, e.g. ma gbet? 1 'What da you want? (L:71), ma lä-wlllan? 1 'What have we done?' (Y:171). (x) miito is found used as a determiner with the sense of 'what kind of' in interrogative or exclamatory expressions, e.g. ?fiti mfito HmelexH_wet. 1 'What kind of a king are you?' (S:19), ?lyya mato safodela? 1 'What kind of meal is this?' (S:ll6), ?fiti mato mispat willox ta-ya gora? 1 'What kind of judgment have you given to this man?' (S:ll7), mfito nasal 'What a man!' (L:476). Elsewhere miito is used as an independent interrogative with the sense of 'how?' (xi) ?ema 'which', e.g. ?ema ?urxa 'which road?', ?ema mi:fl}iife 'which books'. (xii) fliin 'such-and-such', e.g. latl goret ga-flan dukka. 1 ?atl gezet flan dukka. 1 'You will get married in such-and-such a place. You will go to such-and-such a place.' (L:144), ta-flan niiSa 1 'For such-and-such a person' (L:l69). It can be used independently of a head noun in the sense of 'such-and-such a person'. The ward fliskiin is used in a parallel sense, e.g. ?iyya ?axca ?axca, 1 flan,i fliskan. 1 'He is such-and-such, such-and-such a person' (L:397). (xiii) ?atxa 'such'. It is either placed before the noun, e.g. ?atxa bela 1 'such a hause' (L:68), or the noun is put in the annexation form and the particle is placed after it, e.g. mindlxit atxa 'such things' (B:30). It may also modify an adjective, e.g. ?atxa mare-saraf-wele. 'He was so commanding of respect' (B:36). The particle latxa is used far more frequently as a free-standing demonstrative adverb than as a modifier, e.g. ?atxa ?olle 1 ga-xalwake, 1 'Do to it thus in the milk' (L:81), ?Arbe[ latxa-wela 1 'Arbel was like that' (L:145), kmlrwiile ?iitllatxa-wet 1 ?atxa-wet. 1 'He used to say to him "You are like this and like that"' (L:140). (xiv) ?ax~a. This is a quantifying particle that may be used (i) indicatively in the sense of 'such-and-such an amount' e.g. ?axca yiile kawelox. 1 'You will have such-and-such a nurober of children' (L:144), jamf ?axca tilse plitle 1 'The total came to such-and-such a nurober of fils' (L:381) or (ii) exclamatorily e.g. tama ax~a piire sqlllox min ?iyya hula?a? 1 'Why have you taken so much money from this Jews?' (L:159). It may also modify an adjective or adverb, e.g. ?ax~a fazlza-wele! 1 'He was so kind!' (Y:143), ?ax~a jwan baneniwälu! 1 'They built them so beautifully!' (Y:31). It frequently occurs independently as an adverbial particle in the sense of 'so much', 'such-and-such an amount'. A variant form is lax~i. e.g. tama, 1 daya 1 ?ax~a lii-xerat? 1 'Why, mother, da you Iook so much?' (Y:159), ?iina-ax~a lii-laIJ#lli minneu 1 'I had not made so much profit from him' (L:213), laxCi mxelelleu,1 l}atta pllgit nisiimeu niblfile. 1 'He beat him so much that he took away half of his life' (S:13), ?iyya ~ikmele l}aqqeu? 1 ?iyya ?axcela 1'How much is its value? It is such-and-such an amount' (L:379), liyya ?axca sawe 1 'It is worth such-andsuch an amount' (L:391). It may itself be modified by a noun expressing the

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

237

proportion of the amount in question, e.g. tikma jamf hawe,' pilgit-?axca bis bassor. 1 'However much the total was, less by a half of this' (L:391). When it has the sense of 'such-and-such an amount', it is sometimes repeated, e.g. ?axta w?axta gzl dehwa ?lt' ... hOl/an pärake, dehwa' ?axta w-?axta didlJxiie.' 'See, there is such-and-such an amount of gold ... Give us money and such-and-such an amount of gold is yours' (L:207). (xv) Ci 'no, not any'. It is always used with a negated verb, e.g. ti-bäte la-plslu gaw' 'No houses remained in it' (B:17), ti-hu/a?e /a-plsi gaw' 'No Jews had remained there' (B:45), ci mallk,' ci sultäna litte ?atxa be/a.' 'No king, no ruler has such a house.' (L:68), bäbi Ci-~asta /a-go/, 1 ti-su/a Ia-goi' 'My father does no work, he does no job' (L:107), ?ena I-cl mindix la-golwa 'He did not turn a (covetous) eye on anything' (L:260). It may also be used independently in the sense of 'nothing', e.g. ?ana d Ia kimren' 'I say nothing.' (B:156), d la-lyele-1/eu.' 'Nothing happened to him' (B:158), Ci-la gben.' 'I want nothing' (L:lOl), Ci-!lttan ga-bela' 'We have nothing in the house' (L:l 06). The negation may be given special emphasis by placing a negative particle before the Ci as weil as before the verb, e.g. lä-d Ia /a-/ye/e-1/eu.' 'Nothing at all happened' (B:52). Similarly the particle Ci can be added to a predicate that is already negated, e.g. ti-brindar Ia la-gdzre.' 'He has not been injured at all' (B:51). (xvi) Ia 'not'. The particle Ia, which generally negates a verbal predicate, is occasionally used as a determiner to negate a nominal form, e.g. ?itwa spire,' ?itwa Ia spire' 'There those who were good and there were those who were not good' (L:467), be?e d-la-bsite' 'uncooked eggs' (S:60). (xvii) bi-zoda 'more'. The initial bi- is a contraction of the comparative element bis. It is placed either before or after the noun. When placed before the noun, it has the sense of 'more of' whatever is expressed by the noun, e.g. kawunwälu' bl-zoda päre' 'I used to give them more money' (L:205). When placed after the noun it has two possible senses: (a) 'more than' the quantity expressed by the noun, e.g. pilglt-kilo bi-zoda wela' 'it was more than half a kilo' (L:161), tre-farde qamxa bi-zoda' 'more than two sacks of flour' (L:114), ?imma sinne bi-zoda 'more than one hundred years' (L:554), ?isra dinäre bi-zoda 'more than ten dinars' (L:361), tmanya yarxe-s bizoda 'more than eight months' (Y:l16). In one isolated instance in the text corpus the particle biS alone is placed after the nominal with this sense: ?lmma metre-biS' qorulaw-wela.' 'Its depth was more than one hundred metres.' (B:154). When the preceding nominal is not an expression of some unit of quantity the nominal is introduced by the preposition min, e.g. min-iyya bi-zoda !ltwa hula?e' 'There were not more Jews than this' (L:26). (b) 'more by' the quantity of the noun, e.g. pilga' bi-zoda 'more by a half' (L:392), xa f'llus bi-zoda' Ia kawlnnox' 'I shall not give you a penny more' (L:401)

238

SECTION FOURTEEN

The expression may also be used as an adverb to express the occurrence of more of the content of the verb, e.g. yomit t{(lhitsabit ke 1 f}aqex bi-zoda. 1 'Next Tuesday weshall speak more' (L:149), ?o ?imslqle 1 bi-zoda. 1 'He surpassed (this)' (L:l41).

(xviii) bassor: This may be placed before or after the noun. When placed before, it functions as a quantifier with the sense of 'a few, a minimal amount of', e.g. bassor nlise kmeniwa qlima 1 '(Only) a few people would bring out (strong drink)' (B:90). After a noun it functions as an attributive adjective with the sense of 'small, of minimal size', e.g. ?tina mandlnwa 1 xa mindix bassor res-?iyya. 1 'I would give something small on top of this' (L:183). The word bassor is more commonly found combined with the comparative particle biS. In such cases it is always placed after the noun and has one of two senses: (a) 'less than' the quantity expressed by the noun, e.g. pltgit gram bis bassor 1 'less than half a gram' (L:215). (b) 'less by' the quantity of the noun, e.g. pilgit-?axca biS bassor 1 'less by a half of this' (L:391), xa pula bis-bassor la! 1 'not a penny less!' (L:494). 14.13. Apposition

A nominal may modify another nominal by being placed in apposition to it. The nominal in apposition specifies the first nominal. It may be placed immediately after the first nominal or, if it is not in clause final position, it may be separated from it and moved to the end of the clause, where it is in greater focus, e.g. (1)

(2) (3)

klibra mlirid golka zllle hawa bela. 1 'The man, the owner of the heifer, went home'. (S:24) baxta ftam mete, 1 da?l. 1 'He married a woman there- my mother'. (B:23) yomit slmf}at tora, 1 kullu keniwa, 1 ylite u-ruwwe u-zore u-?inse ugure.1 'On the festival of Sim}J,at Torah everyone came, children, young and old people, men and women'. (B:67)

The firstnominal may be repeated in the appositional phrase, e.g. (4)

(5)

b-so?a tre r{(lhiz glire 1 masdlrwa nase, ?arba xamsa nase. 1 'Three or four times a week he used to send people, four or five people'. (L:128) so?a, tmanya joge ?ltwa, 1 jogit mafe. 1 'There were seven or eight

streams, streams of water'. (B:64) A unit of measure is frequently followed by the item that is measured in apposition, e.g.

239

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

(6)

tre tannake 1 xitte nabllwa 1 ?il-?irxel.' 'They would take two tins of grain to a grinding stone'. (8:116)

(7)

kwlnnox rf~ha yome rix#lt. 1 'I shall give you three days grace'. (8:149)

(8)

ba-faqle 1 tre safte ?urxiz-we/a. 1 'On foot it was two hours journey'. (8:38)

(9)

lftwa xa x/indiz, 1 lzmma metre-biS 1 qoru/iz-we/a. 1 'There was a valley. It was more than a hundred metres in depth'. (8:154)

(10)

tre-farde qamxa bi-zoda. 1 'More than two sacks of flour'. (L:114)

(11)

hlwlox biiql pilglt kllo dehwiz. 1 'You gave me half a kilo of gold'. (L:174)

(12)

xa danka safiire 'one grain of barley'. (L)

The noun nawaf 'type' is also found in appositional constructions, e.g. (13)

ma-nawfe 1 warde gollwa! 1 'What different types of flowers they grew there!' (Y:16)

(14)

kud nawaf ?ltwa lixäla. 1 'There was every kind of food'. (Y:129)

Also the material of a referent may be placed after in apposition: (15)

~lqilye

dehwiz 1 'rings of gold'. (L:466)

Nominals followed by appositional phrases of the foregoing types are occasionally syntactically annexed to these phrases, e.g. (16)

?iyya kiibra d-marit golka w-tortiz mala kulla Ciriile. 'The man, the owner of the heifer and the cow, searched the whole town'. (S:7)

(17)

?iyya kiibra d-marid go/ka 1-ya yii/a faqlr dbille b-ara 'The man, the owner of the heifer, threw the poor youth on the ground'. (S:13)

(18)

swiiweu galen-wele 1 ga/-{yya Swawit marit beliz. 1 'His neighbour was treacherous with the neighbour, the owner of the house'. (S:90)

(19)

xa qaznagit ... ?i-rizziz 1 'one qazniig of rice'. (8:118)

1

1

1

A prepositional phrase may be specified by another prepositional phrase standing in apposition, e.g. (20)

mlre ta-da?eu, 1 ta-dalit yiilake. 1 'He said to his mother, to the mother of the boy'. (L:81)

(21)

gezlwa hawa ?il-dastiz, 1 xel ?iliine. 1 'They went out into the fields, under the trees'. (8:63)

240

SECTION FOURTEEN

14.14. Conjoining of e/ements in a phrase In some closely knit phrases two components of equivalent status are linked asyndetically, without a linking element, e.g. belu yalu 'their hausehold and children' i.e. their family (Y:2). In general, however, a pair of conjoined components in a phrase are linked by the connective particle w-, which has various phonetic realizations (w-, wl-, ?u; see §4.1.9): (1)

xa hula?a-?it 1 rtiba /a?lq ?u-ma~bubile. 1 'There is a Jew who is handsome and lovable'. (B:147)

(2)

xlula gollwa,' gure u-?inse gal-dtx/e.' 'They danced, men and women together'. (B:62)

(3)

bas qareniwa' tele wl-yoma.' 'He just used to read, night and day'. (L:145)

In a series of more than two components the connective w- is generally placed only before the last item. (4)

?i{tam,' Pesa~ tmanya-yome wele,' tre-yomit ?awwa/, 1 tre-yomit dwa?e, 1 ?u-H~ol a-mofed.H' 'There, Passover was eight days, two first days, two last days, and ~ol ha-mofed'. (B:72)

Apparent exceptions such as (5), in which the connective is used before an item that is not the final item in the phrase, can be regarded as constructions with a hierarchy of components. The items connected by w- are bound tagether as a unit and this unit is itself a component of the main series of items: (5)

xa H~anr,H' si?a, ?u-sluxa, kpina. 'A young man, crazed and naked, hungry'. (S:1) 1

1

1

Occasionally the connective is placed before all items after the initial one. This presents each item with enhanced prominence. This prominence may also be expressed by placing each item in a separate intonation group as in (7): (6)

yomit slm~at tora,' kullit keniwa,' yäle u-ruwwe u-zore u-?inse ugure.' 'On the day of Simi)at Torah everbody came, children, old, young, men and women'. (B:67)

(7)

?atta anne ?irbe, u'-?anne kläle, U -?anne ?izze, kulla did6x-ilu. 'Now these sheep, these hens and these goats all belong to you'. (S:84) 1

1

1

The connective w- may link two elements that are not coordinated components of equivalent status but rather are linked in a sequential relationship. This is found in the expression har min .... wa-~atta 'right from ... up to': (8)

David mrtlwle-lleu gal-anne baruxe,' har min-bqatta' wa-~atta bar pilgit-yom. 'David placed him with these friends, right from the morning until after midday'. (S:115) 1

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

241

Components of a phrase can also be connected by the enclitic particle -is (-S after a vowel). This generally expresses inclusiveness. When occurring on the second of a pair of items it corresponds to English 'also'. It is generally combined in these contexts with the connective w-: (9)

nosox u-tikma baruxlix-iS milu. 1 'Take yourself and also a few of your friends'. (S:110)

When occurring on both components of a phrase it corresponds to English as 'both ... and ..'. In this type of construction the particle occasionally takes its own stress: (10) (11)

?i{tam-iS, 1 ?il-?Arbel-iS 1 mindl ?itwa. 1 'Both there, andin Arbel, there was something'. (B:ll-12) ?il-geban {sr ?il-? ArbellS. 1 'Both in our place and in Arbel'. (B:12)

Occasionally the item with -is is a modification of the preceding phrase: (12)

?iSta yarxe, 1 ylmkin tmanya yarxe-s bi-zoda zllle-bbaw. 1 'Six months, perhaps eight months, more went'. (Y:116)

The disjunctive particle yan ('or') introduces alternatives: (13) (14) (15)

hula?e qr{llu-llox 1 yan bSilmane? 1 'Did the Jews kill you or the Muslims?' (Y:237) tmanya yan-?it?a nafare 1 'Eight or nine people'. (Y:13) ?u-gaw-ya ~awSa 1 ?ltwa t!flha yan-?arba bate. 1 'And within the enclosure there were three or four houses'. (B:1)

The conditional particle ?agar may be used to link nominal items that belang tagether as members of the same generic class:

(16)

(17)

b-lyya sfki/ 1 ?ana xe?eli, 1 ?atxan xa?lxwa, 1 kulla hu/a?e ?ot?Arbe/,1 la-bas hula?at ?Arbe/, 1 kulla dukka, 1 ?agar Karktik, 1 ?agar Mu$il, 1 ?agar Bagdad. 1 'I lived in this way, we used to live, all the Jews of Arbel, not only the Jews of Arbel but of all places, whether Karkuk, whether Musil, whether Baghdad'. (L:469) ?agar xriwa, 1 ?agar spira, 1 xa?'ixwa gal/u 1 b-iyya sklt. 1 'Whether (in times of) bad or (in times of) good, we lived with them in this way. (L:418)

14.15. Repetition Repetition of a ward expresses intensity, insistence (1-6) or distribution (7-11): (1)

la-gazeni 1 ?anne kepe zore zore. 1 'They see those very small stones'. (L:85)

242 (2)

SECTION FOURTEEN

mindix(me jwan jwan dareniwa gaw. 1 'They used to put very beautiful things on them'. (Y:l4)

(3)

?arbinne ?a~ll ?a~li 1 'completely autochthonaus Arb~lis'. (L:38)

(4)

dwa?e gdiru ?arbinne ?arbinne. 1 'Then they became complete Arbelis'. (L:39)

(5)

miilid didan 1 ?Arbi/ 1 jwan-wela rtiba rliba. 1 'Our town, 'Arbe!, was extremely beautiful'. (L:l)

(6)

hiwla ta-yiilake b-maflaqa zora, xanCi xanCi. 1 'She gave (it) to the child in a small spoon, little by little'. (L:83)

(7)

jar kud-jar 1 'Each time'. (B:108)

(8)

kud-yom, yoma 1 'on every single day'. (B:55).

(9)

?ilyele min-xabre min-xabre. 1 'It became known from various reports'. (L:517)

(10)

?o smele 1 ?iyya pilga, pilga 1 bls bassor. 1 'He heard that it was in each case less by a half'. (L:397)

(11)

pilga, 1 pilga 1 bi-zoda. 1 'in each case more by a half. (L:392)

A nominal is occasionally extended by adding after it a word that is not identical to it but resembles it phonetically, as is frequent in Kurdish. This second word does not always have an independent meaning of its own: (12)

xani:i päre märe hiwlu bäqeu. 1 'They gave him some money'. (L:523)8

(13)

mtila Co! wö-holila. 1 'The town is completely deserted'. (B:45)

(14)

?anne faqlr u-faqärlit 'the poor and needy'. (L:555)9 1

W e should mention here also the Kurdish expression jar u-bar 'sometimes' (with b replacing j in the repeated word), which is used in the Jewish Arbe! Aramaie

dialect.

14.16. Comparison of adjectives and adverbs Ce mparative constructions are formed by placing the particle biS before an a( iective or adverb and the item with which it is compared, if this is mentioned, if mtroduced by the preposition min, e.g.

8 Equivalent constructions in other NENA dialects often form the second component by replacing the original consonant by Im/, e.g. Jewish Urmia damure mamure 'pieces of iron and the like', fisse misse 'the money'. (Garbell 1965: 82), Christian Urmia nä~ä mä~ä 'a kind of man' (Maclean 1895: 298). 9 Cf. the similar expression faqire faqarate which occurs in the text of the Jewish dialect of Nagada that is published by Hopkins (1989: 258).

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

243

(1)

'lo bis rubtela rnin-bäbeu.' 'She is greater than his father'. (L:254)

(2)

'lilim,' boksid didim rnln bi-sikita bis-xrlwa-wele. 1 'Our hand, our punch, is worse than (a wound) with a knife'. (L:283)

(3)

xanCi bis-hayya ztlli.' 'I went a little faster'. (L:295)

(4)

bis harzan kawunwälox. 1 'I would have given you (things) more cheaply'. (L:390)

No special forms of adjective and adverb are used for the comparative, with the exception of tarn 'better' (< *täll), which corresponds to Spira or xos 'good' in the positive degree, e.g. (5)

rnagon karpice 'lot-laxxa,' 'larnrnan bls tarn.' 'Like the bricks here, but better'. (L:437)

(6)

rninnl bis-tarn la-~aqyat, 1 b-lislinit targürn didan.' 'She speaks our Targurn language better than me'. (L:411)

(7)

?äna rninnox bis-tarn ~aqen.' 'I speak better than you'. (L:415)

(8)

?iyya hula?a' lä-clxxe rninnax bis-tarn.' 'We know this Jew better than you'. (L:417)

(9)

?iyya bis tarn rnin ?o 'This is better than that'. (L)

Comparative degrees of nominalized adjectives are expressed in the same way, e.g. (10)

Jitwa rnlnni bis ruwwe' ga-? Arbe!.' 'There were greater people than me in Arbel'. (L:430)

The particle biS may be used by itself as an adverbial to express a comparison of the content of the verb. It is placed before the verb, e.g. (11)

'libbox' bis rnahrninen rnin-'laxonl,' rnin-gorl bis rnahrninen 'libbox.' 'I trust in you more than my brother, more than my husband I trust in you'. (L:272)

(12)

bis rnahrninlwa bi-bäbu,' bi-qorid bäbu,' rnln la-cen rnli ?arnrlnnox.' 'They believed more in their father, in the grave of their father, than I do not know what (to say to you)'. (L:103)

The Superlative degree is express by the construction biS ... rnin kulla 'more ... than all', e.g. (13)

?ixfilit ? Arbenne' rnin-kulla biS-basirna-wele.' 'The food of the people of Arbel was the finest'. (B:94)

(14)

bela bis ruwwa rni-kulla bäte 'The biggest house'. (L)

244

SECTION FOURTEEN

14.17. Numerals Cardinal numbers are always placed before the counted nominal, which follows in apposition. The nominal is in the plural, apart from, of course, after xa 'one'. There are two exceptions to this: (i) The numerals ?imma 'hundred' and ?alpa 'thousand' regularly remain singular

when preceded by another number, e.g. (1)

tre-?alpa sinne 1 'Two thousand years'. (L:117)

(2)

?itwale ?istii-mma ?alpii sura?e. 1 'He had (in his flock) six hundred thousand Christians'. (B:106)

(ii) The noun lele 'night' is used in its singular form after numerals. This noun

has a plural form lelawiine. Although the form tele is singular, it may have been interpreted also as a plural on account of the -e ending, which is unusual in singulars, e.g. tre-lele 'for two nights' (Y:32), tmanyiz lete 'for eight nights' (B:91). A group of numbered items may be presented as a single whole by placing xa before the phrase when indefinite or a singular demonstrative particle when definite, e.g. (3)

xiz ?isrii daqiqe '(for) ten minutes'. (L:212), i.e. for a space of ten minutes.

(4)

xiz t{~ha arbiz qondare mxela-lleu. 'She hit him three or four times with the shoes' Lliterally: 'She hit him with one group of three or four shoes'. (L:268)

(5)

bö-?o xamsi diniire 1 ?ilhii misdirre raba bäqi. 1 'Through that sum of fifty dinars God sent me a Iot'. (L:187)

1

Another means of presenting a group as a unit is illustrated in (6), where the number is preceded by bei, a construct form of bela 'hause, family, group'. This is related historically to BT A constructions such as '!.t:l ·~ 'a group (literally · 'hause') of two', K~?~ ·~ 'a group of three', etc. (6)

?ilyelu bel ?isrl niise 'a group of twenty people came'. (L:457).

When the number of items is left imprecise, two or more numerals or numerical phrases are placed tagether asyndetically, e.g. ?arbi xizmsi ?ode 'forty or fifty rooms' (L:69), t/(lhi, ?arbi Sinne, xamsi sinne, 'thirty or forty years, fifty years' (L:2), ?isrl filse, 1 ?isrii filse 1 'Twenty fils, ten fils' (L:215). Percentages are expressed by phrases such as ?istl b-immiz 'sixty percent' (L:392), b-immiz ?icfl w-icfa 1 'ninety-nine percent' (L:22). The age of somebody may be expressed in various ways. These include phrases containing the noun ffmir 'age': e.g. fimrox tmani ?icfi sinnele 1 'You are eighty or ninety years old' (L:558), fimreu 1 t{(lha sinne 1 ?arbiz sinne 1 'He is three or four years old' (L:58), fimrizw ?ista sinne 'she was six years old' (Y:7), fimrox Cikmele? 'How old are you?' (L). lt can also be expressed in a copula clause, e.g. ?o-zora 1 tfqha yarxe-wele 1 'The young one was three months old' 1

1

1

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

245

(Y:7), ?imma sinne-wet ?ätl 1 'You are a hundred years old' (L:558), or in a possessive construction, e.g. HfadH ?isrl Sinne-s litwali 1 'I was not yet twenty years old' (Y:123). The particle firn- 'both' always takes a pronominal suffix, including when it is followed by a nominal, e.g. (7)

tre bäte, 1 t!rnu ?axwäle-welu. 1 'The two families, both of them were brothers'. (B:31)

(8)

flrnu ?enox paltlnnu 'I shall put out both of your eyes'. (S:49).

When the fraction 'half' qualifies a following noun, it is put in the annexation form, e.g. pilglt dinar 'half a dinar' (L:207), pilglt kilo 'half a kilo' (L:203), pligit gram 'half a gram' (L:215), pilglt safata 'half an hour' (L:237). Note the construction in (9), where the prepositional phrase following pilgit is treated like a nominal: (9)

pilglt min-Saqlawa l}atta Ruwandiz didu-wela. 1 'Half of (the land) between Saqlawa and Ruwandiz belonged to them'. (L:367)

'One and a half of', 'two and a half of' etc. is expressed by placing the expression of 'half' after the noun in the form pilge with final -e, e.g. säta w-pilge 'a year and a half' (L:484), tre Sinne u-pllge 'for two and a half years' (Y:109). The ending -e may be a fossilized vestige of a pronominal suffix. It corresponds to the form of the 3ms. suffix that is found in several NENA dialects (cf. §7.2). Other fractions are placed before the noun in appositional contructions, e.g. xa-rfbif kilo 'a quarter of a kilo' (L:203), t{t;zha ribf e dinlir 'three quarters of a dinar' (L:426), xa-tarag safata 'a quarter of an hour' (Y:244). Special words are used only for the fractions 'half' and 'quarter'. Other fractions are expressed by phrases such as xa min t{t;zha 'a third', xa min xamSa 'a fifth' etc. 'Once', 'twice' etc. is expressed by phrases containing the ward järl gär ('time, instance'): xa-jar (B:33), xa-jar 'once' (L:157), tre t{t;zha gäre 'two or three times' (L:128). To express 'so-and-so many times morelas much' the particle ?axta is placed after the numeral (10). In order to give the sense of 'so-and-so many times less' the phrase biS bassor is added after ?axta. This is illustrated in (11), where the fraction pilgit precedes ?axta. Note that pilgit is in the annexation form: (10)

meli xamsl dinäre, 1 dehwa t{t;zha-axca mtlwii gebeu. 1 'I brought fifty dinars and deposited with him three times as much gold'. (L:156)

(11)

tikma jamf hawe, 1 pilgit-?axca bls bassor. 1 'However much the total was, less by a half of this'. (L:391).

As stated in §12.2, a noun qualified by an ordinal number is put in the annexation state, e.g. jarit ?awwa/ 1 ••• jarit tremin 1 ••• jarit t{t;zha 'the firsttime ... the second time ... the third time' (B:158-59), yomit tmanya 'the eighth day' (B:88), yomit itfa 'the ninth day' (Y:71). Year dates are treated as ordinals, e.g. sätlt ?arbl u-tre 'in the year (19)43' (L:57).

246

SECTION FOURTEEN

The nominalization of an ordinal numerical attribute as a definite nominal phrase is formed by placing a demonstrative particle before it. The neutral form is with ?ot, e.g. ?ot ?awwatl 'the first one' (L:231). The near deixis element ?iyya is used to nominalize an ordinal numeral in (12). The use of ?iyya rather than ?o can be explained by the fact that it is referring to one of a previously specified set of items (cf. §14.5.1): (12)

?äna yäla-weW bäbi,' ?ilha manlxle,' tmanya yäle,' ?iSta ?axawäli,' ?ana iyya so?a, 1 ?o marwewälan.' 'My father- may God grant him peace - (had) eight children, my six siblings, and me, the seventh, he brought us up'. (L:108)

Some expressions relating to the clock are as follows: safata ?arba 'at four o'clock' (L:502), safata trela 'It is two o'clock', safata tre u-pligela 'It is half past two', tre w-xa ribfa 'a quarter past two', tre bassor xa ribfa 'a quarter to two', bi-t{qhat feie 'at three o'clock in the morning' (Y:95), f}atta sfata ?israt yoma 'until ten in the morning' (Y:96). Other expressions involving numbers: (13)

?zdyo tre-?alpa sinne,' ?atxan gebxun-wex, 1 ga-gaili.t.' 'For two thousand years we have been with you, in exile'. (L:ll7)

(14)

qamol Cikma sinne' 'a few years ago'. (L:30)

14.18. Adverbialexpressions Many nominals are used with the function of adverbials without an explicit marking of their relation by a preposition. The majority of these are temporal expressions, e.g. tele 'in the night' (S:33), feie u-yoma 'night and day' (L:107), xa-yoma 'one day' (S: 32), xa-yoma minyomäle 'one day' (S:74), kud-yoma 'every day' (L:124), tre tl~ha yome 'for two or three days' (S:23), fli#r 'in the afternoon' (Y:2), fä~irta 'in the evening' (B:55), bqatta 'in the morning' (S:35), bqattit feie 'in the small hours before dawn' (Y:104), kut safata 'every hour' (S:24), kud tre so?e xa-jar 'once every two weeks' (B:107), yarxa xa-jar,' ?o-t/(lha yarxe xa-jar,' ?o-tre yarxe xa-jar' 'once in a month, once in three months, or once in two months' (B:33), w-o Sätiz 'and in that year' (B:17), sätlt ?arbl u-tre' 'in the year (19)43' (L:57), xamSa Sinne 'for five years' (B:24), xanCi järe 'sometimes' (B:2), xa-jar xet 'once again' (L:102), ?o-waxt 'at that time' (L:63), xa-waxit 'for a time' (B:14), waxtlt qera 'in summer' (L:4). In some cases parallel expressions are used with prepositions, e.g. b-lele 'at night' (Y:3), b-yomit dwiz?e 'the next day' (Y:38), b-yomit Sabbat 'on the Sabbath' (Y:73). Names of seasons always take prepositions when used adverbially, unless they are preceded by some other expression of time such as waxtit 'in the time of', e.g. b-qe{a 'in the summer' (Y:95), bl-sitwa 'in the winter' (Y:19), bl-päyez 'in the autumn' (B:l15). In a number of cases the nominal in such temporal adverbials is in the absolute state, e.g. ?id!ei 'tonight' (Y:170), ?o-!el 'on that night' (Y:235), ?idyo

247

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

'today', kud-yom 'on every day' (B:55), kud Sat 'every year' (L:24), xa safa 'for one hour' (L:84). The names of the days of the week, which are almost exclusively used in an adverbial function, are regularly in the absolute state, e.g. trusab 'Monday', tft;zhUSab 'Tuesday' etc., with the exception of xuSaba 'Sunday' (see §10.12.1, §14.2). A number of nominals are used as adverbials of place, e.g. (1)

bela goliwa. 1 'They made (them) at home'. (L:566)

(2)

bei käbra .ma didwe lä-qardl. 'at the house of the madman flies are gathering'. (S:9)

(3)

kud-näSa belit jwaz wele. 1 'Everyone was in aseparate house'. (B:7)

(4)

soneu I ?isrl Sinne tora ili ple I bet midras ?il-? Arbe/. 'His grandfather learnt Torah for twenty years in a Bet Midrash in Arbel'. (Y:33)

(5)

?iyya-la?a w-?o-la?a xa-partit lixma kxilwa. 1 'On this side and that side (i.e. here and there) he would eat a slice of bread'. (S:2)

1

1

Note also interrogative expressions such as ?ema bela skina-wet? 'In which house do you live?' and ?ema ?urxa ma{ena 1-mäla? 'By which road may Ireach the town?' In some cases parallel expressions are found with prepositions: kulla gargare min-ya-l?a 1 ?o-l?a 1 'all the beads on this side and that side' (Y:143). Proper names of places always have prepositions when functioning as adverbials, e.g. ba-flraq (Y:l), b-lsra?el (Y:6), b-Kurdistan (Y:104). Nominals without prepositions often occur after verbs of motion to express the place of destination, e.g. si bela 'Go home!' (S:23), gben ezen bela 1 'I want to go home' (L:94), keniwa-(ha)wa bela 1 'They came home' (B:30), kmeniwäle-(h)awa bela, 1 'They brought it back home' (B:117), zille suqa 'He went to the market' (S:32), zille tayxäna 1 'He went to a tea house.' (B:129), ?islqlan qalfa. 1 'We went up to the citadel' (L:68). In a few cases the preposition /- is attached to the nominal in parallel expressions, e.g. zillu ?il-qiSla 1 'They went to the policestation' (B:42), gezlxwa ?il-klniSta 'We used to go to the synagogue' (B:73). Occasionally words that are used as attributive adjectives are also used adverbially to express the manner of an action, e.g. (6) milblsla-lleu jwan. 1 'She dressed him beautifully'. (Y:84) 1

(7)

jwan la-f}aqeni. 1 'They speak beautifully'. (Y:183)

(8)

mardlxilu Spira Spira. 1 'They boil them well'. (B:112)

(9)

la-gbe ya?l/ 1 spira Spira. 1 'He wants to know well'. (Y:236)

(10)

xanCi spira mxeli-lleu 1• 'I gave him a good beating'. (L:300)

For the use of words räba, xanti, ?atxa, ?axta and bi-zoda as both nominal modifiers and adverbials see §14.12.

SECTION FIFTEEN

THE SYNTAX OF VERBS 15.1. The function of the verbal forms derived from present and past bases The verbal forms are here categorized according to their structure. The categories include qa{il, q{ille and the forms derived from these by the addition of the particles -wa and lii, viz. qa{ilwa, q{ilwiile, lii-qa{il and lii-q{ille, tagether with a few marginally attested forms. For convenience of reference, these designations are intended to cover not only the stem I structures but also the equivalent structures in stem II and quadriliteral verbs. 15.1.1. qa{il This form expresses both the indicative and subjunctive mood. As is indicated in §8, some weak verbs, including verba primae I? I and commonly occurring irregular verbs, make a formal distinction between indicative qa{il and subjunctive qa{il by prefixing to the indicative form the particle k- or its voiced Counterpart g-. In the verb y?l 'to know' this has become palatalized c-. In the majority of verbs, however, no such particle is attached to the form qa{il when it is indicative and so there is no structural distinction of mood. 15.1.1.1. Indicative (i) Present When indicative, it most commonly expresses the present tense. The following categories of present can be distinguished. (a) It may express an imperfective habitual aspect in the present or a generic present in cases where the verb has a subject referring to a dass rather than to a specific referent, e.g. (1)

?irxel b-mafe Cera,' qamxa gola. 1 'A grinding stone turns by water. It makes flour'. (B:116)

(2)

cay la-Sateni be-?ela. 1 'People do not drink tea during a festival'. (Y:61)

(3)

HJaz-b-glt ,l'aflr,H 1 peS gaw-moxit naSe xabre. 1 'You see, at a young age, stories remain in the mind of people'. (Y:228)

(4)

kimrlla b-kurdi. 1 'They call it in Kurdish ... '(B:29)

(5)

qeml bqatta, 1 safata ?arba, 1 xamSa, 1 yasq{ kimrl AJal/ahu ?akbar.A 1 'They (mullahs) rise in the morning at four or five o'clock, climb up and cry "God is very great!"'. (L:502)

(6)

tama ?iitl mazidet? 1 'Why do you (habitually) add (to the price asked)?' (L:184)

249

SYNTAX OF VERBS

(b) The qatil form is used in past tense contexts to describe habitual activities that took place in the past. Here qatil has a relative tense and takes its temporal deixis from the adjacent past verb(s). Generally the clauses with qatiJ in these cases are in some way dependent on the clauses with the past verbs. They may be grammatically subordinate clauses, such as relative clauses (7). Other times they may be subordinate on a discourse Ievel. In example (8), for instance, the clauses with qatil form an elaborative comment on the preceding statement: (7) Jo b-Jele 1 xmille biiqeu, 1 dukktd gezl 1 Jilu xallllu 1 faqlu xallllu. 1 'He waited for him, in the place where people used to go and wash their hands and feet'. (L:504) (8)

golixwa ixaJa reS-nura, Ja-reS gaz. nura maJqex Ju-manixex. 'We used to make food on a fire not on a gas light. We used to kindie and extinguish the fire'. (Y:68) 1

1

1

(c) It can function as the 'actual present' in verbs referring to a state, expressing the fact that the state is in existence at the present moment, but is not necessarily a permanent property of the subject: (9)

Jatta yiilake zadeni. 1 'Now the children are afraid'. (L:94)

Verbs denoting a state are used in the qatil form also in past tense contexts, where they take the past time reference of the adjacent past form verbs. Clauses with qatil used in this way are generally circumstantial clauses that are dependent on the clause with the past verb. The qatil form in such constructions is aspectually equivalent to the 'actual present' usage, in that it expresses the state that is holding at the time of the actions of the adjacent past verb but is notapermanent property of the subject: (10)

La ma$yanwa gazyanwa niisa Litte 1 Jilna yatwan JaxJan. 1 'I could not see a person who had nothing, while I sat and ate'. (Y:273)

Such circumstantial clauses may introduce a section of discourse: (11)

magurilu geban, 1 briita Ja gazlxwiiJa. 1 'When they married people in our community we did not see the girl'. (L:194)

(d) In a narrative concerning events in the past, a speaker sometimes sets the scene of a section of discourse by using qatil forms of the verb. These may be classifed as present historic with perfective punctual aspect. They are subordinate to the main narrative on the Ievel of discourse syntax: (12)

yomit sabbat, hulale qeml paltl tara, xa-waxit rlsli, plltli tara. 'On the Sabbath the Jews arise and go outside ... When I woke up, I went outside'. (B:44-45) 1

1 •••

1

1

(e) The qatil form also expresses the 'present punctual' when it has performative function:

250 (13)

SECTION FIFTEEN

?äna' qablen' Sateni.' 'I (hereby) permit them to drink'. (Y:58)

(f) The indicative qatil form may occur in a conditional clause expressing a real condition in the present, e.g. (14)

?agar-gbet talben minnox' ... latxun' llizim paltetun min-xäsan.' 'If you want me to ask (something) from you ... you must protect us'. (L:117)

(ii) Future

The qatil form is the normal means of expressing the future tense, with either perfective or imperfective aspect. Unlike many NENA dialects, Jewish Arbel does not use any special particles to indicate the future reference of the verb. (15)

gezen geb-lfimna xaluntl.' ~asta goten,' päre masdrrlnnax.' 'I shall go to Hannah my sister. I shall work and send you money, every month'. (Y:154)

(16)

?atxan sa/bixxtixun.' 'We shall kill you'. (Y:182)

(17)

Ia peSen laxxa.' 'I shall not stay here'. (Y:264)

(18)

ätl ?axca xa?et.' 'You shalllive for such-and-such a time'. (L:140)

(19)

?ätl goret ga-fllin dukka.' 'You will get married in such-and-such a place'. (L:144)

To express immediacy of a future action the adverb ?atta 'now' is used: ?atta da?ren' 'I shall return immediately' (L:66). The future often has a volitive sense, as is the case in the preceding examples. A 2nd person qatil form that refers to the future can be used to express a command or request: (20)

gebl kawh.' 'You will be with me!' (= I want you to stay with me) (L:545)

The tense of the qatil form, therefore, is not absolute but relative. Its default time reference is the non-past (present or future). When used in the context of past form verbs, however, it takes the past as its temporal reference point. In terms of aspect, it is used to express the imperfective in either the past or nonpast and the perfective in the non-past (historic present, future). It does not express the perfective in the past. 15.1.1.2. Subjunctive The uses of subjunctive qatil may be classed in various categories. Many of these uses can be defined as modal, in that the verb form expresses certain attitudes of mind of the speaker towards the contents of the sentence. Two kinds of modality are generally recognized, viz. (i) deontic, which contains an element of will and expresses various degrees of obligation, requirement and permission, and (ii) epistemic, which expresses the knowledge or attitude of the speaker

251

SYNTAX OF VERBS

towards the factuality of the clause. The subjunctive qa{il is used to express both these kinds of modality, especiaily the deontic variety. Some uses of this verb form, however, cannot be classified as expressing either kind of modality and the occurrence of the form appears to be conditioned by the syntacticaily subordinate status of the clause. For this reason the term 'subjunctive' is preferred to the term 'modal', which would be misleading regarding the range of the form's functions. In what foilows each category is illustrated mainly by verbs that formaily mark the distinction between indicative and subjunctive. (i) Main clauses

(a) In main clauses subjunctive qa{il is often used to express various types of deontic modality, i.e. those containing an element of will. In most cases the verb has a volitive ('I wish to ...') or an exhortative sense ('Let me, Iet us' etc.). It can be used in ail persons of the verb. First person: (21)

?amrlnnox. 1 xa yoma, 1 xa minnu ?ilyele geb{ 1 ... 'Let me teil you/1 wish to teil you: One day one of them came to me ..'. (L:298)

(22)

xmol ?amrlnnox. 'Wait, Iet meteil you/1 wish toteil you'. (B:7)

(23)

gz{ ?amrlnnox. 'Look, Iet meteil you/1 wish toteil you'. (L:150)

(24)

?axonl, xor ?amrinnox. 'My brother, Iook, Iet me teil you/1 wish to teil you ..'. (L:305)

(25)

mlri ?ezen teren xand. 'I said (to myself): "I should like to go and walk about a little"'. (B:45)

(26)

xa dirham hawinnox. 1 'Let me give you/1 wish to give you a dirham'. (L:405)

(27)

lit xa ?amrex so?a, so?a dawrid didu ga-?Arbe/. 'There is not one person whose family has been in Arbel for, let's say, seven generations'. (L:40)

(28)

naxplxwa, 1 ?amrex, gazlxxa, 1 yan-gezex gal/aw. 1 'We were shy, let's say to see her or to go with her'. (L:195)

1

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1

1

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1

Second person: (29)

f/an yoma, 1 ?etun res xlinda. 1 'On such-and-such a day you should come to the vailey'. (B:153)

(30)

?a/etun H?i!-bet-a-qavarotH didxun. 'Come to your cemetery'. (Y:229)

(31)

Ia zadetun! 'Do not fear!'. (Y:185)

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252

SECTION FIFTEEN

Third person: (32)

fimri biiqox hawe. 1 'May my life be for you'. (L:550)

(33)

b-iznid didox hawe 1 'Let it be as you wish'. (S:89)

(34)

nase HkavodH hawi baqox, 1 safoda loJi.l 'Let people give you honour, let them make a feast'. (S:lll)

(35)

bllS tre-bele sliqe hawile. 1 'Let them give him only two cooked eggs'. (S:121)

In (36) the verb is used to express a concessive sense: (36)

hawiwiila ta-mimnit hawiwala, 1 Ia ma$Jiiwa lamra: 1 llina Ia qablan. 1 'Let them give her to whomsoever they would [i.e. to whomsoever they gave her], she could not say "I do not agree'". (B:77)

A number of particles of Kurdish origin are optionally used before the qa(il form to express deontic modality. These include:

mar: e.g. (37)

kut-xa mar-?ez-hawa beleu. 1 'Everyone should go back to his house'. (Y:182)

(38)

miidam mar nablinnu hawa, 1 pallxxu. 1 'If I must take them back, let's divide them'. (S:88)

ba-: ba-ld 'Let him go'. (L:293), ba-Satele 'Let him drink it'. (L:82), bii maxete 'Let him beat him'. (L:286). This may be separated from the verb by the subject or object of the clause, e.g. ba-latxan hawex 'Let us give', ba-lor 'Let him enter', ba-/:laSta lo/ 1 'Let him work'. (L:160). da-: This is attested before independent pronouns expressing the subject of the verb, e.g. da-lo hawul 'Let him give', da-loni hawi 'Let them give', da-latxan hawex 'Let us give•.1 (b) In a few cases subjunctive qatil in main clauses expresses epistemic modality. In the attested examples this is epistemic possibility, i.e. it expresses a certain degree of reservation on the part of the speaker regarding the factuality of the statement ('may', 'might', 'would'). Subjunctive forms with epistemic modality occur with all persons: (39)

lamren 1 xa yarxa 1 la lyele Hbet-kateH dideu. 1 'I would say that he did not come to his cafe for a month'. (L:460)

1 In Christian Alqosh the subjunctive is regularly preceded by the particle d-, which appears tobe the Aramaie conjunction *di in origin (Rhetore 1912: 79). The da- in Jewish Arbel, on the other band, is restricted to expressions of deontic modality and is best identified with a Kurdish particle of the same form that is used before imperatives or the subjunctive.

253

SYNTAX OF VERBS

(40)

min-qora plitle-lleu, 1 ?amrit Sinda pilla /e-?eneu. 1 'He brought him out of the grave, you would think that sleep had fallen on his eyes'. (S:45)

(c) Subjunctive qatil is used in some main clause questions expressing deontic necessity (must, ought to, should) or, occasionally, deontic possibility, i.e. permission (may, might, can, could). The majority of attested examples contain the interrogative pronoun ma ('what?'): (41)

ma hawinne? 'What should I give him?'. (L:160)

(42)

ma ?olen gallaw? 'What could I do with her?'. (L:274)

(43)

?amren ma? 1 'What should I say?' (L:357)

(44)

ma ?amrlnnox? 1 'What should I say to you?' (L:361)

(45)

ma ?amrlnna? 1 'What could I say to her?' (L:377)

(46)

ma hawen? 1 ma ?o!en? 'What should I be? What should I do? (L:557)

(47)

ma hawinnox? 1 'What should I give you?' (L:98)

(48)

ma ?o/? 1 'What could he do?' (L:463)

1

1

Examples with other interrogative particles: (49)

cikma hawinne? 1 'How much should I give him?' (L:407)

(50)

mlito lo golka axllla 1 w-liti l}aqql hotte? 1 'How can it be that he eats the heifer and you pay what I am owed?!' (S:22)

(51)

tama /a-Jeza l}aqyilt ta-liyya fUmarbak? 'Why should not she go and speak to that Umarbak?' (L:416) 1

Similarly, subjunctive qatil form verbs are used in indirect questions, e.g. (52)

Ia eil ma lol-llleu. 1 'He does not know what he should do to him'. (S:16)

In these constructions the qatil form is often used for the indirect question also when a past form of verb occurs in the main clause, e.g. (53)

liSana ma/lpwalan, 1 ma lo/ex, 1 ma la-lolex. 1 'He taught us language and (taught us) what we should do and should not do'. (L:278)

(54)

la-ctiwa baxtake ma lola-/leu. 1 'The wife did not know what she should do with to it'. (B:97)

(55)

La ylllle ma lo/. 1 'He did not know what to do'. (S:17)

(56)

mi!pllu 1 mlito ga-lo makine 1 l}asta ?o!l. 1 'They taught them how to work with those machines'. (L:29)

Occasionally yes-no questions have subjunctive qatil form verbs expressing deontic modality:

254 (57)

SECTION FIFTEEN

balas hawlnne bäqeu? 1'Should I give it to him free?' (L:160)

In some isolated cases, subjunctive qatil in yes-no questions has a type of epistemic modality, i.e. a modality relating to the knowlege and belief of the speaker. In the cases in question it is epistemic possibility that is involved, i.e. a degree of doubt concerning the factuality of the proposition expressed by the clause: (58)

?ametune ?il-Hltler 1 qa{illan? 1 'Would you bring Hitler to kill us?' (L:117)

(ii) Conditional sentences

Subjunctive qatil forms are found in conditional sentences referring to present or future time: (59)

(60)

?agar-xa hula?a, 1 ... xa-mindix ?olile, 1 slmun, 1 corun, 1 ?ilamun gebl. 1 'If a Jew - ... they do anything to him, go, investigate, and come to me'. (L:125) ?agar-?amlrrüxun dabl qemerun mardlxetun, 1 lä-gbe sakar b-ela H[-arblyya1J.H-Jol, 1 La zon. 1 'If he says to you that you must boil up

(tea), he wants to make a profit on sugar on the festival, don't buy it!' (Y:65) For full details concerning the syntax of conditional constructions see §19.4. The protasis with a modal qatil is sometimes used with a volitive modality, e.g. (61)

David, 1 ?agar ätl yalet 1 ?iyya käbra, 1 xadamit babit ?iyya faq/.rwele.1 'David, if only you knew! This man was the servant of the father of this poor man'. (S:31)

(iii) Subjunctive qatil is used in subordinate clauses that form the complements

of verbs and expressions. In a number of cases the clause expresses a form of deontic modality (wish, permission, obligation). This is found after a number of finite verbs such as ?by 'to want' and qbl 'to permit', Swq 'to allow', m~y 'can' or compound verbs such as l}.az ?wl 'desire', e.g. (62)

?atxan lä-gbex ?isqlit ?olex. 1 'We want to cancel our citizenship'. (B:42)

(63)

gbet ?ezex ga-dukäna, yatwex? 1 'Do you want to go into the shop and sit?' (L:256) lä-gben hawltta xa mindtx. 1 'I want you to give her something'. (L:375)

(64) (65)

?ätllä-gbet gal-iyya baxta 1 ?äna ?ezen 1dwa?e ?eza baqra, 1 ?amra ... ? 'Do you want me to go with this woman and then she goes and asks, saying ...' (L:403)

SYNTAX OF VERBS

255

(66)

lä-gben goren.' 'I want to get married'. (L:357)

(67)

l}az gozen qadome bqatta ?axlet,' ?ezet re:S-safodid iyya käbra.' 'I want you not to eat tomorrow morning and to go to the feast of this man'. (S:109)

(68)

?atxun la ma~etun ?isqat ?ozetun.' 'You cannot (are not permitted to) cancel your citizenship'. (B:43)

(69)

?aflllu la-qabllwa da?at yällt sawa' ?eza ta-#ola.' 'They even did not permit the mother of the baby to go to the synagogue'. (Y:85)

(70)

la qabll ?ezetun ?ere~ Yisra?el.' 'They will not permit you to go to the land of Israel'. (B:26)

(71)

la :swiqle-lli ?ezen.' 'He did not allow me to go'. (L:550)

(72)

la I-kalla har-:soqlwa batane' ?eza ta-ti-dukka' ?u-la l-brona,' la ll}ätan.' 'They never allowed either the bride to go anywhere alone, nor the boy, the groom'. (Y:80)

ra

Subjunctive forms expressing deontic modality also occur after various expressions that are not inflected verbs, e.g.

dabi: (73)

dabi xa mindix hawinne.' 'I must give him something'. (L:331)

(74)

dabl ?amalyat ?ol.' 'He must have an operation'. (L:60)

(75)

dabi ?ezen gallaw.' 'I must go with her'. (L:378)

läzim: (76)

?äna läzim ?ezen 'I must go'

(77)

?äti läzim ya?et 'You must know'

(78)

?atxitn' lazim paltetun min-xäsan.' 'You must protect us'. (L:l17)

gbe used impersonally with a modal sense of deontic necessity ('must', 'should'): (79)

gbe bayan ?olltta ta-ya gora.' 'You must make it known to this man'. (S:lOO)

(80)

?ätl gbe :saket i/teu,' ?amrltte:' 'You should complain to him and say to him ...' (S:92)

(81)

gbe ?amrltti.' 'You must teil me'. (S:98)

(82)

la-gbe ... kaseu palxlxxa.' 'It is not necessary for us to open his stomach'. (L:89)

The subjunctive is used in subordinate clauses that are complements to various nominal predicates, e.g. (83)

?asurila bar idäla ?alya $lola.' 'lt is forbidden for her to come to the synagogue after giving birth'. (Y:85)

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SECTION FIFTEEN

In numerous cases the subjunctive occurs in Subordinate complement clauses that do not clearly express either of the recognized forms of modality, viz. deontic or epistemic. Nevertheless in all such cases the action or Situation expressed in the subordinate clause is potential or incipient in relation to the main verb rather than one that actually exists. Examples: (84)

ma$en ?amrlnnox 'I can tell you'. (L:68)

(85)

lii-naxpen ?amren 'I am ashamed to say'. (S:80)

(86)

y!?llli kulla mindix ?oten. 'I knew how to do everything'. (L:153)

(87)

sinfata /(i la-dwa ?oll. 'They did not know how to carry out a profession'. (L:17)

(88)

biibl zadewa Sxet ?ez min-?6 dukka. 'My father was afraid to go to that place again'. (L:461)

(89)

?6 lii-zade nakun famalyat ?o/. 'He is afraid for him to have an operation'. (L:74)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

A subjunctive qa(il form often occurs in a Subordinate clause that is the complement of a main clause with a past verb form, e.g. (90)

?ana ?ebeli ?ollnne famalyat 1 'I wanted to perform an operation on him'. (L:88)

(91)

la-qabilwa, la-mga laxxiine, ?ezl terl b-(ayyiira. 'They did not permit them, unlike here, to go and travel in a aeroplane'. (Y:78)

(92)

?iyya kliwa-wele geb ?ilha, ya-?abe ?atxiz hawewa, ?lnna niise ?ezlwa, raba bliine u-raba brone. 'It was written (in the book of destiny kept) by God that this had to (subjunctive of the impersonal gbe) happen, that these people had to go (to their death)'. (Y:201)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

(93)

xel iyya ?ilanta bdelu nitra ?6/i.l 'Under this tree they began to make a fire'. (S:114)

(94)

Ia ma$yawa ?amra:

1

1

?ana Ia qablim. 1 'She could not say: "I do not

agree"'. (B:77) Note that complement clauses after the verb bdy are occasionally introduced by the preposition b-, e.g. (95)

bdele bi-kliite zabin. 'He began to sell chickens'. (S:69) 1

The verb in the subordinate complement clause is in the indicative if the complement clause refers to a situation that actually exists at the time referred to by the main verb or at least one that the subject of the main verb regards as likely to exist or likely to come into existence in the future. (96)

clwa ?6 gora-wele. 1 'They knew that he was a man'. (L:516)

(97)

?iina fajben ?il-laxxiine ?arabne, kullu ?arabne ?ixalan lii1

1

1

1

257

SYNTAX OF VERBS

kixlile. 'I am amazed that here the Arabs, all of the Arabs, eat our 1

food'. (B:100) (98)

xaswen latta liitl glsa-wet. 'I think that now you are tired'. (L:576)

(99)

kulla niise xslwlu liina milyoner-wen. 'Everybody thought that I

1

1

was a millionaire'. (L:187) (100) /a-meli mi-zdulu keni qatlllu. 1 'They die of fear that they would come to kill them'. (Y:234) (101) liyya hulalii mayle liitlla-l}aqer galteu. 1 'This Jew- why is it you speak (harshly) with him?' (L:454) (iv) Purpose clauses The subjunctive qatil occurs in clauses expressing purpose. Many such clauses are placed after the clause on which they are dependent without a linking conjunction, e.g. (102) /ii-lyeli zolit kre hawltta. 1 'I have come in orderthat you give (me) the suit'. (B:126) (103) gzelan larba hu/ale 1 /a-gezl, 1 /a-dalrl-(ha)wa 1 min-jiida 1 lezl(ha)wa be/a. 1 'We saw four Jews going along, returning from the road in order to go home'. (B:48) (104) kullu lii-lyelu, 1 lateni gaw kolanit hulale 1 qatli hulale. 1 'They have all come to enter the street of the Jews and killed the Jews'. (Y:172) (105) holle l}asta lo/. 1 'Give him work to do'. (L:160) (106) qemex lixala-hawex ta-yate. 1 'We get up to give food to the children'. (Y:105) The purpose clauses may be introduced by a subordinating conjunction, e.g. (107) tre t!~ha yome xmol resl, 1 l}atta xsawl lollnne. 1 'Wait for two or three days, so that I can think it over'. (S:23) (108) kimrlwa: mato, 1 tama gure lod-didan /a-l}qelu baqan? 1 mlra l}atta H[-afszdH /a-loll. 1 'They used to say: "How can it be, why have our men spoken to us (about this)?" She said "So that they would not make a loss"'. (Y:65) (109) liyya rav, 1 /ii-ke hawa ta-hulale, 1 1-iqnaf lol/u 1 Ia zadeni. 1 'This Rabbi comes back to the Jews to persuade them not to be afraid'. (Y:215) (110) /ii-lyeli ta-briitox hawt-illa (< hawet illa) ta-bronl. 'I have come for you to give your daughter to my son'. (B:81) 1

1

(111) tama atxa wille? 1 xatir 1 slk Ia mandeni-l/eu 1 lo latxa lii-wllle. 1

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'Why did he da this? So that they would not suspect that he had done it. '. (L:515) (112) dabl ?amalyi:lt ?ol 1 ta-xiitrlt 1 paltl ?anne kepe zore paltllu minneu. 1 'He must have an operation in order that they might extract from him those small stones'. (L:60) 000

(113) nobta doqlwa 1 naku Sedime ?enl 1 maxenl l-yiilake. 1 'They kept watch lest demans came and struck the child'. (B:132) (114) yafni ke?ellu ?iyya 1 mindlxile, 1 tewe ?iina, 1 nakitn ?ilha la-?o/ 1 cl mindix ?alele. 1 It was as if it was an object, not me, so that God would not cause anything to come upon him. (L:351) As can be seen in some of the preceding examples, a subjunctive qatil form expressing purpose frequently follows a main clause with a past tense verb. Further examples: (115) miSdlrre-lli ?ezen ?iina 1 ••• piirake ?amlnnu. 1 'He sent me to go and bring the money'. (L:536) (116) ?izla 1 nbllwiile gebeu 1 ta-zqara, 1 ta-zaqlrre baqeu 1 ?olle baqeu kre. 1 'He had brought wool to him to weave, for him to weave it for him, and make it into a suit for him'. (B:126) (117) kawunwiilu 1 bl-zoda pare 1 min-tarafit mal}~ul hawelu. 1 'I used to give more money, so that they would have a profit'. (L:205) (118) ?atxa resaw kasyawiila 1 xlitir Ia ya?ila. 1 'She used to coverher head, so that they would not recognize her'. (L:349) (119) kawunwa ta-nase l}astii ?oll biiql. 'I used to give people work to da for me'. (L:220) 1

The subjunctive is found in result clauses: (120) pisle ?iyya kiibra, 1 ?amlr ... 'The other man remained (stunned) with the result that he said ..'. (S:96) (v) Complement of conjunctions The subjunctive qatil occurs after a variety of subordinating conjunctions in addition to those expressing purpose. In most such case the verb refers to an event or situation that is future or at least potential in relation to the main verb. In some cases the main claues has a past tense verb: (121) l}atta ?ana pisa-hawen, 1 ?enl plixe haweni, 1 ?lina l}asta golen. 1 'So lang as I live, and my eyes are open, I shall work'. (L:559) (122) ?Iman atex ?ere~ yisra?el 1 .. .' (L:147)

••••

'When we come to the land of Israel

SYNTAX OF VERBS

259

(123) qamol mitra ?ale, 1 gezlwa goilwäle. 1 'Before the rain came, they used to go and do it'. (L:25) (vi) Generic relative clause The subjunctive qatil occurs in a clause that is a complement of a generic nominal or adverbial particle (see §19.1.1.3, §19.1.2.1, §19.1.3.1 iv): (124) har mlit ?oil!u 1 'whatever they do to them'. (L:561) (125) yafni cikma jamf hawe, 1 pilgit-?axca bis bassor. 1 'However much the total was, less by a half of this'. (L:391) 15.1.2. qatilwa As is the case with qatil, the past form qatilwa has both an indicative and a subjunctive mood. This distinction is formally marked in the same group of verbs as mark it in the qatil form. 15.1.2.1. Indicative The form qatilwa always has imperfective aspect and has absolute tense in the past. (i) Past habitual

It is used to expressed habitual or iterative action in the past, e.g. (1)

ytile marwlxwa. 'We used tobring up the children'. (Y:4)

(2)

kulla gal-dlxle IJ.aSta goilwa. 1 'Everybody used to work together'. (Y:l)

(3)

?o-dukka lixma goilxwa, 1 julle xalllxwa, 1 basllxwa. 1 'In that place we used to make bread, washed clothes and cooked'. (Y:9)

(4)

gure ... keniwa-(ha)wa fli$ir, 1 kxilwa, 1 xetlwa, 1 kx!iwa, 1 yatwiwa gal-belu u-ylilu. 1 'Themen would come home in the afternoon. They would eat, sew ,eat and sit with their family'. (Y:2)

1

Such habitual actions may be neutral as to sequence, as is the case in (3) and (4). In some contexts a series of qatilwa forms expresses a stemporal sequence, e.g. (5)

dalmäna go/anwa gaw-HkumkumH ruwwa. 1 darlxwä/e reStimmit samavar. 1 'I put tea leaves in a big pot and placed it on the mouth of the samavar'. (Y:10)

A clause with a qatilwa form expressing habitual action may be used at the beginning of a section of discourse to set the scene. This usage is equivalent to an adverbial temporal clause: (6)

?iyya dehwa zablnwäle, 1 xa ki/6, 1 pilglt kilo, 1 xa-rfbif kilo, 1 Cikmat we/e, 1 yan gebi peSwa, 1 yan geb ... xa min-?anne ... Sirikzd didi 1

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SECTION FIFTEEN

peSwa. '(When) someone sold the gold - one kilo, half a kilo, a quarter kilo, however much it was - it remained either with me or with one of my partners'. (L:203) 1

An action that is anterior to another may be syntactically subordinated in a temporal clause, e.g. (7)

bar-parqixwa, kulla qansixwa, mariszxwäle. 'After we finished, we used to sweep it all and mop it clean'. (Y:9)

(8)

?isrl u-tmanya bäte bar-parqlwa, kullu keniwa geban. 'Twentyeight households, after they finished (their Seder meals), all of them came to us'. (Y:52)

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(ii) Past state

The qa{ilwa form is also used with certain verbs to express a state in the past. This may be a permanent (9) or habitual (10-11) state. Such a distinction usually depends on the lexical meaning of the verb: (9)

wi-biibeu .... dlwa H?avalH mgö-biibeu la-tllwa. 'His (Nisan's) father used to know (be knowledgeable), but he was not as knowledgeable as his father (i.e. Nisan's grandfather)'. (Y:33)

(10)

yatuwwa Hiel-a-sederH 'He used to sit on Seder night'. (Y:33)

(11)

damxlxwa b-qe{a. 'We used to sleep (there) in the summer'. (Y:95)

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(iii) In those verbs that make a formal distinction between indicative and subjunctive, the formally indicative type of qa{ilwa is used sometimes to express epistemic modality. This occurs mainly in conditional sentences. Two categories may be identified. (a) In conditional sentences referring to the past, e.g. (12)

?agar xa gezwa ?ileu pasl{wäla, kimriwäle 'lf somebody went and stretched his hand, they would say to him ...'. (Y:147) 1

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(b) In conditional clauses not referring to the past. Here the -wa element does not signal temporal distance but rather a degree of modal distance from reality. This is found in the apodosis of (13): (13)

?agar ga?eniitl ?ollnwa, atta-la kimrlnwa biiqox, kiibra! 'lf I had been treacherous, I would not be telling you (this) now, man!' (S:97) 1

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15.1.2.2. Subjunctive The qa{ilwa form may have a subjunctive function in past tense contexts. The various functions of the past subjunctive parallel those of the qa{il subjunctive. As was noted above, the qa{il subjunctive is not restricted to present tense

261

SYNTAX OF VERBS

contexts and is often used as a general subjunctive irrespective of tense. The qatil subjunctive frequently occurs in past tense contexts and so overlaps in function with the past subjunctive. The verbs that make a formal distinction between indicative and subjunctive in the qatil form do so also in the qatilwa form, e.g. kmir- ?amir, kmirwa- ?amirwa; gol- ?ol, golwa- ?olwa, etc. The following functions of the past subjunctive are attested: (i) Main clauses In main clauses the past subjunctive is attested as being used to express epistemic modality in statements relating to the present. Here the -wa element does not signal temporal distance but rather modal distance that represents an element of doubt and tentativeness in the statement: (14)

xa-yoma rixit pisra lyele bäqeu. mire: ?ClX/ ?6-näSa Ia melwa, xa-jimmit pisra ?axilwa bi-swäteu. 'One day the smell of meat came to him. He said "Ah, that man, it seems, is not dying but is eating to his fill"'. (S:3) 1

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(ii) Indirect questions Indirect questions that have a main verb in the past tense may take the past subjunctive, e.g. (15)

?o kmirwa ma simmit yale hawewa. 1 'He used to say what the names of the children would be'. (Y:90)

(iii) Conditions The past subjunctive is used in conditions relating to the past. These may be introduced by the particle ?agar or be asyndetic (for further details see §19.4): (16)

?agar ?atxa Ia ?ollxwa Ia ma~lxwa xa?ex gal/u. 'If we had not done that, we would not have been able to live with them'. (L:343)

(17)

?agar ya?llwa J:taSta ?olwa, moxa hawewäle, I ?itwäle maJ:t~{U raba. 1 'If he knew how to do a job and he had a brain, he made a lot of money'. (L:335)

(18)

naxos hawewa tarl~wa. 1 xa-mrad hawewäle, mrädeu J:ta~ilwa. 1 'If (anyone) was ill, he was cured. If (anyone) had a wish, his wish was realized'. (B:161)

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(iv) Complement clause The past subjunctive occurs in subordinate clauses that are complements of verbs or expressions. If the main clause contains an inflected verb, it is in a past tense form: (19)

Ia

(20)

har-gbltwa

ma~ewa 1

joreu ?olwa. 'He could not pass his urine'. (L:59) 1

1 •••

?axlltwa. 'You just wanted to eat'. (L:567) 1

262 (21) (22)

SECTION FIFTEEN

/a-qabilwa damxixwa 'They did not allow us to sleep'. (Y:52) kud yarxa, 1 xa-}J.ayw{zn dabi}J.wa-(ha)wa. 1 dabi ?ezlnwa 1 xa yoma. 1 'Every month I used to slaughter an animal. I had to go for a day'. (B:37)

(23)

so?a yome 1}J.atta ta-HserutimH 1dabi-t!ahlz niise ?eziwa 1gal }J.iitan 1 ?u-gal kal/a-S. 1 'For seven days, three people had to go with the groom and bride even to the bathroom'. (Y:79)

(v) Complement of a generic nominal Subjunctive qatilwa is used in subordinate relative clauses that are attributes of generic nominals in a past tense context, e.g. (24)

(25) (26)

(27)

geban ?ot hawewiile ?alpa lire, 1?a/pa dinäre, 1dawlamand ruwwawele.1 'In our place, whoever had a thousand liras, a thousand dinars, was a very rich man'. (L:342) har-mat hawewa 1 }J.a~llxwa minnu. 1 'Whatever it was, we made a profit from them'. (L:49) kud-naSit sala ?ewa lleu 1 gezilwa res-?o kepa. 1'Everyone who had a fever (literally: upon who a fever came) used to go to that stone'. (B:160) ?o-yomit }J.asta hawewiilan 1'On a day that we had work ...' (Y:104)

(vi) Conjunctions Subjunctive qatilwa sometimes occurs after other subordinating conjunctions when the main clause has a past verb form and the event in the subordinate clause is future or contingent relative to the main clause event, e.g. (28)

(29)

qatiyen /a-kixllxwa }J.atta-oni /a-?ateniwa gallan yatwiwa. 1 'We never used to eat so long as they did not come and sit with us/until they came to sit with us'. (Y:22) pilgid-yoma 1-#ola-we/u gure, 1 }J.atta-a/eniwa-(ha)wa. 1 'The men were in the synagogue for half a day before (literally: until} they came back'. (Y:67)

15.1.3. qfil/e (i) Preterite

The qfil/e form is most commonly used as a preterite to refer to punctual events in the past with a perfective aspect. e.g. (1)

dwiqle-lleu, 1 xniqle-/leu, 1qtille-lleu. 1 minde/e-l/eu ga-mafake. 1 'He seized him, strangled him, killed him and threw him into the water'. (L:504)

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SYNTAX OF VERBS

(2)

xipla-lleu, milbisla-lleu jwan, ?u-nbillu-lleu ta-#ola.' 'She washed him and dressed him in fine clothes, then they brought him to the synagogue'. (Y:84)

(3)

dwa?e zliian xa-dukka xer Snelan. tre hode Siqlllan, haywan Siqliian, w-itiwlan. 'Then we went and moved to another place. We rented two rooms and a verandah and settled there'. (Y:20-21)

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It may express a single event that had an inception and an end in the past but had a duration that extended over a period of time. This period may be specified and can be of considerable length: (4) ?isrl Sinne bet-midraS ?iliple sonox.' 'Your grandfather studied in a Bet Midrash for twenty years'. (Y:63) (5)

murwele-llox. 'He brought you up'. (Y:ll) 1

When used with verbs that denote a state it has an inchoative sense: (6) waxtit i?lllan bqatta, 1 ?iyya-rav lä-zllle bela bela' ... 'When we knew in the morning that this rabbi had gone araund from hause to hause'. (Y:192) (ii) Pluperfect

Occasionally a q{ille form is used in a pluperfect sense to refer to action that is anterior to an event reported in a preceding clause with a q{ille form: (7)

mtelan,' yafni, kixwe plitlu.' 'We arrived. The stars had come out'. (L:538)

(iii) Present perfect It is sometimes used to express the perfect, i.e. a past action the relevance of

which continues into the present: (8)

?atxan prlqlan min-tlmmit gurga.' 'We have escaped from the mouth of a lion'. (Y:196)

(9)

mira,' ?lla,' bronax mille.' 'She said "Come! Your son has died"'. (Y:166)

(10)

?inna miSdrilox ta-bäqan.' 'You have sent them to us!' (Y:217)

(11)

manni q{ille-lleu?' manni nbllle-lleu.' 'Who has killed him? Who has taken him?'. (L:514)

1

(iv) Conditional clauses The q{ille form is found in conditional clauses referring to a condition in the present or the future: (12)

?agar ruwwäne zillu,' ?lnna zore kulla ?lle w-aqJelu,' ?lnna lama$eni naS qa(ll.' Ia zadetun.' 'If the senior men have gone, the

264

(13)

SECTION FIFTEEN

young ones are all hands and legs (i.e. they have no head to guide them), they cannot kill anybody'. (Y:194) ?agar mire hula?e /a-qrillu-lli, 1 ?atxan dimmim 1 res-?llxun, 1 qrlilunnan. 1 wa-?agar mire Ia hu/a?e, 1 mlre: 1 dlmmid didxun 1 ?atxan 1 gotlxxe. 1 'If he says "The Jews have killed me", you can have our blood, kill us. But if he says "It was not the Jews", we shall have your blood'. (Y:227)

15.1.4. qrilwale This form is generally used to mark explicitly that an event or state is anterior in time to past events expressed by qrille or qarilwa. (1)

faqlre, 1 ... ?ot-?ilyewatu min-daSta, 1 ... ?oni 1 gaw-f}a~ar-welu. 1 'The poor ... who had come from the countryside ... they were in an enclosure'. (B:8)

(2)

HnifrarH gdirwäle, 1 ?ilyelu bar bäbl, 1 nblllu-lleu il-Betwatä. 1 '(When) he had died, they came for my father and took him to Betwatä'. (B:22)

(3)

mlre bäqeu: 1 lä-lyeli zo?it kre hawltta. 1 ?izla 1 nbilwäle gebeu 1 tazqära,1 ta-zaqlrre bäqeu 1 ?olle bäqeu kre. 1 'He said to him "I have come for you to give me the suit". He had brought wool to him for weaving, for him to weave it for him and make it into a suit'. (B:126) Hmal?ax ha-mavetH xmllwale baqan. 1 ?uwalan Hnebi?lm,H 1 ?ilyelu xmlllu baqan. 1 'The angel of death had lain in wait for us, we had prophets, they came and stood up for us'. (Y:196) kud-yom, yoma, 1 ?ilha wllwäle, 1 bqatta gdlrwäla, 1 gezlnwa Mu~il. 1 'Every day, (when) God had made it (i.e. when daylight came), (when) the morning had come, I used to go to Mu~il'. (B:55)

(4)

(5)

(6)

?agar xa-f}aywan räref gdlrwäle, 1 nabllwäle, 1 zabnlwäle bäqu. 1 'If an animal had become unclean, they used to take it and sell it to them'. (B:104)

(7)

bar xilwälu 1 Hbirkat a-mazonH qareniwa 'When they had eaten, they read the "blessing after meals"'. (Y)

In a few instances, it is freed from being tied to the past tense deixis of adjacent past tense verbs and is used to express the prior occurrence of an event or of the inception of a state with a present tense deixis, i.e. the state continues into the present or the event has relevance for the present. In such cases, therefore, the verb has the function of the perfect. In the available examples the action expressed by the verb took place in the remote past. This may be the reason why the qrilwäle form was used rather than the qrille form.

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SYNTAX OF VERBS

(8) (9)

la-naxpen ?amren, HriklH Uuxa minsyawali. 'I am embarrassed to say, I have forgotten my bag here'. (S:80) dukkake basimta-wela. ?ana-s gizyawali. 'The place was pleasant. I have seen it myself'. (Y:251) 1

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15.1.5. Forms with la 15.1.5.1. la-qatil The la-qatil form expresses various aspects of the present tense. (i) It is used to express the progressive aspect of the present in verbs denoting an action, e.g. (1)

leka lä-gezetun? 'Where are you going?' (Y:172)

(2)

tama, 1 daya 1 ?axca lli-xerat? 1 'Mum, why are you staring like that?' (Y:159)

(3)

tama la-baxet? 'Why are you crying?' (S:103)

(4) (5)

sl bqor min-David babox. 1 tama minnl la-baqret. 1 'Go and ask David, your father. Why are you asking me?' (S:104) lli-cerex bar malla. 'We are searching for the mullah'. (L:513)

(6)

ma la-golet laxxa? 'What are you doing here?' (L:544)

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(ii) In verbs denoting a state, it expresses the existence of the state in the actual

present: (7)

lä-taxren 'I remember'. (L:209)

(8)

lä-gbet J:taqen baqox res hula?ad ?Arbe/. 'You want me to teil you about the Jews of Arbe!'. (L:575) Ia la-cex ma gdlrlile. 'We do not know what has happened to him'. (L:513)

(9)

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(iii) It may express a habitual, iterative or generic aspect of the present:

(11)

lixma, ilxmid doqa, ?atta-s la-golex. 'We still make bread (prepared in) the doqa'. (Y:91) laxxa-s lä-kimrlle Sixra. 'They call it coals here also'. (Y:129)

(12)

tama lä-kimrlxxe Nisan? 'Why do we call him Nisan?' (Y:89)

(13)

mannlt la-gbe Sate, ?äna qablim Sateni. 'Whoever wishes to drink, I permit them to drink'. (Y:58)

(14)

?il-laxxane ?arabne, kullu ?arabne ?ixalan lä-kixllle. 'Here all

(10)

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266

SECTION FIFTEEN

the Arabs eat our food'. (B:lOO) (15)

lete u-yoma lii-qare. 1 'He reads night and day'. (L:l07)

(16)

Hben-adamH lii-zade. 1 'A man is (naturally) afraid'. (L:414)

(iv) The default time reference of lii-qatil is the present. In the environment of past verbs, however, it may take their past time reference as its deictic centre. This is the case when the clause with lii-qa{il is dependent on the clause with the past verb in some way. It generally expresses a progressive action or continuing state that is circumstantial to the action expressed by the past tense verb (17-19). It is also found in clauses that are the complement of the preceding verb (20): (17)

?iyya gora qlmle, b-baxite lyele hawa, kud dimfe lii-makus ruwwe 1 ?atxa-mgt1 kaSke. 1 'The man got up and went back weeping, whilst shedding tears as big as kaske (cakes made from dried curds and burghui)'. (S:lOl)

(18)

babi lii-gez ~lola, 1 dwtq/e-lleu 'While my father was going to the synagogue, he seized him'. (L:434)

(19)

plit[e biibllii-gbe ?ez. 1 'My father went out, wishing to go home'. (L:115)

(20)

gze/e nase la-IJ.aqeni gal/eu, /ii-gbi doqile qatlile, firqlile. 'He saw that people were speaking (harsh words) to him, and wanted to seize him and kill him and so he fled'. (L:519)

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(v) When there is no such dependency, the lä-qa(il form in the context of past verbs often appears to be a historic present with progressive or habitual aspect. It represents a shift to the deictic centre of the present for the sake of prominence: (21)

dwa?e, ?ltwa raba niiSe sabzlwa, reSu marewa, Cay Üi /a-Sateni. 'Now there were many people who were ill, who had a headache, but they did not drink tea'. (Y:57)

(22)

mat lii-kawulla ?ana lii-kalwen. 'I went with ?ilyeli gal/aw her.... Whatever he gives her I write down'. (L:378-379) 1

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•••

(vi) In a past narrative, lii-qatil is often used to express punctual events. It is equivalent in this function to the preterite form q{ille. The lii-qa{il form, however, never begins a narrative sequence. It always follows a preterite q{ille verb. When the shift is made from q{ille to lii-qa{il, the narrative may continue with lii-qatil form verbs over several clauses. This use of lii-qatil clearly does not involve a change in aspect from that of the preterite form q{ille. It should be interpreted as a historic present, involving a tense shift to the deictic centre of the present to achieve a nearer perspective in the narrative. (23)

?iqnaf willlle hlc la-?otl. lii-koS hawa tixya, lii-ke, b-lele, lii-xer tfq.ha Hmal?aximH 1 ••• 'He convinced them not to do anything. He 1

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SYNTAX OF VERBS

comes down again. He comes in the night and sees three angels'. (Y:213-14) (24)

bqiJtta qlmlu, 1 lä-xeri lä-meli mi-zditlu keni qa{lllu. 1 'They got up in the morning. They see this and die of fear that they would come to kill them'. (Y:234)

(25)

?iyya da?a har-xlra-bbeu, 1 w-har-xlra-bbeu, 1 w-har-xlra-bbeu, 1 xa sfata. 1 wlsta. 1 da?a brätaw lä-kimr(ila: 1 ... 'The mother looked at him constantly, for an hour. She dried up. The daughter of the mother says to her: ... '. (Y:159) ?ilyele, 1 lä-t!er bar baxteu. 1 'He came and Iooks for his wife'. (L:237) ?ilyele ?itlwle, 1 bqatta atxa 1 ~asta /ä-go/ 1 ke?el/u cl mindix [{j lagdlre.1 'He came and sat down in the morning and works as if nothing had happened'. (L:508)

(26) (27)

(28)

?ilyelu lä-gazeni 1 cl nas tit ga-misgad didu. 1 'They came and see that there is nobody in their mosque'. (L:510)

(29)

?ilyelu gaw ?o mäla 1 xalonid bäbl 1 lä-baqrl minneu: 1 'They came to the town, to the uncle of my father, and ask him '. (L:511)

(30)

xa dwlqle-lli min-?iyya ?ill, xa min-?iyya ?ill, xa-s lä-gbe maxefi.i 'One took me by one of my hands, one by the other hand, one wants to hit me'. (L:191) 1

1

A shift back to a preterite form often coincides with the beginning of a new span of narrative, which is distinct from what precedes in some respect, such as discourse topic, or spatio-temporal reference: (31)

plhli tara. 1 mlri ?ezen t!eren xand. 1 La gezen, 1 mlila t!ol wö-holila, 1 ... ?lina-s gzeli Mose/a, 1 mlri bäqeu: ... 'I went outside. I thought I would go for a little walk. I go out - the town is deserted! ... I saw Mosela. I said to him: ... ' (B:45-46)

(vii) Occasionally lä-qa{il is used with a future time reference. The aspect is usually punctual: (32)

lä-qa{lixxu. 1'We shall kill them!'. (Y:184)

(33)

?idlellu-hula?e lä-qaf[ilu. 1 'Tonight they will kill the Jews'. (Y:167)

(34)

?ana lä-ken. 1 'I shall come'. (Y:229) tli la-Soqlnne. 1'I will not Iet him go'. (L:290)

(35)

Future lä-qa{il forms are often volitive, as is the case with future qa{il, and when used in the 2nd person can be used to express a request, e.g. (36)

Simmake lä-xal/atte. 1'You shall will wash the name'. (L:81)

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It may also have a progressive aspect in the future, which expresses the attendant circumstances of a future punctual action: (37)

mlre: 1 ?ana sxet la-gezen. 1 mira: tama? 1 kmir: ma? 1 lä-sarxi resl, 1 wi-txa lä-kimrlli.' ?ana Ia gezen. 1 'He said "I shall not go again." She said "Why?" He says "Why should I, while they shout at me and speak tomein such a way."'. (Y:152-53)

(viii) In a few isolated cases lä-qatil is used in clauses that express a form of modality, either deontic modality in jussive constructions (38) or epistemic modality in questions denoting the speaker's Iack of commitment to the factuality of some event or state expressed by the verb (39). Note that in (38) the verb has a subjunctive form: (38)

ba-la ?olle! 1 'Let him do it!'. (L:213)

(39)

?atxizn 1 la-dxwa. 1 mi-1/eka atxan lä-cex Hmal?axlmH ?it b-lele. 1 'We did not know. From where should we know that there are angels in the night?' (Y:189)

(ix) The lä-qatil form is also attested in conditional sentences: (40)

?agar ?o lä-qabil, 1 ?b lä-cll kulla Hdinlm.H 1 'lf he permits it - he knows all the laws'. (Y:62)

15.1.5.2. lä-qtille (i) The lä-qtille form is commonly used as a perfect with the present as deictic centre, in order to express a past event that has relevance in the present: (1)

?äna täza dukana lä-pilxali.l 'I have just opened the shop'. (L:189)

(2)

tama hula?e, ma lä-willu? 1 mlru: 1 bronan 1 hula?iz lä-qtille-lleu. 1 "'Why (will you kill) the Jews? What have they done?" They said "A Jew has killed our son"'. (Y:209)

(3)

miz lli-lyelox? 1 'Why have you come?' (Y:151)

(4)

lä-pillu gaw hula?e. 1 'They have fallen on the Jews'. (Y:177)

(5)

simun, 1 xorun 1 ?agar ?iyya-yala lä-qlmle. 1 'Go and see whether the child has got up'. (Y:97)

The event referred to by the verb can be of considerable remoteness in the past. In such cases the subject of the clause is usually the speaker or somebody, usually a family member, who is closely associated with the speaker. A participant of the event, therefore, if not the event itself, has connection with the present Situation. Note in (9) below that the birth of the father and grandfather of the informant are reported with lä-qtille forms but that of his great-grandfather with a qtille form. (6)

?ana-s b-päre lii-Siqlali.' ?istl dinäre lä-hlwli ta-bäbaw. 1 'I married

SYNTAX OF VERBS

269

her by (giving) money. I gave sixty dinars to her father'. [referring to at least fifty years ago] (B:82) (7)

ti-jar' Ia la-gzeli minnu xriwula.' 'I never witnessed any wickedness at their hands'. [referring to the Muslims in Kurdistan during the informant's youth] (B:13)

(8)

?u-da?t-S' xalwa lä-hlwla bäqeu.' ... 'And my mother gave milk to him'. [over sixty years ago] (L:352-53)

(9)

bäbl Rwandiznele.' ?a~zeu il-Ruwandiz lä-gdlre.' soni-s ?ilRuwandiz lä-gdlre' .... sonlt bäbl' ?il-Barzan gdlre.' 'My father is from Rwandiz, he was born in Rwandiz, also my grandtather was born in Rwandiz. The grandfather of my father was born in Barzan'. (B:14)

(ii) In intransitive verbs, the lä-q{ille form sometimes expresses present state resulting from prior action. The attested examples are from the root xml to stand: (10)

?ana qämox-wen,' lä-xmilli.' 'I am before you, I am standing (at your service)'. (L:305)

(11)

babit bronake lii-xmllle geb-rab.' 'The father of the boy is standing by the Rabbi'. (Y:243)

(12)

lä-ke hawa be/a, lä-xmllle res-David-is.' 'He comesharne again and waits for David'. (S:25)

(iii) A lä-q{ille form is sometimes used to express a state that constitutes the circumstantial background of another clause. In these cases it is equivalent in function to a temporal clause: (13)

baxta ?iisurile ?alya ta-#ola,' /ii-ydllla.' 'A woman is forbidden to go to a synagogue, when she has given birth'. (Y:29)

(iv) The deictic centre of the perfect lä-q{ille may be the historic present: (14)

kullan irq(i/an' lä-gezex lä-gazex.' baxteu' xa-tfang lä-mxele-llaw il-laxxa,' ?il-bäskaw.' kulla bäskaw lä-qirdixla.' 'We all ran and go and see. A rifle has hit his wife here , on her upper arm. All her upper arm has been shattered'. (B:135)

(15)

?inna Hmal?aximH lä-kimrl ta-?inna bsilmiine.' lii-lyelu bahamuna,' qa{lllu-hulaJe.' 'Thus speak the angels to the Muslims. They have come in a great number to kill the Jews'. (Y:221)

(16)

?ilyele ?itiwle,' bqatta atxa' ~asta lä-gol' ke?ellu d mindlx Ia lagdire.' 'He came and sat down in the morning and works as if nothing has happened'. (L:508)

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(v) The deictic centre of lä-qtille may also be the past time reference of adjacent past tense verbs. In such circumstances, the lä-qtille form has a pluperfect sense, marking an event as having taken place before the past time referred by the past tense verbs. It is, therefore, equivalent to q{ilwäle. This is most clear where the lä-qtille verb occurs in a subordinate clause, where a shift of deixis to historic present is unlikely: (17)

wi-kmeniwa ta-nniz naSit lä-lyelu ta-xlula 1 kxllwa. 1 'They brought it to the people who had come to the wedding and they ate'. (Y:127)

(18)

babit bräta diwa tama lä-lyelu. 1 'The father of the girl knew why they had come'. (B:80)

(19)

dwiz?e 1 bar xitte plltla 1 ?o mindixäne 1 ?anne hor-ma lä-zwlnnu minnu 1 kmeniwälu bäqu. 1 'Then when the time of the wheat harvest came, they [the Jews] brought to them all the things that they had bought from them'. (L:SS)

As with lä-qafil, therefore, the default deictic centre of lä-q{ille is the present, but it can be used with relative time reference, taking as its deicitic centre the past time expressed by past verbs in the surrounding context. (vi) The lä-qtille form is used sometimes at the beginning of a past narrative sequence. After the initiallä-qfil/e the narrative continues with q{ille forms: (20)

?o-lä-qlmle, 1 b-$almf kome tltle, 1 zllle. 1 'He got up and went out with a face dark (with anger)'. (B:lll)

(21)

cay lii-wllla baqeu, 1 ?ilaw pistiila, 1 cay daryala gizw i!eu. 1 'She made him tea and stretched out her hand to place the tea in his hand'. (B:137)

(22)

?o lä-npille reS ?ara, 1 qlmle, 1 ba-faqle lii-maxele. 1 'He fell on the ground on the ground and he started to strike him with his feet'. (L:455)

The lä-qtille forms in (20)-(22) could be interpreted as cases of relative time reference, in that they express the fact that the event took place at some point anterior to the events expressed by the q{ille verbs. It should be noted, however, that a shift to historic present can be used to express a background comment in a past narrative or exposition, e.g. (23)

?iyya ~az-wllle minnaw, ~az-wzlle min-brätake- bratake-S mari gorela, 1 bas 1 goraw Ia la-gdlre ~ätizn. 1 ~az-wille minnizw-S, 1 Ia gbawäle. 1 'He Justed for her, he Justed for the girl. The girl, however, is married, although her husband has not consummated the marriage. He Justed for her but she did not want him'. (B:142-3) 1

1

The present form qa{il can be used at the beginning of a segment of narrative or expository discourse, the main body of which is expressed in the past. The

SYNTAX OF VERBS

271

qa(il form here is used to express the background setting:

(24) (25)

magurilu geb{m, 1 briita La gazlxwiila. 1 'When they married people in our community, we did not see the girl'. (L:194) yomit Sabbclt, 1 hula?e qemi pair{ tara, 1 ?tina l-bela dmixa-wen. 1 ... dmixa-wen, 1 xa-waxit rlsJi,i pli(li tara. 1 'On the Sabbath the Jews

went outside, while I was sleeping in the house. I was sleeping. Then I woke up and went outside'. (B:44-45) Narrative units with the verb sequence lii-q(ille ... q(ille such as (20)-(22) can be interpreted in the same way. The initiallii-q(ille form expresses the background setting or initial action with the present as deictic centre. This is confirmed by the fact that present forms can be used in combination with lii-q(ille at the beginning of past narrative units, as shown by (26): (26)

?iina 1lii-zilli l-?o bela-S, 1 Swiiwanilu, 1 ?itiwa-wen 1 xa-waxit 1 hawiirimxelu.1 'I went to the house. They were our neighbours. I was sitting down, when (suddenly) there was a shout'. (B:133)

15.1.5.3. The difference between qa(il and lii-qa(il Some differences can be identified between qa(il and lii-qa(il with regard to modality and aspect, viz: (i)

(ii)

qa(il is used to express both indicative and subjunctive moods, whereas lii-qa(il is restricted to the indicative, except for a few marginally attested occurrences. The expression of the progressive aspect in verbs denoting actions is restricted by and large to lii-qa(il, whereas the 'actual present' of verbs denoting a state is expressed by either qafil or lä-qafil.

Apart from these differences, there is generally an overlap in the temporal and aspectual meanings of the forms qa(il and la-qa(il. There is, nevertheless, evidence that, despite this temporal and aspectual overlap, the two forms are not completely equivalent. In general, the particle Ia appears to be a marker of prominence and intensity. This can be correlated with the preference for using la-qafil to express the progressive aspect, which is by its nature more dynamic than the stative or habitual aspects. It is also consistent with the avoidance of lii-qa(il with the subjunctive, which is associated with irrealis and subordinate clauses. In Situations where there is temporal and aspectual overlap between qa(il and la-qa(il, the expression of prominence by Ia can be identified on the Ievel of discourse syntax. In a series of qa(il verbs expressing sequence, it may be used with a final clause to mark the end and climax of the sequence. The following is a recipe for burghul wheat, which was given to me by informant B. A series of qa(il verbs expressing habitual action is closed by a la-qa(il form. The final laqa(il form was given additional prominence by pronouncing it with unusually high pitch:

272

(1)

SECTION FIFTEEN

xitte kmenilu,' mardrxllu Spira spira,' hatta IJ.al gadrl.' dwa?e mawiSi/u.' matwllu qiim-Simsa mawiSllu.' bar wlslu,' /ii-deqllu.' 'They bring wheat and boil it weil, until it thickens. Then they dry it. They put it in the sun and dry it. After it has dried they crush it'. (B:112-13)

A analogaus usage is found in the sequence of qa{ilwa verbs in example (2), where the particle lii occurs only on the final verb of the sequence, which expresses the climax of the activity described by the sequence: (2)

kud mare-dukiina,' kmewa,' kawulwiilu ta-linse ?ot ga-bela, J;.asta /ii-gollwa. 1 'Each shopkeeper would bring them, gave them to the women who were in the house and they used to work'. (L:27)

The use of lii-qa{il as a historic present to express punctual events in narrative is similar to this. It only occurs after the opening of a narrative segment to express the climax or actions that the speaker wishes to present as prominent events in the foreground of the narrative. When the historic present is used to refer to punctual events that occur at the beginning of the narrative segment and are presented as the background of the following events, the qa{il form is employed. Consider the following: (3)

yomit Sabbat,' hu/a?e qeml paltl [background to main events expressed by historic present qa{ill tara,' ?ana 1-be/a dmixa-wen.' ... dmixa-wen,' xa-waxit rlsli,' [beginning of main events expressed by q{ille] plltli tara.' mlri ?ezen Ceren xand.' Ia gezen,' [climax of main events expressed by present historic lii-qa{i/] mala tol wöhoilla.' 'On the Sabbath, the Jews went outside, while I was sleeping in the house .... I was sleeping. Then I woke up and I went outside. I thought I would go for a little walk. I go out - the town is deserted!' (B:44-46)

A verb that is given prominence by lii is presented as having greater independence from events expressed by previously mentioned events than is the case with a verb without lii. Consider the following two examples: (4)

?ana /ä-ken' wl-tikma ruwwäne-s min-hu/a?e kimi.' 'I shall come and some of the Jewish Ieaders will come (with me)'. (Y:229)

(5)

xplqle-l/i,' xa sfata Ia swlqle-l/i.' ?o lii-baxe,' ?ana baxen.' 'He hugged me. He did not Iet me go for an hour. He weeps and I weep (with him)'. (L:550)

The Iack of lii in the second verb in the sequences /ii-ken ... keni and lii-baxe ... baxen presents the actions and the participants in the actions as closely

SYNTAX OF VERBS

273

connected. The actions are presented as components of the same basic event.2 lf lä is added to each verb, the actions are presented as being more individuated, forming independent events that do not necessarily take place together, e.g. (6)

yälake lä-baxeni, gorake lä-baxe, bäbilW, da?aw, xalunyälaw, ?axawä/aw lä-baxeni. 1 'The children are weeping. The husband is 1

1

weeping. Her father and mother, her sisters and brothers are weeping. (Not necessarily together)'. (L:528) The future expressed by lä-qafi/ expresses a more intensive assertion than qafi/. This is clear in examples such as the following: (7)

?{d/e/lü-hu/a?e lii-qatlilu! 1 'Tonight they will kill the Jews!'. (Y:167)

(8)

Soq/e! 1 mlre:

lii

/a-Soqlnne! 1 "'Let him go". He said "I will not let

him go!"' (L:290) If the use of lä cannot be identified as an expression of discourse prominence, the distinction between indicative /ä-qafi/ and qatil within similar contexts can

be correlated with an aspectual or temporal distinction. In a context where no discourse prominence is expressed and a qatil form denotes an action with perfective punctual aspect, a lä-qafil form in the same context has imperfective progressive meaning. Contrast the following two examples: (9)

bäbllä-gez $fo/a, 1 dwlq!e-l/eu 'While my father was going to the synagogue [progressive], he seized him'. (L:434)

(10)

hu/a?e qeml paltf tara 1

•••

xa-waxit rls!i, 1 pl{fli tara. 1 'The Jews go

outside [punctual] ... Then I woke up and went outside'. (B:44-45) In both cases the initial verbs express the actions that are presented as the background of the actions of the following verb(s). If the lä in the first example were omitted (bäbi gez $fola dwiq/e-1/eu) the verb would most naturally be interpreted as referring to a punctual background event: '(When) my father went to the synagogue, he seized him'. Likewise, where no discourse prominence is expressed, the difference between the two forms in similar contexts sometimes expresses the temporal distinction between present (/ä-qafi/) and future (qafi/), e.g. (11)

duzmi lä-ke qämi 'my enemy is coming against me'

2 One can compare this to the syntax of the gerundial construction, which consists of

(b)- + infinitive + copula/subject suffix. This is used in many NENA dialects, e.g. Christian Urmai bi-präqe/e 'he is finishing', Jewish Urmia garo:ren '1 am dragging'. The copula/subject

suffix element is sometimes omitted in this when it occurs in a syntactically Subordinate clause (Marogulov 1935/1976: 90; Garbell 1965: 96; Krotkoff 1982: 60; Polotsky 1996: 26). It is interesting to note that the opposition (bi-)präqä : (bi-)präqele is not only functionally parallel to the opposition qa{il : /ä-qa{il, which is discussed here, but also has an etymological parallel, if the particle lä is taken to be a fossilized form of the copula (§8.12).

274 (12)

SECTION FIFTEEN

qadome ke gebi 'tomorrow he will come to me'.

If lä is used to express discourse prominence, however, these aspectual and

temporal distinctions are overridden, i.e. lä-qatil is used for prominent/climax punctual events and for emphatic assertion of future action. Finally it is worth noting that the isolated cases of lä-qatil with a modal sense all seem to involve some kind of forceful utterance (see §15.1.5.1 viii). 15.1.5.4. The difference between q(ille and lä-qtille The distinction between q(ille and lä-qtille is usually in the temporal aspectual meaning, viz. preterite vs. perfect. In some cases, however, q(ille overlaps with the temporal aspectual meaning of lä-qtille, in that it can also be used with the sense of a perfect. In a number of cases where qtille and lä-qtille both have the same temporal aspectual meaning and occur in the same context, the lä-qtille form can be identified as having greater discourse prominence. In a series of verbs with perfect meaning, the lä is sometimes reserved for the final verb of the sequence, which expresses climax: (1)

(2)

gware meli bäqox, 1 ?od mat mirox bäqz, 1 bilzne willi bäqox, 1 har mlit mirox, 1 kulla lä-wzlli bäqox. 1 'I have brought you earrings everything you requested from me, I have made you bracelets, I have made you everything that you requested fromme'. (L:175) HJizzH ?o da?at ?iyya Wa~id 1 xalwa hiwla bäqz 1 b-yälull. 1 ?uda?t-S1 xalwa lä-hiwla bäqeu. 1 'So the mother of this Wa.b.id gave me milk when I was an infant and my mother gave milk to him'. (L:352)

If clauses containing perfect verbs are repeated to recap on Statements made

earlier in the discourse, it is generally the case that the initial Statements have läq(ille and the recapping Statements have the less prominent q(ille, e.g. (3)

?agar mzre bsi/mäne qtillu-lli 1 flttuxun reSan ta-~aq. 1 'If he says "The Muslims killed me", you have no case against us'. (Y:230)

This is recapping the same statement in Y:227, where the corresponding verb is lä-qtlilu-1/i. In a few cases the particle lä is used with the past form qatilwa. In most of these the lä seems to express some kind intensity or climax: (4)

(5)

Ia qabllwa 1 mzn bSilmane. 1 hemat ~aqewa galleu 1 maxewäle. 1 Ia lazadewa mzn bsi/mäne. 1 'He did not receive (any insults) from Muslims. Whoever spoke (insultingly) to him, he used to strike him. He was not afraid of Muslims'. (L:516) tikma barqiye hlwlu min-?Arbel, 1 ta-bäbl, 1 ta-?onl 1 jwäbu läkawlwa:1 geblle, 1 la-zdimun. 1 'They sent so many telegrams from Arbel. They constantly replied to my father, to them "He is with me, do not fear"'. (L:552)

275

SYNTAX OF VERBS

15.1.5.5. In conclusion, the particle lii can express distinctions in tense and aspect, but it can also be used to mark discourse prominence independently of the temporal aspectual meaning of the verb. 15.2. The copu/a The copula, in both its present and past forms, is defective, in that it is not used in all the morphological forms that are available for other verbs. The present copula Iooks as if it is derived historically, in most of the paradigm, from the present participle of the root hwy, e.g. -wen(< *häwe ?anä), -wet (< *häwe ?at), etc. The present participle of earlier Aramaic, it will be recalled, is the forebear of the qafil form. It is possible, however, that the present copula is of pronominal origin (see §8.6.7). The past copula (§8.6.7) is derived historically from the q{ille form of the same root, e.g. wele (< *hwele), wela (< *hwela). The copula is not used in the lä-qatil, lä-q{ille, qa{ilwa or qfilwale forms.3 In the vast majority of cases it expresses an attributive, locative or identificatory predication (see §17.1). 15.2.1. The present copula Predicates with the present copula express a state in the present. This may be a state that is a permanent property of a subject (1-2) or a state that is a contingent property, i.e. one that is observable at the present moment but is not a permanent characteristic of the subject (3): (1)

ta/ga qarde/a 'Snow is cold'

(2)

?il-laxxa, 1 Pesal} SoJa yomele. 1 'Here, Passover is seven days'. (B:72)

(3)

Bablu brindarile. 1 'Bablu is wounded'. (B:51)

Such predicates correspond temporally and aspectually to stative predicates expressed by the verbal form qa{il. In past contexts, the copula is sometimes used to express a state in the past. Here, as is the case with the qatil form, the copula has a relative tense, and takes the past reference of the adjacent past tense verbs as its deictic centre. lt is found in subordinate clauses that are dependent syntactically an a main clause with a past verb: (4)

kulla näSe xslwlu ?ana milyoner-wen. 'Everybody thought that I was a millionaire'. (L:187)

(5)

?o Ia y?ll/e 1 ?lina hu/a?a-wen. 1 'He did not know that I was a Jew'. (L:287)

(6)

Ia y?llli mannile. 1 'I did not know who he was'. (L:211)

1

It is also sometimes found when a speaker gives background information about

3 Many NENA dialects conjugate the copula in a wider range of forms (cf. Rhetore 1912: 91-97, 100; Krotkoff 1982: 37-38; Haberman 1989: 31-35).

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SECTION FIFTEEN

some participant in a narrative: (7)

Jiyya J:taz-wllle minnaw, 1 J:taz-wllle min-brätake. 1 bratake-s mari goreLa,' bas' goraw La La-gdlre J:tätl.m. 1 'He lusted for her, he lusted

for the girl. The girl was married, although her busband bad not consummated the marriage'. (B:142) (8)

gzeLan xa malla LyeLe.' mallake-S' mare-qiwteLe,' bron-Maraj xaJafandlLe,1 Jir-Rwandiz.' 'We saw a mullah come. The mullah was

powerful. He was the son of Maraj, an agha in Ruwandiz'. (B:109) On some occasions, the use of the present copula in a past context should be interpreted as a historic present, involving a shift to a present deixis for the sake of prominence and near perspective: (9)

mlri Jezen teren xand.' La gezen, 1 maLa toL wö-hoLlLa/ 1 'I thought I would go for a little walk. I go out - the town is deserted!' (B:45)

15.2.2. The past copula Predicates with the past copula express a state in the past. This may have an imperfective aspect expressing a state that was permanently in existence in the past without the connotation of inception and end, e.g. (1)

J Arbll' mäLa rubta weLa.' 'Arbel was a big town'. (L:ll)

(2)

t!rnu JaxwäJe-weLu. 1 'They were both brothers'. (B:31)

(3)

x(mti minnu zaqäre-weLu. 1 'Same of them were weavers'. (B:32)

(4)

Jo Jäga' xa Jäga quya-weLe.' 'That aghawas a tough agha'. (B:36)

The state is in some cases intermittent, and so has a habitual, iterative aspect, e.g. (5)

kud yoma,' JiL-Mu$il weil.' kud-yom, yoma,' .. gezlnwa Mu~il.' fä$irta daJrlnwa-(ha)wa. 1 'Every day I used to be in Mu~il. Every day I used to go to Mu~il and used to return in the evening'. (B:55)

The past copula may, however, have a perfective aspectual sense and express a state the duration of which has an explicitly marked inception and end, e.g. (6)

JWa yarxe ga-tura-weLu.' 'They were in the mountains for six

months'. (B:18) (7)

xa-yarxa L-Bagdad weLan. 1 'We were in Baghdad for a month'.

(B:98) (8)

JiLyeLe L-Bätase,' mafllm-weLe xamsa sinne ftam.' 'He came to

Batase and was a Rabbi there for five years'. (B:24) It is also used perfectively to express states that are indicated to have obtained at

a specific point in time, e.g. (9)

xa-yoma,' Purim wete.' 'One day, it was Purim'. (B:40)

277

SYNTAX OF VERBS

(10)

?ana ?o-damma ?imrl ?isra Sinne-wele. 1 'At that time, I was ten years old'. (B:24)

These temporal and aspectual features are expressed by the forms qa{ilwa and q{ille in verbs expressing a state. The past copula, therefore, should be considered neutral as to aspect. The form of the past copula, moreover, is a case of morphological neutralization. In other words, although it has the morphology of a q{ille form, it is used with the aspectual meaning not only of q{ille, which is normally restricted to the perfective aspect, but also of qa{ilwa, which is restricted to imperfective. 15.3. The existential partie/es Existential predicates are expressed by the particle ?it, which is invariable for gender and number. When there is past time reference the form ?itwa is used. Corresponding to these, there are two negative existential particles: lit and litwa (see §8.17). The past existential element ?itwallitwa in most cases expresses permanent, continuous existence or, in the negated form, lack of it, e.g. (1)

?ltwa xa xlinda. 'There was a valley'. (B:154)

(2)

#ola ?ltwa. 'There was a synagogue'. (Y:23)

(3)

kud bela, ?itwale l,lawsa. 'Every hause had a courtyard'. (B:l)

(4)

?ara litwa. 'There was no land'. (Y:17)

1

1

1

1

1

It is also used to express intermittent states of existence, e.g. (5)

?it-giire, 1 ga/-f arabne 1 qriiwe ?ltwa, 1 ?it-giire !ltwa. 'Sometimes there were conflicts with the Arabs, sometimes there were not'. (Y:8) 1

It may have perfeelive aspect in contexts where it describes a temporally delimited situation. In (6) below the duration of the state of having children is presented as having an inception (dwa?e 'then ... ') and an end (when they grew up): (6)

yalta-weli 1 .... dwa?e yiile litwali, 1 ?irwelu. 1 'I was girl ... then I had children. They grew up'.(Y:5-6)

The past existential particle ?itwa, therefore, may express both imperfective and perfective aspect, as is the case with the past copula. The form ?it is sometimes used with past reference in a context with past tense verbs. It, therefore, can be used with relative time reference and is not limited to the expression of the absolute present tense. In this respect it is analogaus to the qatil form: (7)

kud-naSa bas il-belit noSeu d!wa mii-ltt. 1 'Everyone knew only what there was in their own homes'. (Y:15)

278

SECTION FIFTEEN

As with the present copula (§15.2.1), present tense forms may express background information in a past tense context. In such cases they are to be interpreted as having a relative tense, in that they take a past temporal deixis from an adjacent past tense verb: (8)

qimlan, 1 zillan reS kolfini mSilmline. 1 lilline-lit gaw. 1 litulan 1 xel xa-lillina. 1ti-hulale Lfi la-gazex. 1 'We got up and went to the street of the Muslims. There were trees in it. We sat down under a tree. W e do not see any Jews'. (B:4 7)

In other cases, a present form occurring in a past context should be interpreted as a historic present, involving the shift to a present tense deixis for the sake of prominence and near perspective: (9)

xlra gaw-HtikHake, 1 tre-bele llbba. 1 tre be?e bsite-it gaw-yaHtik.H1 'She looked in the bag. There were two eggs in it. There were two cooked eggs in the bag'. (S:58)

15.4. The verb hwy The verb hwy is conjugated according to regular verbal morphology. It is attested, however, only in the qa{il, lli-qa{il, qa{ilwa and imperative forms. The la-qa{il form occurs in only one isolated example in the text corpus. The verb makes a formal dintinction between indicative and subjunctive, viz. k( a)we, k( a)wewa (indicative) vs. hawe, hawewa (subjunctive). The uses of the verb hwy are suppletive to those of the copula and existential particle lit. These may be classified as follows: 15.4.1. Future (1)

gebl kawet. 1 'You will be with me'. (L:545)

(2)

kawya qadome ga-Suqa 'She will be in the market tomorrow'. (L)

(3)

?axca yate kawelox. 1 'You will have such-and-such a number of children'. (L:144)

(4)

Slitit kilya kawelan rliba HbafayotH 'Next year weshall have many problems'. (L)

15.4.2. Subjunctive (5)

fimrl bliqox hawe. 1'May my life be for you'. (L:550)

(6)

J:tattiz ?lina pisa-hawen, 1 ?enl plixe haweni, 1 ?fina J:tasta golen. 1 'So lang as I live, and my eyes are open, I shall work'. (L:559)

(7)

naxoS hawewa 1 tarl~wa. 1 xa-mrlid hawewlile, 1 mrlideu J:ta~ziwa. 1 'If (anyone) was ill, he was cured. lf (anyone) had a wish, his wish was realized'. (B:161)

SYNTAX OF VERBS

(8)

279

har-mat hawewa 1 ~a~llxwa minnu. 1 'Whatever there was, we acquired from them'. (L:49)

15.4.3. Imperative (9)

kwi Spira 'Be good!' (L)

15.4.4. Generic present In the present tense hwy is restricted to predicates expressing a generic property of the subject, i.e. a property that is characteristic of the subject but not necessarily found in all observable cases.4 It is not used with predicates expressing contingent properties, e.g.

yaruqa kawe 'Grass is green'. (L)

(10)

~aSIS

(11)

kud waxtit talga hawe, ?awir qarira kawe 'Whenever there is snow, the air is cold'. (L)

(12)

/ä-gazeni 1 ?anne kepe zore zore, 1 ?atxa kome, 1 magon hfita mfito malqztta, ?atxa kawe. 'They see these very small stones, black, like a match - when you light it, (the result) is (generically) like that'. (L:85) 1

1

15.4.5. Generic past Most attested forms of the verb hwy in the text corpus are in the past indicative qatilwa form. The qatilwa form of hwy always has imperfective aspect, as is the case with the qatilwa form in general. They differ, therefore, from ?itwallitwa and the past copula, which are neutral as to aspect. The imperfective aspect of the qatilwa form of hwy is linked with the fact that its function is restricted to expressing a generic existence or a generic property of a subject. The distinction between this and the use of the past existential element ?itwallitwa or the past copula to express permanent existence or a permanent property is sometimes dependent on no more than the choice of the speaker as to how to represent the situation:

kweniwa. 1 'There were four families

(13)

?arba miSpä~e 1 gaw ?o in that enclosure'. (B:l)

(14)

kul/a mindl kwewa, 1 kulla mindl ~zira-?itwa. 1 'Everything was there, everything prepared was there'. (B:122)

(15)

HsumH-tlnna La kwewa. 1 'There was no smoke'. (B:124)

(16)

sitwa, 1 kwewa ?arbl yome. 1 'Winter was forty days'. (Y:136)

(17)

?il-bela kweniwa. 1 'They were (habitually) in the hause'. (Y:4)

~awsa

4 Cf. the discussion of Hoberman (1989: 130-133) concerning the corresponding forms in the Jewish Zakho and Amedia dialects.

280

SECTION FIFTEEN

(18)

bl-qe{a, bl-sitwa gal-dzxle kweniwa. 'In the summer and the winter they were together'. (Y:19)

(19)

dwad gezitwa b-safra, 1 tre-nase qameu fetlwa, 1 tre biireu, ?6-s rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 1 'When he went on a journey, two people would go before him and two behind him, and he would be riding on a horseback'. (B:39)

1

1

1

15.4.6. lii-qa{il form The only attested use of the form lii-qa{il with the verb hwy (example 20 below) expresses a generic state in the past, the past reference being established by the past forms of the adjacent verbs. The lii-qa{il form here, therefore, correponds in temporal and aspectual meaning with the qa{ilwa form of hwy. The particle lii can be interpreted here as having its basic meaning of expressing a certain textual prominence: (20)

?ana qalya gollnwa. 1 ?ana qalya, 1 ?ana malplnwiila, 1 ~atta illpla batane, 1 kullu ?il-Sevaf barambiiraw lii-kweni. 1 'I used to make the qalya (fat of the sheep's tail). I used to teach her (how to make) qalya. Until she learnt by herself, everybody used to stand around Seva". (B:93)

15.5. The verb gdr The verb gdr is used in all verbal forms in predicates corresponding to the types that occur with the existential particle, the copula and the verb hwy. Unlike the latter three grammatical items, however, gdr always has an ingressive sense of entering a state ('coming into existence, becoming'). The q{ille, lii-q{ille and q{ilwiile forms are always perfective, e.g. (1)

gaw-yiine ?ista yarxe ?inqilab gdira 1 ?ir-Rusya. 1 'Within those six months there was a revolution in Russia'. (B:19)

(2)

hatta ?isqa{ gdlra. 1 'Until the cancellation of citizenship took place'. (B:57)

(3)

bqatta gdlrwiila, 1 gezlnwa Mu~il,l '(When) the morning bad broken, I used to go to Mu~il'. (B:55)

(4)

gdlre hawa niisa. 1 'He became a man again'. (S:51)

(5)

saldake gdira mma parl!e, 1 ?o-S-mllle, 1 HnifrarH gdlre. 1 'The basket became a hundred pieces and he died'. (B:159)

(6)

l!i-brindar Ia la-gdlre. 1 'He has not become injured at all'. (B:51)

(7)

?amonit biibl 1 HnifrarH gdirwiile. 1 'The uncle of my father bad died'. (B:22)

281

SYNTAX OF VERBS

These perfective forms are sometimes used to express an ingressive existential predicate with the sense of 'being born', e.g. (8)

be-?elit Nisim gdlre. 1 'He was born in the festival of Nisan'. (Y:90)

(9)

bäbl Rwandiznele. la~Leu il-Ruwandiz lä-gdlre. sonl-s lilRuwimdiz lä-gdlre, 1 ... sonlt bäbl 1 lil-Barzan gdlre, 1 ~axam Smu?el Barzani. 'My father is from Rwandiz. He was born at the beginning of his life in Ruwandiz. Also my grandfather was born in Rwandiz. The grandfather of my father was born in Barzan, the l)akham Shmu'el Barzani'. (B:14) 1

1

1

The qa{il and qa{ilwa forms are used imperfectively to express habitual, iterative occurrence in the present and past respectively, e.g. (10)

garsllu b-garusta, 1 yäne gadri säwar. 1 'They grind them with a grindstone and they become burghul wheat'. (B:114)

(11)

linSe yatwlwa deqiwäle hatta ... gadlrwa Spira wz-basilwa minneu, ta-kulle sitwa. 'Women used to sit and grind it until it became a good consistency'. (B:ll8) 1

(12)

1

1

1

nura malqlwa. 1 ~iwake yaqllwa, 1 gadrlwa 1... pangurye. 1 They used to light a fire. The sticks used to burn and become embers'. (Y:36)

All qa{il forms with future time reference, including subjunctive qa{il forms, are perfective: (13)

dabl maSilmet, gadret mSilmäna. 'You must convert to Islam, become a Muslim'. (B:148) 1

1

The negated qa{il may be used to express the fact that something is not possible or permitted,5 e.g (14)

kimrlwa liSe la-gadir taqrlb linna maHe lot-Hlel-a-seder.H 'They used to say that women were not permitted to serve the massa breads of the Seder night'. (Y:48) 1

1

The imperative form gdor is attested in the expression sl, gdbr min-qäml 1 'Go, go away from my presence'. (L:405). 15.6. The imperative The imperative is neutral as to aspect. It is perfective or imperfective, e.g.

5 This usage corresponds to parallel expressions with the verb 'to be' in other NENA dialects, e.g. Ia k-hawya, Ia k-barya, and also in Kurdish (na-bun-i) and Turkish (olmaz) (Pennacchietti and Orengo 1995: 231).

282

SECTION FIFTEEN

(i) Perfective:

(1)

q{olunnan/ 1 'Kill us!'. (Y:227)

(2)

tre niise fazom/ 1 'Summon two people!'. (S:35)

(ii) Imperfective: (3)

dmoxun b-raJ:zäti/ 1 sqotmun/ 1 'Sleep in peace! Be silent!' (Y:186)

(4)

J:zaSta la-?61! 1 'Do not work!' (Y:268)

Commands can also be expressed by 2nd person forms of the subjunctive qa{il (§15.1.1.2. i.a), e.g. (5)

fÜin yoma, 1 ?etun res xlinda. 1 'On such-and-such a day you should come to the valley'. (B:153)

They can also be expressed by the indicative qa{il or lii-qa{il with future time reference (§15.1.1.1 ii, 15.1.5.1. vii), e.g. (6)

gebl kawet/ 1 'You will be with me!'. [I want you to stay with me] (L:545)

(7)

simmake lii-xallatte. 1 'You will wash the name'. (L:81)

Prohibitions are expressed either by a negated imperative (La zdi 'Do not fear!') or by a negated 2nd person subjunctive or indicative qatil (Ia ?olet 'Do not work!', Ia golet 'You shall not work!'). As in the positive form, the imperative is neutral as to aspect and it is appropriate either in contexts where the aspect is imperfective or in those where

it is perfective. The prohibition with the qatil form, however, is specifically imperfective in aspect. Examples: (8)

tqele-bbeu, mlre: Ia sl. 'He urged him and said: "Do not go"'. (Y:263)

(9)

?agar-?amlrruxun dabl qemetun mardlxetun, 1 lii-gbe sakar b-ela Hl-arblyyaJ:zH-?ol, 1 Ia zon. 1 'If he teils you that you must boil up (tea), he wants to profit from sugar during the festival. Do not buy it!' (Y:65)

(10)

?iina, Hbe-fezrat ha-semH ?atta da?ren. la-zdimun/ ?ituwun/ 'God willing I shall return right away. Do not fear! Sit down!' (L:66)

(11)

?iina tar~lnne. 1 la-zdi/ 1 'I shall eure him. Do not fear!' (L:76)

(12)

la-zdimun het/ 1 'Do not fear any more!' (L:88)

(13)

zille bela bela. mlre: la-zadetun. dmoxun b-raJ:zätl/ sqotmun/ 'He went from house to house. He said: "Do not be afraid! [marked explicitly as imperfective] Sleep in peace! Be silent!"' (Y:186)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

The positive form of the imperative may be preceded by the particle da, which gives it a greater degree of politeness, e.g. da-holli 'Give me, please!', da-

SYNTAX OF VERBS

283

holmunni 'Give (pl.) me, please'. As has been indicated, this particle is used also with the subjunctive (§15.1.1.2 i.a). 15.7. Expression of the passive The original Aramaie passive participle has been incorporated historically into the verbal forms that express perfective aspect, viz. q{ille, lä-q{ille and q{ilwäle. The subject is expressed by the /-pronominal suffixes. These suffixes are obligatory. Historically, the I-suffixes express the agent phrase in a passive construction in which the patient of the action is the grammatical subject. As was indicated in §8.3, this construction has lost a nurober of its passive properties in the present state of the language. Its use, for instance, has been extended to include not only transitive but also intransitive verbs. Also patients of the action in transitive predicates exhibit a nurober of properties of grammatical objects. Since the occurrence of the I-suffixes in the aforementioned verbal forms is obligatory, a transitive verb must also include an expression of the agent of the action. There are a nurober of grammatical alternatives that a speaker can resort to in order to avoid referring to the agent of a transitive action when the aspect of the predicate is perfective: (i) A verb that is used as a transitive may in some cases be used also as an

intransitive, e.g. (1)

tärake plixla. 'The door opened'. (L)

(2)

panjarye twirru. 'The windows broke'. (L)

(3)

b-qräwa beleu xriwle. 'In the war his hause was destroyed'. (L)

(ii) The transitive verb may be given an impersonal subject in the form of a 3pl.

pronoun, e.g. (4)

xa baxta 1 jinwlilu. 1 'They have stolen a woman'. = A woman has been stolen (L:498)

(5)

dwa?e 1 bar tikma sinne, 1 /:lblslu-lleu. 1 'Then, after a few years, they incarcerated him'. = He was incarcerated (L:522)

(6)

?Aron q(lllu. 1 'They killed Aaron'. = Aaron has been killed (B:134)

(7)

?ilaw qi~lilu. 1 'They amputated her hand'. = Her hand was amputated (B:139)

(8)

mäla dwiqälu. 'They captured the town'. = The town was captured (L)

(iii) A specific 'passive' construction may be used, whereby the action is expressed by the infinitive form of the verb preceded by a finite form of the verb ?ly 'to come', which functions as an auxiliary. The patient is made the subject of the auxiliary verb, e.g.

284 (9) (10)

SECTION FIFTEEN

babi ?ilyele q(iila. 'My father was killed'. (L) b-qrawa beleu ?ilye/e xrawa. 'In the war his hause was destroyed' (L)

This passive construction is used without any grammatical expression of the agent of the action. It is found in other NENA dialects and has a close parallel in Kurdish (Hoberman 1989: 90; Goldenberg 1993: 304). 15.8. The passive particip/e As stated above, the passive participle of earlier Aramaie constitutes the past base of verbal forms. These participles are also used outside of the verbal conjugations with the nominal ending -a. They can function as nouns or adjectives. The majority of the attested passive participles with nominal inflection are from stem I verbs and have the pattern qtila, or the equivalent in weak verbs. 15.8.1. Intransitive verbal roots The q{ila form is commonly used with intransitive verbal roots in predicative position to express a state in the present or past. This is not, however, a completely productive construction for all intransitive verbs. It has been recorded for the following verbs, all of which are stem 1: xml 'to stand', ytw 'to sit', skn 'to dwell', dmx 'to sleep', gys 'to be tired', pyS 'to exist, to live', skr 'to be drunk', rkw 'to ride', e.g. xmila-wen 'I am standing', ?itiwa-wen 'I am sitting', skina-wen 'I am dwelling', dmixa-wen 'I am sleeping', gisa-wen 'I am tired', piSawen 'I am alive', skira-wen 'I am drunk', rkiwa-wen 'I am riding'. The q{ila element is inflected as a nominal for gender and number, e.g. skina-wet 'you (m.) dwell', skinta-wat 'you (f.) dwell', skine-wetun 'you (pl.) dwell', ?attiine-s piStela 1 'She is still alive' (B: 139), /:latta dinye pistela 1 'So long as the world remains' (L:575). Such constructions with the present copula express a state that is either a permanent property of the subject of the clause, e.g. ?ema be/a skina-wet 'In which hause do you live in?', or a contingent property, i.e. one that is observable at the present moment but is not a permanent characteristic of the subject, e.g. dmixele 'He is asleep'. In the speech of informant B, there are isolated examples of the passive participle form of the intransitive verb pyS being conjugated with the inflectional endings of the qa{il form to express present state, e.g. ?o-la-piS 1 'He is not alive' (B:42), t!i-hu/a?e /a-plsi gaw 1 'There are no Jews left in it' (B:45). The predicative use of passive participles in the absolute state inflected with the subject suffixes of the qa{il paradigm are found in a number of NENA dialects. In some dialects this form is used predominantly to express a passive or an intransitive state, e.g. the Christian Ashiret and Alqosh dialects (Maclean 1895: 86; Rhetore 1912: 106; Guidi 1883) but may occasionally (apparently only in the 3pl.) alternate with the q{ille form to express an active preterite (Polotsky 1996: 17-18). In Jewish Urmia the construction is used as the regular present perfect

SYNTAX OF VERBS

285

form expressing both intransitive state and transitive action (Garbell 1965: 6869). The isolated occurrence of the intransitive piS and piSi in our texts, therefore, could be an isogloss with either the Christian dialects or Jewish Urmia. This could be a vestige from an earlier period when the construction may have been more widespread. In some of the dialects of Iranian Kurdistan it is used with intransitive verbs to express the preterite (Hopkins 1989). Verbs which can express states in the present by the construction q{ila + present copula may express a state in the past by the corresponding construction q{ila + past copula. This is neutral as to aspect, e.g. itiwa-weli 'I was sitting'. An iterative habitual aspect of a state can be explicitly expressed by q{ila + the verb hwy (see §15.4.5), e.g. (1)

dwad gezllwa b-safra, 1 tre-näse qlimeu fetlwa, 1 tre bäreu, ?6-s rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 'When he went on a journey, two people would go before him and two behind him, and he would be riding on a horseback'. (B:39) 1

15.8.2. Transitive verbal roots Passive participles with nominal inflection are also attested with transitive verbal roots, where they express a state resulting from a previous action.6 They are attested in various syntactic positions: (i) An ascriptive predicate in a copula clause, e.g. (3)

?iyya kliwa-wele geb ?ilha. 'It was written with God'. (Y:201)7

(4)

karputake /a-welu misimqe. 'The bricks were not baked'. (B:4)

(5)

?6 bela brätu gwirta-wela. 'That family, their daughter was married'. (B:140)

1

1

1

1

The agent of the action may be expressed in a prepositional phrase introduced by min, e.g. (6)

lä-gaze gaw-kaxta kliwele min-llid mal?axe. 1 'He sees the content of the letter is written by the hand of angels'. (S:30)

(ii) An attribute of a noun, e.g.

(7)

tre be?e bSile 'two cooked eggs'. (S:58)

(8)

tre be?e sliqe 'two boiled eggs'. (S:118)

6 Passive participles with nominal inflection are never used in an active sense to express a present perfect as they are in some NENA dialects (Maclean 1895: 144). This function is performed by the q(ille and lä-q(ille verbal forms. 7 God is not intended to be the agent of the action. One may compare the passive expressions with the form 'to be done before God' that are used in the Jewish Targums of the Bible to avoid the anthropomorphism of translating literally a clause in which God is the subject of the verb.

286

SECTION FIFTEEN

The passive participle of transitive verbs is also used to express a state resulting from previous action in constructions where it functions as a predicative attribute of a direct object, e.g. (9) (10)

tara p/ixa swlqle-/le iyya käbra. 1 'This man left the door open'. (S:4) zmi{a masdlrwiile biiqan 'He used to send us it (the tray) full'. (Y:ll)

(11)

?ila qadome gazitta xli$ta 'Come tomorrow and you will see it finished' (L)

(12)

xi{{e diqe golixwa. 1 'We made wheat fine (i.e. ground it finely) (Y:102)

15.9. The infinitive The infinitive form has a very restricted use. We have seen its use in passive constructions. It is found in a number of other contexts, which are described below. It should be noted, however, that constructions with infinitves, including the passive construction, are rarely attested. (i) In subordinate clauses that are complements of some verbs. This is found most commonly after the verb bdy 'to begin', which takes the infinitive clause as its complement preceded by the preposition b- (cf. Arabic bada?a b-): (1)

bde/i bi-kwäSa. 'I began to go down'. (L)

(2)

bdeli bi-Sta?a. 'I began to drink'. (L)

(3)

{appake bdela b-gandore. 'The ball began to roll'. (L)

The stem I verb l}qy is attested in a plural form of the infinitive after the verb bdy: (4)

bdelan

ba-~qa?e. 1

'We began talking'. (L:251)

With regard to the government of a direct object, the infinitive may behave like a noun or a verb. When it has nominal properties, it is put in the annexation form before the object (5). When it is verbal, the object is freely placed either before or after it (6-7): (5)

bde/i b-pläxit tara. 'I began to open the door'. (L)

(6)

bdeli b-maSdore kaxtanye. 'I began to send letters'. (L)

(7)

bdele bz-?irbe zwiina. 1 'He began to buy sheep'. (S:72)

Nominals of other forms can be used as complements of bdy b-, e.g. (8)

badeniwa bi-xlula. 1 'They began the wedding'. (Y:74)

An infinitiveisalso attested in a complement clause after the verb ?by 'to want'. The infinitive has the syntactic properties of an intransitive verb that is preceded by its subject:

SYNTAX OF VERBS

(9)

287

?o-mlre: lä-gbitte bqärox twära?' 'Do you want your neck to break/tobe broken?' (B:128)

An infinitive form borrowed from Arabic is attested in (1 0). It is the complement of a main clause verb: (10)

kimrlwa ?iSe 1 la-gadir taqrib ?inna maHe ?ot-Hfel-a-seder.H 1 'They used to say that women were not permitted to serve the ma$$a breads of the Seder night'. (Y:48)

(ii) An infinitive may be used in a subordinate clause of purpose preceded by the preposition ta-, e.g.

(12)

?iz/a' nbilwäle gebeu 1 ta-zqära.' 'He had taken wool to him in order to weave it/ for weaving'. (B:126) mlit llt ta-suqa. 1 xizme ?ol/{, 1 mindixäne ?ol/{, 1 kulla sik!e ?ot ... tazbäna.1 'Whatever is for the market- Make me nose-rings, make me such-and-such things, all manner of things to sell/for selling'. (L:163)

(13)

kawinwa bäqeu pisra ta-bSäla. 'I used to give him meat to cook' (L)

(11)

In both complement and purposive clauses, however, it is far more usual to use the subjunctive (see S15.1.1.2. iv). (iii) In some contexts the attendant circumstances of an action can be expressed by b- + infinitive, e.g. (14)

?ilyele' xa 1min-dftr 1bu-rkawa. 1'Somebody came from afar, riding'. (Y:255)

(15)

?iyya gora qlmle, 1 b-baxi!e lyele hawa.' 'This man got up and came back weeping'. (S:lOl)

(16)

pli{/e min bela ba-firäqa. 'He left the house running'. (L)

(iv) Aside from the specific constructions described above, items that are formally infinitives are generally treated in terms of syntactic distribution as nominals. Some retain verbal properties and refer to an action or state, e.g. huwa?a u-Sqäla 'give and take (i.e. business)', gwära 'marriage'. Within the internal syntax of a nominal phrase, an infinitive may have verbal properties and take a noun as its subject, e.g. SimSa plä{a 'sunrise'. The construction in (17) may be an example of the infinitive used as the object of its cognate verb: (17)

bSlila bbeu basllwa.' 'They used to cook with it'. (B:121)

1t is possible, however, that bsä/a here has a concrete sense of 'stew'. The word has this meaning elsewhere in the corpus (Y:115) and also in the Jewish Urmia dialect (cf. Garbell 1965: 300). Similar constructions are found with cognate

288

SECTION FIFTEEN

nouns that are not formally infinitives, e.g. (18)

~lola ~Lelan.'

'We prayed/said our prayers'. (B:131)

Other nouns, in addition to bSäla, that are formally infinitives but have no verbal properties and refer to concrete entities include ?ixiila 'food' and Sta?a 'drink'. A noun referring to a single occurrence of an action is formed by adding the feminine suffix -ta to the infinitive, e.g. ma~forta 'a curse' < ma~fore 'cursing'. 15.1 0. Direct ob ject As has been described in §8.16, the direct pronominal object of a verb is generally expressed by suffixes attached to the preposition /- or ?il-. In the case of the q{ille form verbs, the 3fs. and 3pl. pronominal objects can be expressed by gender and number agreement on the verbal base, i.e. qitliile 'he killed her', qitlile 'he killed them'. When the direct object is nominal, one of four types of syntactic construction are used. (i) The object has no grammatical marking either on the nominal or on the verb

in the form of a pronominal suffix or gender and number agreement with the object on the verbal base. This is the usual construction when the object nominal is indefinite, e.g. (1)

baxta {tarn mele.' 'He married a woman there'. (B:23)

(2)

?attczne gbe' ... xa ?ana la-paltet.' 'Now you must not remove a penny'. (S:48)

(3)

?ls/;laq Sisczwa' kud yarxa' xa-/;laywan dab'i/;lwa-(ha)wa.' 'Isl,laq Sisawa would slaughter an animal every month'. (B:97)

(4)

?o lii-zade' nakun famalyat ?ol.' 'He is afraid to perform an operation'. (L:74)

(5)

hizyya,' hizyya,' sriita mltqle.' 'Quickly he lit a lamp'. (S:30)

(6)

niise ~rlxle.' 'He called people'. (S:50)

(7)

?istl diniire lii-hlwli ta-biibaw.' 'I gave sixty dinars to her father'. (B:83)

(8)

xanCi ?izze zwlnne.' 'He bought some goats'. (S:69)

(9)

be?e zblnne.' 'He sold some eggs'. (S:67)

(10)

tre be?e sliqe minsele laxxa.' 'He forgot two boiled eggs here'. (S:118)

(11)

br-piiyez' kud nasa xitte saqilwa ta-noseu ta-kulle sitwa.' 'In the autumn everyone laid in grain for hirnself for the whole winter'. (B:115)

SYNTAX OF VERBS

(12) (13)

289

quta zabnlwa. 1'They used to sell material'. (B:5) Kurdne 1 Jim-mamlakatan 1 Ia dwa kufte bastl. 1 'The Kurds in our town did not know how to cook kufte'. (B:95)

Sometimes object nominals that are definite in status are found in this construction. In general, such nominals refer to inanimate entities, they have not been referred to in the immediately preceding discourse and are not accompanied by the definite article -ake or demonstrative pronouns. Their textual salience, therefore, is relatively low. Examples: (14) (15) (16)

kixliwa, 1 Sateniwa, 1 Jaggada qareniwa. 1 'They would eat, drink and read the Passover haggadah'. (B:59) qur?an lii-qaret. 1 'You read the Qur'än'. (B:llO) Jatxan Jixiill mSilmline La kixlixwa. 1 'We did not eat the food of the Muslims'. (B:lOO)

Occasionally, definite nominals with textually prominent human referents are found in this construction. In many such cases, the clause containing the object occurs at the beginning or within a sequence of closely related clauses and not at the end of the sequence, which is the prominent point in the chain (17). So the Iack of marking of the object may again be due to a reduced degree of prominence, this time on account of the position of a nominal in syntactic structure rather than the inherent status of the nominal. (17)

mlre biiqeu: 1 Jati blibid iyya gora lii-q{lllox, 1har-gaw-l}awsid iyyagora,1 gaw-l}awsid noseu, 1 lii-tselox hawa. 1 lii-itlwlox rd-beleu, 1 ubinyiineu,1 u-dolteu. 1 'He said: "You have killed the father of this man, you have buried him in the courtyard of this man, in his own courtyard and have sat on (i.e. claimed) his home, his building and his wealth'. (S:46-4 7)

An independent demonstrative pronoun sometimes has no grammatical marking when it functions as direct object, e.g. (18)

Jiyya mtu! 1 ?iyya mtu! 1'Lay this! Lay that!' (Y:46)

Generic relative phrases introduced by demonstratives are likewise left without grammatical marking, e.g. (19)

kullu barxlwa ?znnat gaw-l}awW 'They all blessed those who were in the courtyard'. (Y:64)

(ii) The object nominal is marked by the preposition l- or ?il- but there is no grammatical marking on the verb. Direct objects that are marked in this way are, in general, definite with human referents that, in most cases, have been mentioned in the immediately preceding context. Textual prominence, therefore, is a key motivating factor for the construction. The object occurs either before or after the verb. Examples:

290

SECTION FIFTEEN

(1)

?iyya käbra d-mlirid golka 1 1-ya yäla faqir dbtlle b-ara. 1 'The man, who was the owner of the heifer, threw this poor youth on the ground'. (S:13)

(2)

?il-iyya käbra dwtqle. 1 'He seized this man'. (S:91)

(3)

lele 1-iyya käbra dblJ:zie hawa. 'In the night, he slew that man'. (S:33)

(4)

naku HsedimeH ?enf 1 maxenl l-yälake. 1 'Lest demons came and struck the child'. (B:132)

(5)

?ilyelu b-lete, 1 nrblilu l-bäbl. 1 'They came in the night and took my father'. (L:64)

(6)

?il-sonit bäbl 1 mele Ruwandiz. 1 'He brought the grandfather of my father to Ruwandiz'. (B:IS)

(7)

brlitake zllla ~arxa l-axonaw. 1 'The girl went to call her brother'. (Y:157)

1

1

1

In cases where the object nominal refers to an inanimate object, it has textual prominence through being mentioned in the immediately preceding discourse, e.g. (8)

Simfonok-iS ranke-?itwa qämeu. lä-mxele l-rankeu. 'Sim'onok had trousers on. He had hit his trousers (with the gunshot)'. (B:52)

(9)

xa-waxit yäU b-qäm-tarid iyya bela da-tltlu, 1 ••• dldwe lä-qardi qam tara. 1 ••• mxete l-tara. 1 'When children were passing by the door of this house .... flies are gathering before the door .... he struck the door'. (S:8-ll)

1

1

1

(iii) The object nominal is marked by the preposition /- or ?i/- and there is also a co-referential pronominal object suffix on the verb. This construction is only sporadically attested in the texts. In the available examples the object is always placed before the verb. In a number of examples the object is in a separate intonation group. The object noun is either human or is an inanimate that has been referred to in the immediately preceding context: (1)

lü-hula?e lä-qa{lllu. 'They will kill the Jews'. (Y:167)

(2)

käbra 11-?anne be?e zibnile. 1 'The man sold those eggs'. (S:66)

(3)

?i/-maflfmit mamlakat xaswlwäle mangon sex. 'They considered the rabbi of the town tobe like a sheikh'. (B:13)

(4)

?il-lixma 1 mapeniwäle. 1 'They used to bake the bread'. (Y:37)

1

1

1

1

(iv) The object has no grammatical marking on the nominal but there is marking on the verb in the form of a co-referential pronominal object suffix or gender and number agreement on the verbal base.

291

SYNTAX OF VERBS

In this construction the gender and nurober agreement on the past verbal base with fs. and pl. objects is equivalent to pronominal object suffixes, e.g. (1)

kaxta qiryt.ile hawa. 1 'He read the Ietter'. (S:30)

(2)

?iyya go/ka dwiq(i/e. 1 'He seized that heifer'. (S:5)

(3)

?iyya kiibra ... mii/a kulla Cirlile. 1 'This man ... searched the whole town'. (S:7)

(4)

biibaw piirake Ia xllile. 1 'Her father did not squander Oiterally: eat) the money'. (B:83)

These should be contrasted with examples (1), (5)-(10) of construction (i) above, which have no such agreement. The construction with marking of the direct object on the verb is more frequently used than the construction with object marking on the nominal by 1!?i/ and has a freer distribution. Its occurrence, nevertheless, is restricted mainly to definite objects. In most cases these are placed before the verb: (5)

?atl yiilake 1 mix?elox-illeu. 1 'You have revived the boy'. (L:98)

(6)

Sanga l}plslu-lleu. 1 'They incarcerated Sanga'. (B:53)

(7)

simmake /ii-xallatte. 1 'You shall wash the name'. (L:81)

(8)

ta-xiitrlt 1 ••• ?anne kepe zore paltliu minneu. 1 'In order that they extract those small stones from him'. (L:60)

(9)

/a-gbe ... kliseu palxlxxa. 'It is not necessary for us to open his stomach'. (L:89)

(10)

?agar l}aqql/a-saqlltte minneu, 1 ?t.ina ya kiibra dabl}lnne hawa. 1 'If you do not exact my due from him, I will slaughter this man'. (S:15)

1

It is found where the object is an independent demonstrative pronoun: (11)

?iyya 1 b-xalwid didax xlol/e. 1 'Wash this with your milk!' (L:81)

(12)

?lyya zonne! 1 ?o zonne! 1 'Buy this! Buy that!' (L:361)

(13)

w-lyya golanwäle. 1 'I used to do this'. (Y:99)

In some instances the nominal is placed after the verb: (14)

?o tarl#e ylilox. 1 'He will eure your boy'. (L:62)

(15)

mlle yiilake. 1 'Bring the boy!' (L:76)

(16)

?ilye/a xlpla-/leu bronl. 1 'She came and washed my son'. (Y:83)

The construction is found occasionally with indefinite objects, e.g. (17)

?agar-xa hu/a?a, 1 xa dukkeu 1 torl/a 1 'If they break a Single place of a Jew' Literally: 'If a Jew, they break a single place of his' (L:125)

(18)

xa-l}axam hu/a?a, rab hula?a lii-nabtlle qatille? 'Are they taking a Jewish sage, a Jewish rabbi to kill him?' (L:65) 1

1

292

SECTION FIFTEEN

(19)

?o näsa gazewäle 1 kmzrwäle ?ätl ?atxa-wet 1 ?atxa-weto 1 'He used to see someone and say to him "You are like this and like that"'o (L:140)

(20)

ju/te soflwäluo 1 'They dyed clothes'o (B:6)

15.11. I ndirect ob ject The indirect object is the recipient or beneficiary of a verbo Pronominal indirect objects have been described in §8.1601, §8.160201, §8o16.3o They are expressed by pronominal suffixes of the /- or ?il/- series or by pronominal suffixes attached to the preposition biiq-0 lf a verb with a pronominal indirect object has a direct object that is a full nominal, the direct object may be marked on the verb by a co-referential pronoun or gender and number agreement, eogo (1)

masalox mori-lla!' 'Tell me your story!' (S:105)

(2)

f[zble m-bäbl tora 000 kalu-ltew-illao 'He asked my father to write (a translation of) the Torah for him'o (B:28)

(3)

}J.aywan dab}J.lnwa-l/ew-ille (ha)wao 1 'I used to slaughter an animal for him'o (B:38)

(4)

kulla-anne mindixäne nibtlli bäqeuo 1 'I brought all those things to him'o (L:172)

1

1

The marking of a direct object nominal by /-/ ?il- in a clause containing a pronominal indirect object is not attestedo Pronominal suffixes are occasionally used to express the person to whom some referent belongs by inalienable possession, eogo (5)

da?l, 1 ?i/hlz manlxla, 1 yale raba mil/u-/lawo 1 'My mother, God grant her rest - many of her children died'o (L:345)

(6)

?Zta nasqlnnoxo 1 'I shall kiss your hand'o (L:462)

When the indirect object is a full nominal it is introduced by the preposition ta-, eogo (7)

bas tre-be?e sliqe hlwle ta-käbrao 'He gave the man only two cooked eggs'o (S:125)

(8)

xabar hzwle ta-kul/a millao 1 'He made an announcement to the whole community'o (B:153)

(9)

mzra ta-gorawo 1 'She said to her husband'o (S:59)

(10)

?ati mato miSpaf wll/ox ta-ya gora? 1 'How have you given judgment to this man?' (S:117)

1

lf the direct object is also a full nominal this may be marked on the verb, eogo

(11)

/ä-lyeli ta-brätox 1 hawt-il/a (= hawet illa) ta-bronl 'I have come for

SYNTAX OF VERBS

293

you to give your daughter to my son'. (B:81) On full nominals, the preposition l-1 ?il-, when not marking the direct object, is restricted to locative adverbial phrases, e.g. (12)

gezlwa hawa ?il-daSta. 1 'They went back to the countryside'. (B:23)

(13)

kud-yarxa, 1 xiz qaznag 1 ... xitte nabliwa 1 ?il-?irxe/. 1 'Every month they took a qazniig of wheat to the grinding stone'. (B:116)

(14)

?il-bela kweniwa. 1 'They werein the house'. (Y:4)

(15)

xiz tfang lii-mxele-l/aw il-laxxa, 1 ?il-biiskaw. 1 'One shot had hit here here, on the uppper arm'. (B:135)

15.12. Double objects Some verbs take two direct objects. This is found most commonly with the verb ?wl in the sense of 'make into': (1)

?iyyiz gotlwä/e qamxa. 'We made this into flour'. (Y:134)

(2)

gotlwiile qalya. 1 'They used to make it (the slaughtered sheep) into qalya'. (B:120)

(3)

wllle-l/eu f,taxam. 1 'He made him in to a sage'. (B:15)

1

The verbs zm{ 'to fill', $TX 'to call', dwq 'to hold' are also attested with a double direct object: (4)

zml{le-l/eu mindixiine. 1 'He filled it with things'. (L:114)

(5)

bäbl mlre $arxiznne Nisan. 1 'My father said that I should call him Nisan'. (Y:90)

(6)

?urxa faqleu dwiqile. 1 'He set off on the road' Literally: 'He held his legs on the road'. (Y:155)

We may also include here compound verbs that have an object noun within the compound: (7)

tfange lii-mandeni 1-yiine hula?e. 'They shoot those Jews'. (B:47)

(8)

xa-tfang mxlla! 1 'Shoot her!' (B:144)

(9)

xiz xayzarizn mxele-l/eu. 1 'He beat him with a stick'. (L:454)

(10)

nisan willlla be?ake. 1 'She marked the eggs'. (S:64)

(11)

bar-brit gotlwäle l-yä/a. 'After they circumcised the child'. (Y:86)

1

1

15.13. Prepositional phrases with agreement pronouns In a few isolated examples, a prepositional phrase that is the complement of a verb has a pronominal suffix on the preposition that is co-referential with the noun. In (2) the preposition is placed after the noun.

294

SECTION FIFTEEN

(1)

David lii-xer-ibbeu iyya kiibra. 1 'David looks at the man'. (S:16)

(2)

kullu ?il-Sevaf barambiiraw /ii-kweni. 1 'Everyone is standing araund Seva". (B:93)

15.14. The partic/e hawa The particle hawa, which is of Kurdish origin, is placed after a number of verbs. The initial syllable of the particle is sometimes elided after a preceding vowel (§4.1.4). No words intervene between it and the verb. It is usually placed even before the pronominal object phrases of the ?il/- series, which are normally clitics of the preceding verb, e.g. (1)

min-{arafit /a-y?llla hawa lleu. 'Because she did not recognize him'. (Y:165)

(2)

baxtake y?ll/a-(ha)wa-l/eu. 1 'The woman recognized him'. (S:75)

(3)

?iyya siyona mtlwle-hawa /Ieu res be!eu. 1 'He reinstated this madman in his hause'. (S:50)

(4)

har-gaw IJ.awseu 1 tsele-hawa lleu. 1 'He buried him in his own courtyard'. (S:33)

1

1

It is occasionally placed after the ?il/-phrase, e.g. (5)

mim{e/e-l/eu hawa fasrat. 1 'He caused him to regain a position in society'. (S:51)

It is, however, always placed after the pronominal I-suffixes and the past marker -wa, since these are affixes that are integral to the verbal morphology. Note also its occurrence after the ?il/-2 suffix in (6):

(6)

IJ.aywan dabiJlnwa-1/ew-ille (ha)wa. 1 'I used to slaughter an animal for him'. (B:38)

15.14.1. The most common use of hawa is to give the sense of reversion or repetition. It is attested in this usage with the following verbs, most of which denote movement of some kind: ?ly hawa 'to come back', e.g. (7)

xa-yoma min-yomiile, 1 bar-Cikma sinne ?iyya kiibra 1 ?ilyele hawa 'One day, after a few years, this man came back'. (S:74)

?my hawa 'to bring back', e.g. (8)

kmeniwiile hizwa baqan be/a. 1 'They used tobring it back to us in the hause'. (Y:135)

SYNTAX OF VERBS

295

?zl hawa 'to go back', e.g. (9)

kut-xa zzlle-(ha)wa beleu. 1 'Everyone went back harne'. (Y:185)

d?r hawa 'to return (intrans.)', e.g. (10)

bar pllgit-yom 1 da?rlwa hawa bela. 1 'After midday, they used to return harne'. (B:62)

mdr hawa 'to return (trans.), e.g. (11)

madrlxxun hawa. 1 'They will make you return'. (B:26)

plt hawa 'to go back out', e.g. (12)

pal,lwa hawa tara. 1 'They went outside again'. (B:63)

kws hawa 'go back down, e.g. (13)

la-kos hawa tixya. 1 'He goes back down'. (Y:214)

m-mty hawa 'cause to attain again', e.g. (14)

mimtele-lleu hawa fasrat 'He cuased him to attain again a position in society'. (S:51) 1

m-ndy hawa 'to throw back', e.g. (15)

mindelu hawa H?od-pa?am. H 'They threw it back again'. (B:158) 1

mtw hawa 'to put back', e.g. (16)

gbe ... ya matwztte-hawa res-beteu. 'You must put this person back in his hause'. (S:37) 1

nbl hawa 'to take back', e.g. (17)

gben nabtlttu hawa. 1 'I want you to take them back'. (S:87)

ytw hawa 'to sit down again', e.g. (18)

yatwlwa-(ha)wa. 1 'They would sit down again'. (Y:40)

gdr hawa 'to become again', e.g. (19)

gdzre hawa nasa. 1 'He became a man again'. (S:51)

y?l hawa 'to recognize (literally: know again)', e.g.

296 (20)

SECTION FIFTEEN

?ätl ya-kabra cltte hiiwa?' 'Do you recognize this man?' (S:77)

f.tqy hawa 'to relate (literally: tell back) [a story]', e.g.

(21)

f.taqele-hawa biibi.' 'My father told (the story)'. (Y:257)

15.14.2. The particle is used with a few verbs where the sense of reversion or repetition is not so clear. Many of them have the sense of finality or return to original state. Its occurrence with these verbs does not appear to be obligatory and most of the verbs are also attested without it. dbf;, hawa 'to slaughter', e.g.

(22)

f;,aywan dabif;,wlilu-(ha)wa.' 'He used to slaughter an animal for them'. (B:33)

tSy hawa 'to bury', e.g.

(23)

gaw-f;,awsid noseu,' lä-tSelox hawa.' 'You have buried him in his own courtyard'. (S:46)

m-nyx hawa 'to extinguish'

(24)

malqixwa #we xlime,' ruwwe.' Ia manixixwiilu hawa.' 'We kindled big, thick sticks. We did not extinguish them'. (Y:70)

kyp hawa 'to bow down', e.g.

(25)

miSilmane keniwa,' kepiwa-(ha)wa qämeu.' 'The Muslims used to come and bow down before him'. (B:36)

qry hawa 'to read', .e.g.

(26)

kaxta qiryale hawa.' 'He read the letter (to the end)'. (S:30)

jwäz ?wl hawa 'to leave (permanently)', e.g.

(27)

jwaz willi-(ha)wa min-bel bäbz.' 'I left my father's house'. (B:92)

m-xlp hawa 'to exchange', e.g.

(28)

?anne tre-be?e' maxliplu hawa' b'i-be?e d-la-bsile.' 'Exchange these two eggs for uncooked eggs'. (S:60)

SECTION SIXTEEN

THE SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS Same aspects of the syntax of prepositions have already been discussed in various places. We examine here the use of the main prepositions in greater detail: 16.1. bAs is the case in earlier Aramaie and in many other Semitic languages, the preposition b- has a wide range of functions. (i) Spatial and temporal location

It is used to express spatial location in a broad sense: ba-? Arbe[ 'in Arbe!' (Y: 15), b-lsra?el 'in Israel' (Y:6), b-jäda rubta 'on a !arge road' (L:284), gure kulla b-xa reza 'all the men being in one row' (Y:44), b-taSte 'in bowls' (Y:47), kliwele btora 'it is written in the Torah' (Y:45), misl:dif b-iteu 'with a book in his hands' (L:247), kulla tujärula ... b-zlit hula?e-wele 'all the trade was in the hands of the Jews' (L:420). In some contexts it is used in an ingressive sense of movement into something: (1)

zillu b-xa bela. 1 'They went into a hause'. (B:141)

(2)

r1qla b-$almeu. 1 'She spat into his face'. (L:267)

(3)

dehwa kawzwäle b-zlit xa näSa. 1 'They use to give the gold into the hands of somebody'. (L:181)

It is frequently used to express temporal location: b-Iete, b-yoma 'in the night (and) in the day' (L:179), ba-fä$irta 'in the evening' (L:439), b-yälull 'in my childhood' (L:352), b-ela 'during the festival' (Y:65), b-qeta 'in the summer' (Y:95), b-dawrit Päsa-i Kora 1 'in the time of Pasa-i Kora' (B:15), b-tre yarxe xajar 'once in two ~onths' (B:96). (ii) Instrument or accompaniment It is used with items that are instruJP.ental in some way to the action or Situation expressed by the verb: (4)

har-b-xalwud da?a raweniwa. 1 'They grew up only by the milk of the mother'. (Y:108)

(5)

xallixwäla b-mafe raduxe. 1 'We used to clean it with boiling water'. (Y:120)

(6)

xi~~e 1 taxnixwa b-garusta. 1 'We used to grind wheat with the

grindstone'. (Y:133)

298

SECTION SIXTEEN

(7)

?irxel b-mafe terii. 1 'A millstone rotates by means of water'. (B:116)

(8)

kure gotlwa b-ziblii. 'They made the kilns with dung'. (L:438) 1

To be included in this category are perhaps oaths such as b-xa?ox '(I swear) by your life' (S:82) and b-~aqqiit-ilhele 'It is by the truth of God (that I swear)' (Y:73, 256, 272) and also constructions with the verb m-xlp 'to exchange': (9)

be?ake mzxilpila hawii b-tre be?e t-xaw la-bSile. 'She exchanged the eggs for two uncooked eggs'. (S:62) 1

On a few occasions the item marked by b- is not an instrument but rather a referent that accompanies a participant in the action of the clause: (10)

zille hawa b-tre-be?e sliqe. 1 'He went home with two boiled eggs'. (S:123)

(iii) Manner

Adverbials of manner are often formed by b-: (11)

b-iyyii-skil ~aqlxwa. 1 'We used to speak in this way'. (L:418)

(12)

b-baxi/e lyele hawa. 'He came back, weeping'. (S:lOl)

(13)

b-ma-lawnit hawe xanCi pisra xllle. 'In some way he ate a little meat'. (S:6)

1

1

1

We may include here its occurrence in phrases referring to the speaking of languages: (14)

minnl bis-tarn la-~aqyat, 1 b-liSanit targum didiin. 1 'She spoke our Targum language better than me'. (L:411)

(15)

kullu-s b-liSanit kurdl ~aqeniwa. 1 'And they all spoke Kurdish'. (B:lO)

(16)

gaw qabilätl kimrila b-kurdi. 1 'In what is called a "tribe" in Kurdish'. (B:35)

(iv) Attributive In a few cases, the phrase with b- expresses an attribute of a participant in the action or situation of the clause. The following examples fall in this category. They include constructions where b- expresses the price of something: (17)

?b-dukka kallii zabniwiile, 1 ••• b-qomit ?iyya-bati/.1 'In that place they sold it ... with the height of this bottle'. (Y:55)

(18)

gbe ... b-miira ?olitte. 'You must make him the owner'. (S:37)

(19)

b-mära wille-/leu. 'They made him the owner'. (S:50)

(20)

la-cen ?iyyii tob b-tikmii sawe, ?b b-tikmii Sawe? 'Don't I know how much this material is worth and how much that is worth'. (L:402)

1

1

1

1

1

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

(21)

299

b-Cikma zabnitte? 'At what price our you selling it?' (L)

(v) Prepositional complements of verbs Some verbs regularly introduce their complement with the preposition b-, e.g., bdy b- 'to begin, ft!l b- 'to interfere with', qyp b- 'to strike', rl}.m b- 'to have pity on', tqy b- 'to urge, press', xyr b- 'to Iook at' (occasionally also xyr + direct object): (22)

badeniwa bi-xlu/a. 1 'They began the wedding'. (Y:74)

(23)

rliba /a-farjliwa ba-hula?e. 1 'They did not interfere much with the Jews'. (Y:8)

(24)

?eneu qlmla qlpla bban. 1 'His eye struck us'. (B:l10)

(25)

?ilha rl}.lmle b-IJ.a/eu. 1 'God took pity on his condition'. (S:102)

(26)

tqe/e-bbeu. 1 'He pleaded with him'. (Y:263)

(27)

har-xlra-bbeu. 1 'She just looked at him'. (Y:159)

(28)

wi-xerlwa b-inna ma:f:ie. 1 They looked at those massa breads'. (Y:51)

16.2. lAs we have see, the preposition /- or its allomorph ?i/- often functions as a direct object marker (see §15.10) and expresses, when attached to pronominal suffixes, the indirect object. When attached to a noun, another of its functions is to mark a noun as a spatial adverbial. In most instances of this adverbial usage, it expresses spatial location: ?il? Arbe/ 'in Arbe!' (Y:33), ?i/-?fraq 'in Iraq' (Y:32), 1-~/o/a 'in the synagogue' (Y:67), ?i/-urxa 'on the road' (S:102), il-belit noseu 'in his own house' (Y:15), 1dukkid noSan 'in our own place' (Y:118). In a few cases the preposition is used with verbs of movement to express motion towards something: zillu ?il-qiS/a 1 'They went to the police-station' (B:42), gezlxwa ?il-klniSta 'We used to go to the synagogue' (B:73). 1

16.3. taAs remarked above (§15.11), the preposition ta- is used to mark a nominalas the indirect object (i.e. recipient or beneficiary) of the verb. Its semantic range also includes the following usages: (i) Destination

This usage is found after verbs of movement and verbs such as nbl 'to take away': (1)

geziwa nase ta-ere~ yisra?e/ bi-qacax. 1 'People went to Israel in secret'. (L:275)

(2)

dl?ire hawa ta-be/0.. 1 'He returned home'. (L:505)

300

SECTION SIXTEEN

(3)

min-? Arbe/ zillan Karkuk, 1 min-Karkflk ta-Slemänlyao 1 'From Arbel we went to Kirkuk, from Kirkuk to Suleimaniyya'o (L:537)

(4)

?aflllu nab!lwälu ta-? Angliyao 1 'They even took them to England'o (L:507)

(5)

b-lyya sfki/, 1 nabilxwälu 1 mindixäne ta-be/u 1 In this way, we would take things to their houses'o (L:465)

The complement of ta- may be a temporal expression: (6)

?atxa-wela, ~atta ma{eniwa ta-bar patireo 'It was like this, until they reach (the time) after Passover'o (B:122) 1

1

(ii) Purpose The phrase introduced by ta- sometimes expresses the purpose or result of the verbo (7)

?il-Bagdad dab~lnwa hawa ~aywlin 1 ta-~adaqa, 1 ta-kappärao 'In Baghdad, I used to slaughter an animal, for charity, for atonement'o (B:97)

(8)

/ä-gbiz zona xa mindtx ?ollile ta-xul~a didawo 'She wants to buy something to make into a dress for herself'o (L:262)

1

1

1

1

1

1

The item with ta- in this function may be an infinitive or finite clause: (9)

kul/a sik/e ?bt ta-zbäna, ta-fitrlna matwlo 1 'All manner of things for selling, for putting in the window display'o (L:163)

(10)

?iz/a nbllwäle gebeu ta-zqära, ta-zaqlrre bäqeu ?olle bäqeu kreo 'He had brought wool to him for weaving, for him to weave it for him and make it into a suit'o (B:126)

000

1

1

1

1

1

(iii) Period of time It can be used to express the extent of a period of time: (11)

~bq/a bäql ta-t{{lha-yome xet. 1 'Leave it to me for another three

days'o (S:l07) (12)

bi-päyez 1 kud nä~a xit{e ~aqllwa ta-nb~eu ta-kulle sitwao 1 'In the autumn everyone laid in grain for hirnself for the whole winter'o (B:115)

(iv) 'Concerning, with regard to' (13) ?agar gbet ta-HnofH ?amrlnnox, 1 ta-jwänulao 1 'lf you want me to tell you about scenery, about beauty'o (L:4) (14)

kud mlit ?it ta-mindixäne, 1 karasta ?bt ziringreo 1 'All manner of things (literally: everything that there was with regard to things), implements of goldsmiths'o (L:165)

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

301

(v) Cause (15)

ta-xa-golka ati lä-gbet iyya käbra qatlitte? 1 'Do you want to kill this man for one heifer?'. (S:47)

16.4. gaw

(i) The preposition gaw (sometimes shortened to ga- before nouns) expresses spatiallocational, usually within an enclosed area: (1)

kud bela,' ?itwale J.zawsa. 1 ?u-gaw-ya J.zawSa 1 ?itwa t{{lha yan?arba bäte. 1 'Every house belonged to an enclosure and within the enclosure there were three or four houses'. (B:l)

(2)

min-bäte gaw-ma/wa?at msilmäne. 1 'From houses in Muslim villages'. (B:8)

(3)

be bäbu ga-Saqlawa welu. 1 'The family of their father were in Saqlawa'. (L:367)

(4)

?ttwa hu/a?e 1 dur min-? Arbe/, 1 ga-Ruwandiz. 1 'There were Jews far from Arbel, in Ruwandiz'. (L:480)

(5)

xa Nurl kimrlwa 1 min-Karkuk, 1 qtillu-l/eu, 1 ga-?urxa qtlllu-l/eu. 1 'A man called Nuri, from Kirkuk, they killed him on the road'. i.e. 'within' the journey (L:474)

(6)

mellwa ga-?ilu. 'They used to die in their hands'. i.e. within a medical operation by doctors (L:75)

(7)

kulla matuxwa gawit majmaf. 1 'We put everything in a tray (enclosed by its sides)'. (Y:45)

1

In the sense of 'within' a group: (8)

?itwa gaw hula?e rliba. 1 'There were many among the Jews'. (L:555)

(9)

?ltwa gawu dawlamand rliba.' 'There were among them many rich people'. (L:30)

(10)

qlmlu 1 ••• milpllu 1 mato gaw makine 1 J.zasta ?otl. 1 'They taught them how to work with Oiterally: among) the machines'. (L:29)

(ii) It is also used with verbs of movement in an ingressive sense:

(11)

ztlli gal/aw ga-suqa. 1 'I went with her into the market'. (L:361)

(12)

ga-kistl Üi /a-wlre xa flus didaw. 'No money of hers has come into my purse'. (L:413)

(13)

wü-hula?e u-mSilmäne 1 zlllu gaw tura. 1 'And the Jews and the Muslims went into the mountains'. (B:18)

1

1

302

SECTION SIXTEEN

(iii) Combined with the preposition min, it has the sense of coming out from

inside something: (14) (15)

misxa paltf m-gaw-pisra. 1They extract oil from the meat'. (B:121) mato xre pal{i min-gaw pimmox? 1'How is it that excrement comes out of your mouth?' (B:llO)

(iv) Although the preposition gaw can take pronominal suffixes, these are frequently left unexpressed where one would expect them: (16) (17)

(18)

?iyya hoda kastiwäle, 1... mindixane jwan jwan dareniwa gaw. 1'We decorated the room. We put beautiful things on the shelves'. (Y:14) {{qha ?iSe ?ixtiyäre, 1 tre lesa goliwa, 1 wi-xa 1 tapyawäle btandura.1 ~iwe mandeniwa gaw, 1 nura malqiwa. 1 'Three old women - two made the dough and one stuck it to the oven. They put sticks in it and lit a fire'. (Y:36) ?o-xet l}ä~ar, 1 ?ot-rabta 1 ?arbi u-tmanya bäte ?itwa gaw. 1 The other enclosure, the big one, - there were forty-eight houses in it'. (B:lO)

16.5. geb This preposition almost exclusively takes a human referent as its complement. (i) It generally expresses closeness and location in the social sphere of the referent. In most cases these two features are combined and it designates such concepts as the home (1), place of work (2), community (3-4), place of residence (5), court (6), entourage (7): (1)

(2)

xa-bela dawlamand, 1 lidwie l}asta wille gebu. 1 'A rich family- he settled down and worked in their home'. (Y:156) kulla l;astu gebila ?äna. 1'All their work is with me'. (L:394)

(3)

xa ?ädat itwa geban. 1 There was a custom in our community'. (B:132)

(4)

bsilmäne Jot geban, Jot ?Arbe/, ?oni-s ?iltplu. 1 The Muslims in our community, in Arbel, they also learnt'. (L:422) geban 1 mafe raba welu. 1'There was a lot of water where we lived'.

(5)

(B:64)

(6) (7)

Skele geb-Davld Hha-melex.H 1'He made a complaint in the presence of King David'. (S:99) ?itwa xa kimriwäle ?lsl}aq Sisawa, 1 geb-xa ?äga-wele, 1 kimriwäle ?Awral}manbig. 1 'There was a man called IsQ.aq Sisawa. He was in the entourage of an agha called AwraQ.man ('Abdu 1-RaQ.man) Beg'. (B:35)

303

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

(ii) When used with the existential verbs ?it or lit it often expresses possession:

(8)

bäbl 1 ••• siyllsa litwa gebeu. 1 'My father had no politics'. (L:432)

(iii) It is attested in a few instances with the sense of physical closeness alone,

without the concept of belanging to the social sphere of the referent: (9)

babid bronake xmll/e geb-rab, lii-gbe ya?l/ spira spira. 'The father of the boy stood by the rabbi. He wanted to know exactly (what happened)'. (Y:236) 1

1

1

1

(iv) Conversely, it is occasionally used to express affiliation to a social circle or sphere of protection without necessarily implying physical closeness: (10)

Ia cet ?iyya geblznile, ?iyya ?atxan mägen didew-wex? 'Didn't you know that he is with us. We are his protectors'. (L:452) 1

1

1

1

1

(v) A phrase with the preposition geb may be used as a complement of a verb of movement: (11)

gezen Bagdad 1 geb xaluntl. 1 'I shall go to Baghdad, to the harne of my sister'. (Y:154)

(12)

bqatta, 1 ?ilyele geb-Säbtr. 1 'In the morning he came to Sabir'. (L:451)

(13)

gezlxwa gebU. 1 'We used to go to their homes'. (L:365)

(14)

tama la-lyelox gebl? 1 'Why did you not come to me?'. (L:388)

16.6. res This preposition has replaced the preposition *f al of earlier Aramaie in its various meanings: (i) 'Upon' (1)

res qarye 1 matwtwa 1 Ciqe 1 res ?imi 1 matWlWa $iWe zore zore. 1 'Upon the beams they placed mats. Upon these they placed small strips of wood'. (S:23)

(2)

satla nselu rd-ya faqrlt $iwa. 1 'They hung a pot on that tree trunk'. (S:l13)

(3)

?o-S rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 1 'And he used to ride on a horse'. (B:39)

(4)

res ?urxa-wela qiS!a. 1 'The police-station was on the road'. (B:50)

(5)

xa-$fola ?ltwa reS-ture. 'There was a synagogue in (iiterally: upon) the mountains'. (Y:23) 1

1

304

SECTION SIXTEEN

(ii) Authority It may have the meaning of 'over' in the abstract sense of 'having authority over' or 'having possession of':

(6) (7) (8)

J:takimwa reS-kulla mamlakiuit i-Kurdistan. 1 'He ruled over all the towns of Kurdistan'. (B:146) lii-itlwlox res-beleu, 1 u-binyäneu, 1 u-dolteu. 1 'You have taken possession of his hause, his building and his wealth'. (S:47) ?iyya siyona mtiwle-hawa lleu res beleu. 1 He put this crazed man back in possession of his hause'. (S:SO)

(iii) 'On top of = in addition to'

(9) (10)

?tina mandinwa 1 xa mindix bassor res-?iyya. 1 'I would add a little on top of this'. (L:183) kud näSa xa-wa#a zonwa, 1 mazidiwa reS-dixle. 1 'Everyone bought

a portion, outbidding (literally: adding on top of) one another'. (B:69) (iv) 'On the basis of' This is attested in expressions relating to making a profit: (11)

har-mat hawewa 1 J:ta~llXWa minnU. 1 [a-baS res Xit(e, I res Jirbe. ?asktil wa-?anwaf kmeniwa bäqan. 1 'Whatever it was, we made a profit from them, not only on wheat and sheep'. (L:49) 1

Also in this category are to be placed idiomatic phrases such as res-?eni, I resxa?i1 '(I swear) on my eyes, on my life' (L:120). (v) 'Against =in Opposition to' (12)

?o lä-dafe res bSilmäne. 1 'He utters curses agairrst the Muslims'. (L:433)

(13)

?atxa mirox 1 rd-Hitler, 1 rd-bSilmäne. 1 'You have spoken thus agairrst Hitler, agairrst the Muslims'. (L:435)

(14)

?ebele bäqeu 1 hal lla marim rd-hula?e. 1 'It is a disgrace for him just to raise a hand agairrst a Jew'. (L:450)

In this category falls its use in connection with a debt or fine: (15)

J:taqqZt qnas Lltti reseu. 1 J:taqqlt jaza litti reseu, 1 J:taqqZt J:tpäsa tltti rdeu. 1 'I cannot impose upon him a punishment of a fine. I cannot impose upon him a punishment of (paying) compensation. I cannot impose upon him a punishment of incarceration'. (S:17)

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

305

(vi) Destination With a verb of movement, reS is used to express destination. It does not necessarily have the specific meaning of going 'upon something' but, in most cases, designates the destination in a general sense: (16)

qtmlan, 1 zlllan reS kolfini mSilmane. 1 'We went to the street of the Muslims'. (B:47)

(17)

kud-nfisit sfila ?ewa /leu 1 gezllwa res-?o kepa. 1 'Everyone who had a fever (literaily: upon who a fever came) used to go to that stone'. (B:160)

(18)

flfin yoma, 1 ?etun res xlinda. 1 'On such-and-such a day you should come to the vailey'. (B:153)

(19)

f:zaz goten qadome bqatta Ia ?axlet, 1 ?ezet rd-safodid lyya kabra. 1 'I would like you not to eat tomorrow morning and go to the meal of this man'. (S:109)

(20)

zllle 1 reS bet-a-f:zaymid bSilmäne. 1 'He went to the cemetery of the Muslims'. (Y:229)

Combined with the preposition min: (21)

gbe ... rardztte min-res bela. 1 'You must drive him out of the house'. (S:37)

(vii) 'Concerning, about' (22)

?atta gbet 1 J:zaqen baqox 1 xani:l res xalonid babi. 1 'Now you want me to teil you a little about the uncle of my father'. (L:496)

(23)

lä-gbet J:zaqen bäqox res hula?ad ?Arbe/. 1 'You want me toteil you about the Jews of Arbel'. (L:575)

(24)

?atta ma xasu rd-baxteu. 1 'What will he think now of his wife?' (L:244)

(viii) 'For, for the sake of' (25)

naSe ?atxa nosu qurbtin go/lwate, 1 reSit naSe, 1 resit hu/ale, 1 resit ?anne faqir u-faqartit. 1 'People who sacrificed themselves for other people, for Jews, for the poor'. (L:555)

(26)

?anne tre-be?e d-xaw 1 matuxxu xel k/e/ta, 1 res mazzti/id iyya kabra. 1 'Lets put these two raw eggs under the chicken for the sake of the man's good fortune'. (S:61)

We should perhaps include here the constructions with the verb xml that are illustrated in (27) and (28): (27)

tre rf{lha yome xmol reil, 1 f:zatta xsawl ?o!lnne. 1 'Wait two or three

306

SECTION SIXTEEN

days for me/for my sake, so that I can think it over'. (S:23) (28)

La-ke hawa bela, la-xmllle res-David-iS,' David J:taqqeu saqille. 1 'He goes home again and waits for David, for David to redress the wrong done to him'. (S:25)

16.7. min (i) With expressions of spatial Separation or removal (1)

tama axta pare sqlllox min ?iyya hula?a. 1 'Why have you taken so much money from this Jew?'. (L:159)

(2)

pare gbet minnl? 1 'Do you want money from me'. (L:357)

(3)

xa mindlx 1 {olob minnl. 1 'Request something fromme'. (L:116)

(4)

?1twa hula?e 1 dur min-?Arbel. 1 'There were Jews (living) far from Arbel'. (L:480)

(5)

bas xa hula?a 1 maxll:fl min-?ltit xa bSilmana. 1 'So long as they saved a Jew from the hands of a Muslim'. (L:561)

(6)

hula?e 1 dabi pal(i 1 mln flraq 1 Afawran fawran.A 1 'The Jews must leave Iraq immediately'. (B:40)

(7)

ja?iz wllli-(ha)wa min-bel babi. 1 'I left my father's house'. (B:92)

(ii) Source or origin This category covers a broad range of constructions. It includes expressions of the place from which somebody originates (8-10), the source of livelihood (1112), the source of a Ietter, i.e. thesender (13): (8)

xa Nuri kimrlwa 1 min-Karkuk. 1 'A man called Nuri from Kirkuk'. (L:474)

(9)

dwa?e keniwa ?anne bsilmane, 1 min-dur keniwa, 1 mln Ruwandiz, 1 mln Saqlawa, 1 min-Ba{as, 1 min-?anne dukkit kirmanje ?itwa-!tam. 1 'Then the Muslims came. They came from afar, from Ruwandiz, from Saqlawa, from Batas, from the places where there were Kurds'. (L:20)

(10)

faqlre, 1 ••• ?ot-?ilyewatu min-dasta, 1 min-bate gaw-malwa?at msilmane, 1 ?oni 1 gaw-J:tll:jar-welu. 1 'The poor, ... who had come from the countryside, from houses in Muslim villages, they were in an enclosure called a M!illr. (B:8)

(11)

?ana la-xa?en minnu. 1 'I live from them (from the work they give me)'. (L:394)

(12)

?ana-axta ta-la-J:t:jilli minneu. 1 'I had not made such a profit from him'. (L:213)

307

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

(13)

ha-iyya kaxta min-mirane Qädlrbak babit fUmarbak, lot gebxun l}iikfmile. 1 'Here is a Ietter, from the Qadirbek 'amirs'. (L:369) 1

1,

1

It is used to express the source or agent of an action or event:

(14)

Ia-gaze gaw-kaxta kliwe/e min-llid mallaxe. 1 'He sees the contents of the Ietter are written by the hand of angels'. (S:30)

(15)

~i-jar 1 Ia la-gzeli minnu xriwula. 1 'I have never seen wickedness (perpetrated) by them'. (B:13)

In this category fall examples expressing the material out of which something is formed (16)

batake-S min-may welu? lil-?Arbel kullu min-karpa~ welu. HJavaiH lil-Ruwandiz lu-I-Biitas kulla min-tina-welu What were the houses made of? In Arbel they were all made of bricks. But in Ruwandiz and Batas they were all of mud'. (B:4) 1

1

1

1

(17)

1

1

1

rahln min-dehwa. 'a pledge of gold'. (L:155) 1

(iii) Cause

(18)

liina kulla lasl 1 kulla lill rltlu mi-zdull. 1 'My whole body and my hands trembled on account of my fear'. (L:412)

(19)

1-dukkid noSan mellxwa min-kipnan. 'In our own place we were dying of hunger'. (Y:118) 1

(iv) Position Generally this is used in expressions referring to one of the sides of some central point: (20)

lurxäne 1 min-ya-lla w-lo-lla. 1 'Paths on this side and that side'. (Y:16)

(21)

xa dwtqle-lli min-liyya lilz, xa min-liyya ?ill. 'One seized me on this side (literally: hand) and one on the other side'. (L:191)

(22)

min-bära lasrzwälu. 'They used to tie them at the back'. (Y:141)

1

1

1

(v) Partitive expressions (23)

tre tf!lha min-lanne polise misdlrre. 1 'He sent two or three of those policemen'. (L:269)

(24)

xa minnu ra?is tajnld-wele. One of them was an army officer. (L:364)

(25)

ta-kud minnu xa mindlx kmzr. 'To each one of them he says something'. (L:167)

1

1

1

308

SECTION SIXTEEN

(26)

mlru: l'a!, 1 Ia gadlr. 1 geban tit mln ?iyya. 1 'In our community, there is nothing of that kind'. (L:193)

(27)

?ilye/e min-xabre min-xabre. 1 'Various reports came'. (L:517)

(vi) Temporalexpressions It is sometimes used to mark the terminus a quo of an activity: (28)

David mitlwle-lleu gal-anne baruxe, 1 har min-bqatta 1 wa-l}.atta bar pilgit-yom. 1 'He made David sit with the friends from morning until after midday'. (S:l15)

(29)

me-reS yarxit Nlsan, 1 lixma go/lxwa b-tandura. 1 'From the beginnng of Nisan they made bread in the oven'. (Y:35)

(30)

xizmituxun 1 mi-zuna lii la-wllW 'I have not served you for a lang time'. (L:441)

Often, however, there is no such sense of starting point: (31)

min-yomit ?awwal Pesal}., 1 bar ?ixiila, 1 kullu palt{wa d-dasta. 1 'On the first day of Passover, after the meal, everybody went out into the fields'. (B:61)

(32)

#we-s dabi-Saqllwa mln piiyh 1 'They had to lay in also wood in autumn'. (B:123)

(33)

ga-?Arbe/, 1 l}.aqeniwa 1 ?anne HzeqenlmH didan, 1 biibl 1 sonl, 1 l}.aqeniwa ma ?ltwa, 1 ma lltwa 1 min-?awwa/. 1 'In Arbel our old folk, my father, my grandfather, used to talk about how things were in former times'. Literally: 'what there was and what there was not' (L:9)

(34)

min-?awwa/, Ia Satlxwa tay. 'In former times, we did not drink tea'. (Y:53)

(35)

?Arbe/ riiba fatuqtela, 1 ?ot-waxtit Nowwal}. Hha-~addfqH 1 min-?6waxt binyci/u. 1 'Arbel is very old, belanging to the time of Noah the Just - at that time they built it'. (L:137)

1

1

(vii) Camparisans (36)

minnl bis-tam la-l}.aqyat, 1 b-lisiinit targum didan. 1 'She speaks our Targum language better than me'. (L:411)

For further examples of see §14.16. (viii) Verbal complements The preposition min is obligatory before the complement of some verbs, e.g. zdy min 'to fear', nxp min 'to be ashamed of, be in awe of', prq min 'to finish', l}.az

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

309

?wl min 'to Iust for': (37)

Ia zadlnwa ?ana minnu. 1 'I was not afraid of them'. (L:471)

(38)

Ia, yafni, naxplwa minneu. 'They were not, so to speak, in awe of him'. (L:339)

(39)

bar-prlqwälan min-Htihilim,H 1 kud-nasa braxi nbseu kmewälu. 1 'After we had finished the Psalms, everyone said his own blessings'.

1

(B:76)

(40)

?iyya }J.az-wllle minnaw. 1 'He Justed for her'. (B:142)

SECTION SEVENTEEN

THECLAUSE 17.1. Copula clauses 17.1.1. Semantically we may distinguish two types of copula clause, viz. ascriptive and equative. Ascriptive clauses ascribe to the referent of the subject a certain property, whereas equative clauses identify the referent of one expression with the referent of another. The nominal that serves as predicate in an equative clause must be definite, in that it has a referent that the speaker assumes is identifiable by the hearer. Ascriptive predicates are more commonly attested in the texts than equative ones. There is, however, no structural distinction between the two types of clauses and so they will be treated tagether in the following description. Various syntactic structures are used in copula clauses. It may be stated as a general rule, however, that the present and past copula is placed after the predicate. 17.1.2. Basic predicate-copula nexus The simplest predicate consists of predicate + copula. In ascriptive clauses the predicate may be a nominal phrase, adjectival phrase, genitive phrase or prepositional phrase. The predicate in equative clauses is a definite nominal, a pronoun or a demonstrative. The clause is uttered in a single intonation group with the nuclear stress falling on the last item of the predicate: Ascriptive clauses: (1)

lixtiyarile. 1 'He is an old man'. (L:289)

(2)

niisa ruwwele. 1 'He is a great man'. (L:235)

(3)

Swiiwanilu. 1 'They are our neighbours'. (B:133)

(4)

xa tii'Kana-wet. 1 'You are an only son'. (L:193)

(5)

litiwe-wex. 1 'We sit'. (L:100)

(6)

mSilmiina-wele. 1 'He was a Muslim'. (B:143)

(7)

matran-wele. 1 'He was abishop'. (B:106)

(8)

yalta-weli. 'I was a girl'. (Y:S)

(9)

mlirit ~aSta-welu. 1 'They were professionals'. (B:S)

(10)

tfflha

(11)

maflfmit ib-Betwata wele. 1 'He was a Rabbi in Betwata'. (B:22)

(12)

?atxa mare-Sar{zf-wele. 1 'He was so commanding of respect'. (B:36)

1

miSpii~e-welan. 1

'We were three families'. (B:99)

311

THECLAUSE

(13)

laxca faziza-wele. 1 'He was so kind'. (Y:143)

(14)

gebi wela. 'She was with me'. (Y:107)

(15)

yälake kud waxt gal bäbew-wele. 'A boy was always with his father'. (L:439)

1

1

1

We may include here predicates with impersonal subjects: (16)

mlre: Ia, ?asurile. 'He said "No! It is forbidden."' (L:190)

(17)

dugla-wela! 'It was a lie!' (B:27)

(18)

ba-faqle tre safte lurxa-wela. 'On foot it was two hours journey'. (B:38)

(19)

bräta ?agar Ia ?ebewäla l- brona, b-zlit nosaw-wela, b-kefz noSaw-we/a. 1 'If the girl did not like the boy, it was in her hands, it was by her choice'. (B:78)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Equative clauses: (20)

gorit xalti we/e.i 'He was the husband of my aunt'. (L:535)

(21)

bron lamonid da?i-wele. 'He was the son of the uncle of my mother'. (L:134)

(22)

latxa-wela. 1 'It was like that'. (B:122)

(23)

?iyyela. 1 'It is this'. (B:127)

1

17.1.3. Subject nominals If the subject of the clause is referred to by a noun or nominal phrase, it is generally placed before the predicate. In most cases the subject is uttered in the same intonation group as the predicate and the nuclear stress is on the final element of the predicate: Ascriptive clauses: (1)

yala dmixele. 1 The child is asleep'. (Y:98)

(2)

bqartox xlimtela. 'Your neck is strong'. (Y:147)

(3)

xalwox qliwele. 1 'Your milk is pure'. (L:415)

(4)

bratake-S marl gore/a. 1 The girl is married'. (B:142)

(5)

Bablu brindarile. 'Bablu is injured'. (B:51)

(6)

bäbl Rwandiznele. 'My father is from Ruwandiz'. (B:l4)

(7)

Päsa-i Kora xa-näsa ?äilm-wele. 'Pasa-i Kora was a cruel man'. (B:146)

(8)

maytit babid ya faqir i{tam-ile. 'The corpse of the father of this man is there'. (S:35)

1

1

1

1

1

312

SECTION SEVENTEEN

Equative clauses: (9)

bru-mllit ?awwal ?iyya bronl-wele. 1 'The first circumcision was this son of mine'. (Y:82)

(10)

brit-mila ?atxa-wela. 1 'Circumcision was like that'. (B:91)

In the vast majority of cases the subject is definite. Indefinite subject nominals, which introduce a new referent into the discourse, are attested in only a few instances: (11)

xa-klibra Swan-we/e. 1 'A man was a shepherd'. (B:49)

(12)

xa hu/a?a rtiba la?lq-we/e. 'A Jew was very handsome'. (B:145)

(13)

jiriina gal-jiriina ga?en-we/e. 1 'A neighbour was treacherous with a neighbour'. (S:124)

(14)

xa-bSilmana HfaslrH_wele. 1 'A Muslim was rieb'. (Y:18)

1

The subject nominal is sometimes presented in a separate intonation group, in which case this nominal bears a nuclear stress as a matter of course. If the subject is a nominal phrase, the nuclear stress is usually placed on the last item of the phrase: Ascriptive clauses: (15)

mal/ake-S 1 mare-qiwte/e. 1 'The mul/a is powerful'. (B:109)

(16)

?o ?iiga 1 xa ?iiga quya-wele. 1 'That agha was a powerful agha'. (B:36)

(17)

kul/a sltre tora 1 faydew-welu. 1 'All the scrolls of the Torah were his'. (B:70)

(18)

?o-zora 1 t!flha yarxe-we/e. 1 'The small one (child) was three months old'. (Y:7)

(19)

hu/a?e 1 faqlri/u. 1 'The Jews are poor'. (Y:179)

(20)

xalonid biibl Ral}amlm 1 muxtlir wele. 1 'The uncle of my father, Ral).amim, was a communalleader'. (L:497)

Equative clauses: (21)

baxtit ?o gora 1 xa/tit da?lla. 1 'The wife of that man is the aunt of my mother'. (B:140)

This is frequently the case where the subject nominal is a lang phrase. It is the norm where the subject is a generic relative phrase: (22)

mtit ?ebelox 1 l}iizfrile. 1 'Whatever you want is available (for you)'. (B:150)

(23)

?ot-litwiile, 1 kud-damma kplna-wele. 1 'Whoever did not have (anything) was always hungry'. (Y:IIO)

THECLAUSE

(24)

313

geban Jot hawewäle Jalpa lire, 1 Ja/pa dinäre, 1 dawlam{md ruwwawele.1 'In our community, whoever bad a thousand pounds or a thousand dinars was an important wealthy man'. (L:342)

17.1.4. Pronominal subjects The subject may be expressed by an independent personal or demonstrative pronoun that precedes the predicate: (1)

Jlina zeringlr-wen. 1 'I am a goldsmith'. (L:402)

(2)

Jäna taylinid didu-wen. 1 'I am their servant'. (L:370)

(3)

Jätl jiränl-wet. 1'You are my neighbour'. (L:375)

(4)

Jätl bron l}allil-wet. 1 'You are a fine man'. Literally: 'the son of cleanness' (L:415)

(5)

Jatxan yällt Jamawäle-wex. 1 'We are cousins'. (L:273)

(6)

Jo mafallfmile. 1 'He is a sage'. (L:62)

(7)

Jo-bäraw-wele. 1'He was after her'. (Y:84)

(8)

Jiyya ustlil tamlimile. 1'He is a fine craftsman'. (L:160)

(9)

Jiyya dawlamandile. 1 'He is rieb'. (L:187)

(10)

Janne kulla bärllu. 1 'They are all after me'. (L:320)

The subject pronoun sometimes occurs in a separate intonation group: (11)

Jatxan 1 HmiSpal}aH rubta-welan. 1'We were a big family'. (Y:38).

(12)

Jäna 1 yäla-weli.' 'I was a boy'. (L:67)

The motivation to use independent subject pronouns is more than simply to indicate the grammatical subject, since this is already expressed by the inflection of the copula. The function must be sought in the wider discourse context of the clause. This will be examined tagether with pronominal subjects in verbal clauses in §17.5.1. 17.1.5. Splitting of predicate nominal A predicate nominal consisting of a head noun and a modifier may be split by placing the copula immediately after the head noun. This is found with the following types of modifier: (i) Genitive or relative phrases introduced by Jot:

(1)

?ilha manlxle bäbl 1 xa min-rab-wele 1 Jot-mäla. 1 'My father, may God grant him rest, was one of the rahbis of the town'. (L:129)

(2)

Jo bäbaw 1 mln ruwwäne-wele Jot-Bagdlid. 1 'Her father was one of the great men of Baghdad'. (L:253)

314 (3)

SECTION SEVENTEEN

?anne naSelu ?ot-q(i//u-1/eu. 'Those are the people who killed him'. (L)

(ii) Attributive prepositional phrases:

(4)

wazlr-wele ga-Bagdtid. 1 'He was a minister in Baghdad'. (L:253)

(5)

bron-Maraj xa-?afandlle, 1 ?ir-Rwandiz. 1 'He is the son of Maraj, a gentleman in Ruwandiz'. (B:109)

(6)

?iyya-jwlinile baqxun? 1 'Is that good for you?' (L:l18) ?iina xmila-wen baqox. 1'I am standing (ready) for you'. (L:71)

(7)

17.1.6. Placement of the nuclear stress As has been remarked, the nuclear stress normally falls on the end of the predicate phrase. Occasionally the nuclear stress is moved back to an earlier position in the intonation group that contains the predicate. In such cases the speaker selects some element in the clause as being the one of greatest communicative importance. The nuclear stress is moved back from the last element of the predicate if this last element is given information and the focal element is earlier in the predicate. In (1) the adjective xoS is in both informational and contrastive focus: (1)

?u-/a-welu naS xriwe. 1 xoS naSe-welu. 1 'They were not bad people. They were good people'. (B:13)

A similar explanation applies to (2), where the predicate nominal is the same lexical item as the subject: (2)

?iyya nasa xos nase/e. 1'This man is a good man'. (L:326)

The nuclear stress may be moved from the predicate to a subject nominal in contexts where the new information focus includes the subject but not the predicate. This is found, for instance, in lists, where the predicate is repeated across two or more clauses but the subject is new information (3) and also where the subject is marked by the inclusive particle -is (4): (3)

?ixiilit ? Arbenne 1 min-kulla bis-basima-wele. 1 kuftu bis-basimewelu,1 rizzu biS-basima-we/e. 1 'The food of the people of Arbel was the finest of all. Their kufte were the finest. Their rice was the finest'. (B:94)

(4)

wl-da?at fAzlz-is geban wela ?o-?e/a. 1 'And also the mother of Aziz was with us during that festival'. (Y:88)

In a predicate phrase that is entirely a new information focus, the nuclear stress is nevertheless sometimes retracted. This shift is not related to the distribution of old and new information. Certain grammatical elements tend to attract the stress in this way. These include:

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(i) Demonstrative particles: ?iyya käbra, 1 xadlimit blibit ?iyya faqlr-wele. 1 'This man was the (5) servant of the father of this poor man'. (S:31) (ii) The quantifier kulla: (6)

?ixlilit ?Arbenne 1 min-kulla biS-basima-wele. 1 'The food of the people of Arbel was the finest of all'. (B:94)

(7)

mlre: b-xa?ox kulla didiJx-ilu. 1 'He said: "By your life, they are all yours'. (S:86)

(iii) Prepositions:

(8)

kaxltld miSplitid iyya klibra xel sawiliJx-ila. 1 'The Ietter of judgment of this man is under your pillow'. (S:27)

It is worth noting that these elements often receive the stress in stress groups consisting of two words (S6).

17.1.7. Apposition An item that is in apposition to the predicate is placed after the copula in a separate intonation group: (1)

kulla ?ot-blibit d-iyya faqirile, ?od-iyya-.5i?a. 'Everything belongs to the father of this poor man, of this madman'. (S:36)

(2)

#olit qalfa basimta-wela, 1 rumanta, rubta. 1 'The synagogue of the citadel was pleasant, high and spacious'. (Y:27)

1

1

17.1.8. Adverbial adjuncts Adverbial adjuncts may be placed at various points in the (sub ject)-predicatecopula nexus. (i) They may be placed in clause initial position. Adverbial phrases in this position are often given prominence by presenting them in their own separate intonation group. Adverbials are made prominent in this way when: (a) They are used to establish the spatio-temporal setting at the beginning of a stretch of discourse: (1)

ba-flräq Ia-ta-ku/la naSe Spirta-wela. 'In Iraq, it was not good for everybody'. (Y:110) 1

1

(b) They are presented in cantrast or parallel to some element in the context that is of equivalent status: (2)

?il-laxxa, Pesal) So?a yomele. ?iftam, Pesal) tmanya-yome wele. 'Here Passover is seven days. There Passover was eight days'. (B:72) 1

1

1

1

316 (3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

SECTION SEVENTEEN

?il-tixya 1 rublirile, 1 mafe. 1 ?il-ilya-S 1 kepele. 1 'At the bottom, it is a river. At the top, it is stones'. (B:154) xanti jare b-trumbel gezinwa,l xanti jare ba-faqle. 1 ba-faqle 1 tre safte ?urxa-wela. 1 'Sometimes I went by car, sometimes I went on

foot. On foot, it was two hours journey'. (B:37-38) mi-qma?e/, 1 brata b-tlid babaw w-da?aw-wela. 1 ... H?avaJH 1 bidwa?e,1 briita 1 ?agar La ?ebewiila l- 1brona, 1 b-ilit nosaw-wela, 1 bkeff nosaw-wela. 1 'Formerly, the girlwas in the hands of her father and mother.... But, later on, if the girl did not like the boy, it was up to her, the choice was hers'. (B:77-78) ?il-?Arbe/ 1 kullu min-karpilt welu. 1 H?avizJH ?i/-Ruwandiz 1 ?u-lBiitas1 kulla min-tina-welu. 1 'In Arbel, they were all of brick, but in Ruwandiz andin Bätas everthing was made of earth'. (B:4)

(c) In other contexts, where the adverbial expression is a pivotal component of the message expressed by the clause. In (7) the main focus of the clause is on the frequency of the speaker's visits to Mu~il: (7)

kud yoma, 1 ?il-Mu$il weli. 1 'Every day I was in Mu~n·. (B:55)

When the adverbial adjunct is in the same intonation group as the predicate it is not presented with the same prominence. It is not generally used to establish the spatio-temporal setting of a section of discourse or to express a contrastive or parallel relationship with an element in the context: (8) (9)

?iSta yarxe ga-tura-welu. 1 'They were in the mountains for six months'. (B:18) tikma Sinne l-Betwlita weJe. 1 'He was in Betwäta for several years'. (B:23)

It is often found in clauses that have the status of background comments:

(10)

?o-damma hestan ja~ll-weJi.l 'At that time I was still young'. (Y:S)

(11)

xa-yarxa 1-Bagdad we/an. 1 'We were in Baghdad for one month'. (B:98)

(ii) In a few instances the adverbial is placed between the subject and the predicate. In most such cases the adverbial is not given prominence by placing it in its own intonation group and its status is similar to that of the adverbial in examples such as (8-11) above: (12)

?ana 1-be/a dmixa-wen. 1'I am sleeping in the hause'. (B:44)

(iii) Adverbial phrases may be placed after the predicate. These are usually included within the intonation group of the predicate. In such cases the nuclear stress often falls on the adverbial, the unmarked position for nuclear stress being the end of the intonation group. In general, adverbs are placed in this position

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when there is spatio-temporal continuity with the immediately preceding context: (13)

tikma sinne 1-Betwata we/e.' ... dwaJe,' Jilyele-(ha)wa Bätase.' ilyele 1-Bätlise,' mafllm-wele xamsa sinne (tarn.' 'He was several years in Betwata.... Then he returned to Batase. He came to Batase and was rabbi there for five years'. (B:23-24)

(14)

Jiyya ~asta Jot-Jise-wela 1-J Arbe/.' 'This was the work of the women in Arbel'. (Y:104)

(15)

Jatxan magon xoläme-wex gebxun.' 'We are like slaves in your place'. (L:121)

17.1.9. Variations in word order Deviations from the usual order of the basic elements of the copular clause (subject)-predicate-copula arenot uncommon. (i) A subject can be placed at the end of the clause, after the copula. In such constructions, the postposed subject generally remains in the same intonation group as the predicate. The construction typically occurs when the subject referent has been mentioned in the immediately preceding context. The nuclear stress is generally on the predicate rather than the subject. It is typically used where there is a close semantic connection between the clause and what precedes. It is found, for instance, where the predicate is a demonstrative particle such as Jatxa or Jiyya that refers to the prior context and also in clauses giving supplementary information about something mentioned in the preceding clause as in (5) below. The clause in (6) with the postposed subject belongs tagether with the previous clause in a set relation. The duration of two days and the praying of the men in the synagogue for half a day are presented as two features of the festival of New Year in Kurdistan that parallel the New Year held in Israel. They are two members of the same set: (1)

Jatxa-welu bäte.' 'The houses were like that'. (B:3)

(2)

Jatxa-wele ros-sana.' 'New Year was like that'. (Y:71)

(3)

Jiyyele

(4)

mannile?' Jiyyele broneu?' 'Who is he? Is his son this person?' (L:549)

(5)

qlmlan Jirqlilan, 1 Jilyelan-(h)awa bela.' Jbni-s hatta mtelu 1-qisla.' reS Jurxa-wela qiSla. 1 'We got up and fled and came back home. And they (fled) until they reached the police-station. The policestation was on the road'. (B:50)

(6)

roS-a-Sana, 1 roS-Sana wele mga-laxxane tre yome. 1 ham ... 1 pllgidyoma 1-#ola-welu gure,' }J.atta-aleniwa-(ha)wa. 1 'New Year was two days, as it is here. Also (as here) the men were in the synagogue for half a day before they came back'. (Y:67)

~aqqeu. 1

'Its price is this'. (L:398)

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A pronominal subject may be placed after the copula in similar circumstances: (7)

?axzr fimrox tmänl ?icfl sinnele, 1 ?imma sinne-wet ?ätl. 1 'But you are eighty, ninety years old. You are a hundred years old'. (L:558)

(ii) In the speech of informant Y, the past copula is occasionally placed before the predicate. In such cases the subject of the clause is placed either before or after the copula: (8)

welan kullan gal-dlxle. 1 'We were all together'. (Y:l)

(9)

wele brit bf-Pesal}.. 1 'The circumcision was at Passover'. (Y:89)

(10)

?znna nase welu mabsut. 1 'Those people were happy'. (Y:117)

(11)

?atxan welan so?a tmanya nafare. 1 'We were seven or eight people'. (Y:13)

(12)

?o-wele har-gallox. 1 'He was always with you'. (Y:11)

Adverbial adjuncts are inserted, as in other copula clauses, either in the same intonation group or in a separate intonation group: (13)

wela l}.asta zal}.amta ?o-dukka. 1 'The work was hard in that place'. (Y:139)

(14)

roS-Sana wele mga-laxxane tre yome. 'New Year was, like here, two days'. (Y:67)

(15)

welan 1 ba-flraq 1 ?isrl u-tmanya bäte. 1 'We were, in Iraq, twentyeight houses'. (Y:l)

1

17.1.10. Interrogative copula clauses When the predicate is an interrogative particle, this is generally placed immediately before the copula. lf the subject of the clause is a nominal or independent pronoun it is generally put before the interrogative particle: (1)

mayle? 1 'What is it?' (S:76)

(2)

?iyya-qalya mayle? 1 'What is this qalya?' (B:121)

(3)

minhagake mayle? 1 'What is the custom?' (B:68)

(4)

bätake-S 1 min-may welu? 1 'What were the houses made from?' (B:4)

(5)

simanox mayle? 1 'What is your sign?' (S:80)

(6)

mannile? 1 'Who is it?' (S:77)

(7)

IJ.aqqzt golkake tikmele? 1 'How much is the heifer worth?' (S:21)

The subject is occasionally placed after the interrogative particle and copula. This occurs where the clause is closely connected in some way with the preceding discourse. The interrogative clause in (8) is logically sequential to what precedes. In (9) the topic referent that serves as subject of the interrogative clause is the same as in previous clauses:

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(8)

lii-gben xa-~qilta xet zurta ta-yalid zora. 1

...

Cikmela ~aqqox? 1 'I

want another small ring for a small child ... How much is due to you?' (L:214-216) (9)

lii-gba zabna? 1 tujlirila? 1 mayla-iyya? 1 'Does she want to sell? Is she a merchant? What is she?' (L:377)

17.1.11. Cleft constructions The copula may be used to mark the focal status of an element in a verbal clause. The construction is used where the remainder of the clause is given, presuppositional information. The presuppositional section of the clause is not introduced by an explicit relative particle, but it may be regarded as an asyndetic relative clause. The focal element that is marked by the copula bears nuclear stress. In (2) two intonation groups are merged tagether by sandhi (cf. S5): (1)

Sangele lii-mindele-llan. 1 'It is Sanga who has shot us'. (B:53)

(2)

?iitl-wet lii-mxelox il-tyya ylila? 1 'Is it you who have beaten this boy?' (L:304)

Such cleft constructions are very rarely attested in the texts. It appears that speakers normally use stress alone to mark an information focus such as this. One further example that can be interpreted as a cleft structure is the oath b~aqqat-ilhele 'it is by the truth of God (that I swear)' (Y:73, 256, 272), in which the presuppositional section has been elided. 17.1.12. Existential uses of the copula The copula is occasionally found without a predicate phrase. In these circumstances it expresses the existence or presence of the subject. The subject is generally definite or, at least, the lexical item (though not necessarily the referent) has been mentioned in the preceding context (2). The nuclear stress falls on the subject, the existence of the referent of the subject being the main point of the clause: (1)

?atxan welan, 1 be-biibl welu, 1 Sali~ Yosef Nuri wete. 1 'We were there, my father's family were there, (B:99)

(2)

~alib.

Yosef Nuri was there'.

tre ~ii~are welu l-Arbe/. 1 'There were two (such) enclosures in Arbel'. (B:9)

(3)

bas-?ana weli.' 'I was alone'. (Y:123)

In a few cases the subject is new information. This is found in the following types of expression: ~aqqewile 1 'He is right' Literally: 'His right is' (L:310), qardila 'I am cold' Literally: 'My cold is', qardanila 'We are cold', qardewila 'He is cold', ximmile 'I am hot' Literally: 'My heat is', ximmanile 'We are hot', ximmewile 'He is hot'.

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17.1.13. Negative copular clause In the description of the syntax of negative copular clauses, a distinction is made below between constructions with the negative present and those with the negative past copula. 17.1.13.1. Negative present copula This is placed either before or after the predicate and generally bears the nuclear stress of the intonation group. It may occur in the middle of a predicate phrase. In (3), for instance, it is inserted between an adjective and a modifying prepositional phrase. Note that the postposed prepositional phrase is in a separate intonation group: (1)

liyya mewlinid didllewe? 1 'ls he not my guest?' (L:551)

(2)

liyya min-?iztr didi lewe. 1 'This is not (made) from my wool'. (B:127)

(3)

dur lewa 1 min-l Arbe/. 1 'It is not far from Arbel'. (L:4)

(4)

dimma Ci-lewe. 1 'The blood is nothing'. (L:90)

(5)

?lina 1 lewen faqlr. 1 'I am not poor'. (L:119)

(6)

/ewen laxonox? 1 'Am I not your brother?' (L:358)

(7)

ke?ellu liyya 1 mindlxile, 1 tewe li'ina. 1 'It was as if it was an object, not me'. (L:351)

17.1.13.2. Negative past copula The negative past copula frequently precedes the predicate. The nuclear stress either falls on the predicate phrase or on the negator Ia. A subject nominal occurs either before or after the copula: (1)

/a-wela mga-laxxa. 1 'It was not like here'. (Y:139)

(2)

lu-la-welu nas xriwe. 1 'And they were not bad people'. (B:13)

(3)

karputake /a-welu misimqe 1 b-nura. 1 'The bricks were not baked in fire'. (B:4)

(4)

lu-/a-wele Sakar lot-daqiqa. 1 'Sugar was not in smalllumps' (Y:5354)

Examples of its occurrence after the predicate are also attested: (5)

larbinne 1 raba rtiba /a-we/u. 1 'The (true) Arbelis were not very numerous'. (L:34)

(6)

lil-mam/akatan 1 latxa /a-wela. 1 'In our town, it was not like that'. (B:ll)

(7)

gwira-s /a-we/e. 1 'And he was not married'. (Y:261)

The negative copula is occasionally used with an existential sense without a

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predicate, in order to express the existence or presence of the subject of the clause: (8) ?o la-wele 1 ?o-waxtit piire hiwli biiqeu. 1 'He was not there when I gave him the money'. (L:159) 17.1.14. Omission of copula In a few instances the copula is omitted from a clause. This is found in the following contexts: (i) Where the clause acts as a tag presenting supplementary information on what

precedes it and so has subordinate status on the Ievel of discourse: (1)

?iyya ta-sabbat qamol H~atuna.H 1 'This was for the Sabbath before the wedding'. (Y:125)

(2)

plskit xa yarxa taxnlxwa, 1 tre qazniige, 1 tfq.hil qazniige. 1 kud qaznag' tre tanake. 1 'We used to grind enough for a month, two qazniigs, three qazniigs - every qazniig was two tins'. (Y:93)

(3)

Sqllle minnl xa ~qilta zurta, I ta-yiile. 1 xa-sinnit dib kimrlwiile, I ... ?iyya gebu 1 min-tarafit ?ena. 1'He bought fromme a small ring, for children, called a wolf's tooth ... This for them is (used) on account of the evil eye'. (L:209-210) ?u-gaw-ya ~awSa 1 ?ltwa tf!lha yan-?arba biite, 1 kud-bela batane. 1 'And in this courtyard there were three or four houses, each house being by itself'. (B:1)

(4)

Occasionally such tag clauses are explicitly introduced by the element yafni 'that is': (5) matrlin-wele, 1 yafni mago plipa. 1 'He was a bishop, that is he was like the pope'. (B:106) Occasionally the tag occurs at the beginning of a discourse section. We may include here the phrase ~lil u-masala atxa 1 'The story of what happened is as follows' (L:318). Sometimes this is reduced to a bare nominal phrase: ~lil umasala1 (L:321, 387).1 The copula is also frequently omitted in relative clauses, which are synactically subordinate (§19.1.1.7). (ii) In clauses expressing an exclamation: (6)

kimriwale: 1 ma lii-lyelox? 1 bqartox xlimta! ja~ll-wet! 1 sl ~asta ?ol! 1 'They would say to him "Why have you come? Your neck is strong! You are young! Go and work!"'. (Y:151)

1 A parallel to this phrase without the copula is found in the Jewish dialects of Azerbaijan: +ha/ +naq/ axxa (Garbell 1965: 309; Hopkins 1989: 271).

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(7)

bronake 1 ja~ll jwan/ 1 qomeu rumäna/ 1 'The boy is a handsome young man! His stature is tall!'. (Y:158)

(8)

kulla dimma/ 1 'It is all blood!'. (Y:254)

(9)

Jatl Jawliya/ 1 'You are a saint!'. (L:132)

(10)

ke/a mal/a didu? 1 'Where on earth is their mullah?' (L:509)

(11)

/oka malla? 1 'Where on earth is the mullah?' (L:511)

(12)

Jana Ia yJllli 1 Jiyya jiränlt Jot hulale 1 ga-Saqlawa/ 1 'I did not know she was the neighbour of the Jews in Saqlawa!'. (L:411)

(13)

u-b-karxun yä-Jaza/ 1 'It is by your work, my good man!'. (S:86)

17.2. C/auses with the existential partic/e Jitl Jitwa The nominal complement of the existential particle Jit!Jitwa, i.e. the item whose existence is being asserted, is placed either before or after the particle. The nuclear stress is normally placed on the noun or, if the complement of the particle is a nominal phrase, on the last item of this phrase. 17.2.1. Complement before the particle When the existential particle is placed after the nominal, the particle frequently has no stress and is attached to the nominal as an enclitic: · (1)

xa hu/aJa-Jit 1 raba /aJ{q Ju-ma~bubile. 1 There is a Jew. He is very handsome and desirable'. (B:147)

(2)

HJava[H 1 xa-mindi xet-itwa. 1 'But there was something else'. (B:103)

(3)

tre ~izbe-Jitwa. 1 xa kimriwälu 1 Säfifl, 1 Jo-xet Ia Cen ma kimrlwälu. 1 There were two parties. One was called Shäfi'I. I do not know what the other was called'. (B:101)

(4)

tre Jaxwäle-Jitwa, 1 xa Baklr-wele, 1 xa fUmar kimrlwate. 1 'There were two brothers. One was Bakir, the other was called 'Umar'. (B:102)

(5)

tre mafllme-Jitwa, 1 xa-maflim JAron wete, 1 Jo-xlt-iS maflim DaJftd we/e. 1 'There were two rabbis. One rabbiwas Aaron and the other rabbi was David'. (8:34)

(6)

Cayxana Jltwa. 1 There was a tea house'. (Y:3)

(7)

#ola Jltwa. 1 There was a synagogue'. (Y:23)

A nominal phrase may be split in the middle by the existential particle, with part before and part after it. In most cases of this construction, the head noun of the nominal phrase is placed before the particle and its attribute after. The attribute is an adjective or a relative clause. In (13) the proper name may be interpreted as a reduced relative clause with no copula (cf. §19.1.2.3):

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(8)

?o-waxt, 1 zdula ?itwa rliba. 1 'At that time there was much fear'. (L:275)

(9)

dukke 1 ?itwa raba. 1 'There were many places'. (L:485)

(10)

zäwiz ?itwiz ruwwii-l-lax. 1 'There was a large river there'. (Y:249)

(11)

xiz ?1twa tayxänii ?itwäle. 'There was a man who had a tea shop'. (L:434)

(12)

gebiin 1 raba bsilmline ?itwa 1 räba xriwe-welu. 1 'In our community there were many Muslims who were very bad'. (L:467)

(13)

xiz ?itwa Rafa?e/. 1 'There was a certain (man who was) Rafa'el'. (L:372)

(14)

raba ?it ~aqlnnox. 1 'There is alot that I should teil you'. (L:428)

(15)

raba ?it ~aqen. 1 'There is alot that I should teil'. (L:495)

1

1

17.2.2 Complement after the particle (1)

?itwa xiz xlindii. 1 'There was a vailey'. (B:154)

(2)

?ltwa makinii. 1 'There was a machine'. (Y:134)

(3)

H?aviz[H ?itwa xiz-?ädat xet. 1 'But there was another custom'. (B:60)

(4)

?ltwa gildiz ?ot-?irbe. 1 'There was a skin of sheep'. (Y:131)

(5)

?ltwa raba näse sabllwa. 1 'There were many people who suffered'. (Y:57)

(6)

?1twa dukäne, 1 ?1twa zeringre, 1 ?1twa kulla ?askal w-anwiif. 1 'There were shops, there were goldsmiths, there were ail kinds of things'. (L:420)

(7)

?1twa mlnni bis ruwwe 1 ga-?Arbe/. 1 'There were greater people than I in Arbel'. (L:430)

In terms of stress distribution, the particle tends to have a greater independence from the nominal when preceding it than when foilowing it. When preceding, it may even be presented in its own separate intonation group: (8)

?ltwa 1 xiz Hben-adam.H 1 'There was a man'. (S:l)

17.2.3. Adverbial adjuncts Adverbial phrases are inserted at various points of the clause. (i) At the front of the clause In the attested examples these are in a separate intonation group: (1)

?o-waxt, 1 raba zdula ?1twa. 1 'At that time, there was a great deal of fear'. (L:63)

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(2)

H?ava[H geban kolanit hula?e ?itwa. 'But in our place there was a street of the Jews'. (B:13)

(3)

?i{tam-iS, ?il-?Arbel-iS mindl ?itwa, mal}allit hula?e ?itwa. 'Both there and in Arbel there was ... , there was a street of the Jews'. (B:11)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

(ii) In the middle of the clause

Adverbials placed between the particle and its complement are relatively uncommon: (4)

?ltwa geban 1 xa matran. 1 'There was in our place a bishop'. (B:106)

(iii) At the end of the clause

Adverbials are frequently placed at the end of the clause. In many cases they are in the same intonation group as the existential particle and its complement but the nuclear stress remains on the nominal: (5)

sifre tora-?it ?o dukka. 1 'There are Torah scrolls in that place'. (Y:85)

(6)

?iläne-?it gaw. 1 'There are trees in it'. (B:47)

(7)

xa ?ädat ltwa geban. 1 'There was a custom in our place'. (B:132)

If greater focus is put on the adverbial, it is placed in a separate intonation

group: (8)

kolanit hula?e ?itwa, ?il-geban ls ?il-? Arbel ls. 'There was a street of the Jews, bothin our place andin Arbel'. (B:12) 1

1

1

17.2.4. Apposition In constructions where the nominal occurs before the particle, items that are in apposition to the nominal are placed after the particle: (9)

so?a, tmanya joge ?ltwa, 1 jogit mafe. 1 'There were seven or eight streams, streams of water'. (B:64)

(10)

siyäma ?itwa, 1 qondaraw. 1 'There were shoes, her shoes, at hand'. (L:268)

Appositional modifiers of items placed after the existential particle come at the end of the clause in a separate intonation group: (11)

?ltwa xa ga-qalfa, 1 bSilmäna. 1 'There was a person in the citadel, a Muslim'. (L:57)

17.2.5. Position of nuclear stress As indicated above, the nuclear stress is generally placed on the nominal that is

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the complement of the particle. In the case of it being a nominal phrase, it is usual for the nuclear stress to be on the last item of the phrase. Deviations from this stress placement, however, are attested in a number of cases. (i) If the final element in the nominal phrase has a lesser degree of information focus than elements earlier in the phrase, the nuclear stress is moved to the element that constitutes the new information focus. In the context preceding (1) various synagogues have been discussed, so the lexical item :f[olye 'synagogues' is given information. The focus is on the modifier element räba.

(1)

?ltwa raba :f[olye gebim. 1 'There were many synagogues in our place'. (Y:28)

(ii) A nominal phrase that is the complement of the particle may present new information in all its components, though some element occurring before the end of the phrase is selected to have the dominant focus marked by the nuclear stress. In (2), for instance, the focal element is the numeral: (2)

:#olit qalfa basimta-we/a, rumanta, rubta. ?lmma sltre tora ?ltwa gawaw. 1 'The synagogue of the citadel was pleasant, high, large. 1

1

There were a hundred Torah scrolls in it'. (Y:27) In (3) the placement of the nuclear stress reflects the fact that the noun is regarded as more important than the attributive modifier that follows it: (3)

w'i-har xa Samas hu/a?a ?ltwa b'i-giiweu. 'And there was only a 1

Jewish beadle in it'. (Y:25) (iii) The nuclear stress may even be placed on the existential particle itself. This is typically used to correct a possible assumption that the hearer may have made from a previous statement that something did not exist, as in (4) and (5). It is also found in clauses where the nominal complement of the particle is given information (6 -7): (4)

geban llt mindl liJI kimrlla kollinit hu/a?e geban. kollinit hu/a?e ?itwa. 'In our place there was not ... Yes! They called it "street of the Jews" in our place. There was a street of the Jews'. (B:l2) 1

1 ...

1

(5)

xetlwälu nosu.

1 ...

?ltwa niise xetlwa ta-ger niise. 'They sewed them 1

by themselves'. There actually were people who sewed for other people'. (Y:146) (6)

gezen Bagdad 1 geb xalunti. xalunta rubta ?ltwale l-Bagdiid. 'I 1

1

shall go to Baghdad, to my sister's. He had an elder sister in Baghdad'. (Y:154) (7)

kud qazniig tre tannake. ?lt tannake. 'Every qaznäg is two tins. There are tins (with which such a measurement is made)'. (Y:93) 1

1

1

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17.2.6. Possessive constructions Possession is expressed by existential constructions in which a pronominal suffix of the /-series is attached to the existential particle. As in other existential constructions, the nominal complement is placed either before or after the particle. The nuclear stress is usually placed on the nominal complement. It is placed on the existential particle to express contraslive assertion, in order to correct a possible assumption that the hearer may have that something was not in the possession of somebody: 17.2.6.1. Nominal before the existential particle (1)

?arba HfavodeH ?itwtilu. 1 'They had four jobs'. (B:5)

(2)

pare ?itte. 1 'He has money'. (L:187)

(3)

waxt ttti. 'I do have time'. (L:192)

(4)

zdula ?itwa/i.l 'I did have some fear'. (L:471)

1

An adjective modifying the noun is sometimes placed after the existential particle: (5)

brata ?itwali rubta. 1 'I had an elder daughter'. (Y:84)

17.2.6.2. Nominal after the existential particle (1)

?itti takut (L:166)

(2)

?itti waxt. 1 'I have time'. (L:189)

(3)

?itwiilu mogiize. 1 'They had warehouses'. (L:386)

(4)

?itwali ?arba yäte.' 'I had four children'. (Y:7)

(5)

?itwtile ?Wa-mma ?a/pa 1 sura?e. 1 'He had six hundred thousand Christians'. (B:106)

1

...

?ltti zindan. 'I have a hammer.... I have an anvil'. 1

Adverbials are placed at various places in the clause: (6)

?itwtile gebeu I xa-zo?it kre. 1 'He had (in deposit) with him a suit'. (B:125)

(7)

?itwtilu tfflha bäte gaw-l,zawsa. 1 'They had three houses in the courtyard'. (B:3)

17.2.7. Negative existential and possessive clauses As in positive clauses, the nominal complement of the negative existential particle lit/litwa may precede or follow the particle. 17.2.7.1. Nominal precedes the particle In this construction the negative particle often takes the nuclear stress:

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327

kistimye !ltwa mga laxxäne.' 'There were no bags as (there are) here'. (Y:132)

(2)

?ara !ltwa. 1 'There was no land'. (Y:17)

(3)

päre !ltwälan. 1 'We had no money'. (B:25)

(4)

ti-littan ga-bela. 1 'We have nothing in the house'. (L:106)

(5)

geban gramme lltwa. 1 'In our place there were no grams'. (L:182)

17.2.7.2. Nominal follows the particle The nuclear stress generally falls on the nominal: (1)

lltwa farqi geban. 1 'There was no distinction among us'. (Y:100)

(2)

litwa botW 'There were no bottles'. (Y:108)

(3)

lltwa ~aSta loll, 1 lltwa ?ixäla ?axll.' 'There was no work for them to do. There was no food for them to eat'. (Y:110)

(4)

littüxun reSan ta-~aq.' 'You have no case against us'. (Y:230)

17.2.7.3. Additional negative particle In a series of clauses that presents a Iist of items whose existence is negated by the particle litllitwa, each item may be preceded by the additional negator Ia: (1)

slfi~ lttwälan.' Ia dabante litwälan, 1 Ia tfange litwälan.' 'We did not have weapons. We did not have pistols, we did not have guns'. (L:282)

17.2.7.4. The particle lit is sometimes used to express doubt or possibility rather than negation: (1)

yfmkin lisra, XamSa /ltwa 1 dawlamande, 1 kul/a faqire-welu. 1 'There may have been ten, or five rich people. Everybody was poor'. (L:564)

(2)

yimkin xamsi filse lttti gaw iyya. 1 'Perhaps I had (a profit of) fifty fils in that'. (L:213)

17.3. Constructions with the verb hwy The predicative complement of the verb hwy, which supplies the subjunctive forms of the copula and the existential particle as weil as imperfective and imperative forms (see §15.4), is placed either before or after the verb: (1)

sitwa, kwewa ?arbi yome. 'Winter was forty days'. (Y:136)

(2)

lo-S rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 'And he would be riding on horseback'.

1

1

1

(B:39)

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(3)

naxos hawewa 1 tari~wa. 1 xa-mrad hawewäle, 1 mrädeu l;.a~llwa. 1 'If (anyone) was ill, he was cured. If (anyone) had a wish, his wish was realized'. (B:161)

(4)

har-mat hawewa 1 l;.a~lixwa minnit. 1 'Whatever it was, we made a profit from them'. (L:49)

In the attested examples of possessive constructions where the item possessed is plural the verb remains in the 3ms.: (5)

laxt!a yäle kawelox. 1 'You will have such-and-such a number of children'. (L:144)

17.4. Constructions with the verb gdr Clauses with the verb gdr may be divided into those in which the verb takes a complement in the sense of 'to become something' and those in which the verb has no complement and has the sense of 'to come into existence'. 17.4.1. Verbtakes a nominal complement The complement comes either before or after the verb: 17.4.1.1. Complement before the verb (1)

mewänii gdire. 1 'He became a guest'. (S:53)

(2)

boganl gdlru. 1 'They became a stench'. (S:8)

(3)

tamam gdlri. 1 'I became very good'. (L:153)

(4)

qurbäneu gadren. 1 'Let me become his sacrifice'. (L:548)

(5)

t!i-brindar

Ia la-gdire.

'He has not become injured at all'. (B:51)

1

17.4.1.2. Complement after the verb (1)

hatta ... gadlrwa Spirii. 'Until it became good (to use)'. (B:118)

(2)

gdlre hawa näsii. 1 'He became a man again'. (S:51)

(3)

gdlru raba klä/e.i 'They became many chickens'. (S:67)

(4)

saldake gdira mmii part!e. 1 'The basket became (broken into) a hundred pieces'. (B:159)

(5)

gadrex Sirike gallox. 1 'We shall become partners with you'. (L:184)

1

17.4.2. Verb used with no nominal complement (1)

gaw-yäne liSta yarxe linqilab gdlra lir-Rusya. 'In those six months there was a revolution in Russia'. (B:19)

(2)

hatta lisqat gdlra. 1 'Until our citizenship was cancelled'. (B:57)

1

1

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(3)

fa~ir

329

gdira. 1 'It became evening'. (S:116)

Ingressive possessive constructions are formed by adding l- pronominal suffixes to the verb: (4)

geban yiilii 1 ?agar-reSeu marewa, 1 xa ximma gadirwiile, 1 xa faya gadirwiile, 1 xala~, 1 zllle. 1 'In our community, if a child had a pain in his head or he came to have a fever or came to have an illness, that was the end, he expired'. (L:346)

(5)

xa-waxit gdzriile xa megalit ?irbe, 1 xa megalit fizze, 1 nezi'Klt xa ?imma kliiLe. 1 'In no timehe came to have a flock of sheep, a herd of goats and almost a hundred chickens'. (S:73)

17.5. Verbal clauses

The term verbal clause refers to a clause with a predicate that contains a finite verb. In its simplest form, a verbal clause may consist of no more than the conjugated verb itself, with the pronominal subject and, optionally, also the pronominal object, expressed by inflection and affixes, e.g. qlmlan 1 'We got up' (B:47), ?itulan 1 'We sat down' (B:109), raqllwa 1 'They danced' (B:62), baslllu 1 'They cook them' (B:114), marfewiilu 1 'He was pasturing them' (B:49). Verbs can also have a range of free-standing verbal complements, which include subject, object and prepositional phrase. The verb and its complements may be arranged in a variety of different orders. Same orders are more frequently attested than others and, in general, these can be identified as basic, unmarked orders. Deviations from these orders tend to be marked, that is, they have a more specific function than the unmarked orders. As in copula and existential clauses, various prosadie patterns are used when uttering verbal clauses. A complete clause is frequently uttered in a single intonation group. Sometimes, however, one or more of the constituents of a clause may be in a separate intonation group from that of the verbal predicate. Also, the nuclear stress of an intonation group may be placed in a variety of positions. The positioning of the nucleus operates independently from the ward order of the clause, as is shown by the fact that the nucleus may be placed in a variety of positions in a clause with one type of ward order. As with the ordering of words in the clause, one may identify a norm in the placement of the nuclear stress, which may be considered unmarked. There is a general tendency to place the nucleus on the final constituent of the intonation group. This may be considered the unmarked position, which may have not only a specific sense of expressing focus on the constituent it falls on, but also a neutral sense of 'broad focus' of the whole predicate or even whole clause. There are many deviations from this norm. In the majority of cases, however, where the nucleus is retracted to an earlier constituent in the intonation group, the nuclear stress appears to express a 'narrow focus' of some kind on the item which bears it.

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17.5.1. Pronominal subjects Despite the fact that the grammatical subject of a verb is indicated by the inflectional morphology, in many cases the subject is also expressed by an independent pronoun. 17.5.1.1. Pronouns serving as clause topic In the majority of cases the pronoun is placed before the verb at the front of the clause and does not bear nuclear stress. In such constructions the pronoun has the status of clause topic and is not an information focus: (1)

?ana xaSwen 1 'I think'. (B:33)

(2)

?atxim irqlilan. 1'We fled'. (B:54)

(3)

?iJt lii-illplox qur?lin. 1 'You have learnt the Qur'an'. (B:110)

(4)

?o tarl$le ylilox. 1 'He will eure your child'. (L:62)

In a few cases the pronoun has no stress of its own and is cliticized to the following word: ?o-mlre 1 'He said'. (Y:60), ?ana-cen 1 'I know'. (L:438), ?iinagzeli-lleu1 'I saw him'. (L:533). The use of independent pronouns to express the topic of a verbal clause is not completely arbitrary. It can be shown that it generally performs a clear discourse function. The same function is performed by the occurrence of independent topic pronouns in copula clauses. In what follows, therefore, these two types of clause are discussed together. The purpose of representing the subject topic in an independent subject pronoun appears to be to present the clause as being separated from the preceding context by some kind of discontinuity or disjunction. Clauses that express subjects only in the verbal morphology, on the other hand, present events or situations that have a greater degree of continuity. It is a pragmatic strategy that is not reducible to absolute rules. The following are the main circumstances in which it is used. (i) At beginning of speech The opening clause of a speech turn often expresses the subject by an independent pronoun. Subsequent clauses that continue the same subject normally suffice with the subject markers in the verbal morphology, e.g. (5)

lii-mlre biiqu: ?ana raba xlu/e lii-wllli biiqeu. 1 'He says to them "I danced a Iot for him'". (B:87)

(6)

mlre biiqeu: 1 La, 1 ?iitl Ia gezer bela, 1 gebl yatwet. 1 'He said to him "You shall not go home. You shall sit with me"'. (L:95)

(7)

mlre biiqeu: 1 ?iitl babid lyya gora lii-qtlllox, 1 ... gaw-J:zawsid noseu, 1 lii-tselox hawa. 1 'He said to him "You have killed the father of this man, ... and have buried him in his own yard"'. (S:46)

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331

(ii) Change of subject

Within a speech turn or a stretch of discourse an independent subject pronoun often occurs where there is a disjunction or shift on some Ievel of the text. The construction often occurs where there is a change of grammatical subject as topic of the clause, e.g. (8)

(9)

(10) (11)

?ilha misdirre-llan gebxun. 1 dabi ?atxun mqayyidan gadretun. 1 'God sent us to you. You must Iook after us'. (L:121) ?atxun Ia ma~hun ?isqat ?oletun 1 heStiine ... ?atxan ?amir Üi lasqillan.1 'You cannot cancel your citizenship, we have not yet received an order (to that effect)'. (B:43) mato ?o golka axllla 1 w-ati ~aqql hotte? 1'How is it that he eats the heifer and you give me my due?'. (S:22) tre-näSe qameu fetlwa, I tre bäreu, ?o-S rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 1

Two people went before him and two behind him, and he would be mounted an horseback'. (B:39) When the subject topic referent is changed in this way, the independent pronoun sometimes stands in a separate intonation group: (12)

?o 1 ... ?ana Saqfinwa, 1 ... took'. (L:206)

o ?oni 1 saq/lwa. 1 'Either I took ... or they 1

If the predicates of two juxtaposed clauses stand in a contrastive opposition, a

change in subject in the second clause has the effect of putting this subject in contrastive opposition to the subject in the preceding clause: (13)

(14)

?oni la-zkelu. 1 ?atxan 1 Hbarf:tx ha-semH ?ilyelan ?ere~ yisra?e/. 1 They did not succeed but we, God be praised, came to the Land of Israel'. (L:572) tre hula?e zlllu, 1 xa ?Abraham kimrlle, 1 lä-plsle, 1 xa-S Mixa kimrlwäle, 1 Mixaker, 1 ?o-la-piS. 1 'Two Jews went -, one called Abraham - he is still alive - and one called Mixa, Mixaker - he is not alive'. (B:42)

(iii) Change in grounding

In a nurober of cases, independent pronouns are used even where there is continuity of the subject. Where this occurs there is sometimes a shift on some other Ievel of the discourse. The clause may coincide with a change in grounding. In some examples a clause with an independent pronoun expresses an event or situation that is circumstantial to the preceding clause or supplies background information to the main narrative. In example (16) below, the first ?äna represents a change of subject and the second occurs in a clause that gives background information: (15)

piltle bäbllä-gbe ?ez, 1 ?o-la y?ille 1 päre 1 hlwle bäql. 1 'My father

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SECTION SEVENTEEN

went out, wanting to go (harne). He did not know that he had given me money'. (L:115) (16)

yomit sabb(lt, 1 hu/aJe qeml paltl tara, 1 ?tina 1-be/a dmixa-wen. 1 bar #ola, 1 bar ?ixiila, 1 ?tina damxlnwa xanti. 1 'On the Sabbath the Jews went outside whereas I was asleep in the hause. After prayers and after the meal, I used to sleep a little an Sabbath'. (B:44)

(17)

HmiskenzmfHI /ii-zadeni, 1 W-oni ma$eni maxeni/u. 1 'The paar people! They are afraid, while being able to strike them'. (L:297)

(iv) Separate events The oeeurrenee of the pronoun may be used to present the clause as expressing an event that is independent from the one expressed in the preeeding clause rather than an aspeet of the same event. In (18), for example, the eooking and the teaehing are presented as separate aetivities: (18)

waxtl baxtl Sinylili ... Ia tliwa 1 mtito qalya goil. 1 ?tina qalya goilnwa ... ?tina malplnwiila. 1 'When I married my wife ... she did not know how to eook the fat of the tail of an animal. I used to eook the fat of the tail ... I used to teaeh her'. (B:92-93)

A clause with an independent pronominal subjeet may oeeur where there are shifts an more than one axis of the diseourse. In (19), for instanee, the clause beginning with ?iina oeeurs where there is a ehange of subjeet and also a shift to baekground information: (19)

$rlxle-lfi.l ?tina yiila-wefi.l turkl }Jqele galll. 1 'He ealled to me. I was a ehild. He spoke Turkish to me'. (L:105)

(v) Prominenee of the clause Sometimes the main motive to use an independent pronominal subjeet seems to be to present the clause as having a degree of independenee from the preeeding eontext in order to give prominenee to it. (20)

ma gbh hawlnnox? 1 ?iitl yiilake 1 mix?elöx-illeu! 1 'What da you want us to give you. You have made the boy live!'. (L:98)

(21)

?titi HmelexH_wet. 1 mtito jaza d-niise ?iitl hotte? 1 'You are a king. How is it that you pay the penalty for other people!' (S:22)

(22)

?o mafalltmile, 1 }Jaxam ruwwele, 1 niisa qadoSile. 1 sl mlle. 1 ?o tart#e ylilox, 1 bronox tart#e. 1 'He is a sage, a great seholar, a holy man. Go and feteh him. He will eure your ehild, he will eure your son'. (L:62)

In general, a clause without an independent pronoun expresses a lesser degree of independenee and less prominenee. The speaker may omit the pronoun even where the aforementioned shifts oeeur in the diseourse, if the intention is to

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333

present the clause as non-prominent. In example (23), for instance, the clause with the ls. subject constitutes a shift in subject but it is an incidental remark: (23)

Xa-y(i/Q litte, I fjmreU t{{lha arba Sinne, I fa-cen ttkma Wefe. 1 joreU /ti la-keni. 1 'He has a boy. He is three or four years old - I da not

know how old he was. His urine did not flow'. (L:73) (vi) Pronoun after the verb In a few cases, the independent subject pronoun that is the topic of the clause is placed after the verb. This construction expresses greater continuity with the preceding discourse than does the construction with the pronoun at the front of the clause. (24)

mlri: ma wajjoxile? 1 ma gbet ?ätZ? 1 htwlox bäql pilglt klio dehwa, 1 l}aqqox Sqolle. 1 'I said "What does it matter to you? What da you

want? You gave me half a kilo of gold. Take what is owed to you."'. (L:174) (25) xa niiSa 1 be-?enit ?onit ruwwe ruwwe 1zora-weli ?lina. 1 'In the eyes of the great people I was a small man'. (L:488) 17.5.1.2. Pronouns serving as clause focus In a few cases, an independent pronominal subject is an information focus and carries nuclear stress. This occurs either to express cantrast or inclusiveness, where the predicate is given, presuppositional information. The pronoun is normally placed before the verb: (i) Contrastive focus (1)

?ana kunn6x-il/a. 1 'I (not him) shall give it to you'. (S:21)

(ii) Inclusive focus (2)

jar kud-jar 1 tre, tf!;zha näse nabllwa gal-noseu. 1 ?ana-s gezlnwa gallu. 1 'Each time he took two or three people with him. I also used to go with them'. (B:108)

(3)

?atxan ?ixlili msilmline Ia kixlhwa. 1 ... HJavafH ?oni-s ?ixlilan lakixllwäle.1 'We did not eat the food of the Muslims.... But they also

did not eat our food'. (B:lOO) In some contrastive constructions both the subject pronoun and the predicate are focalized. The subject is the contrastive topic of the clause and the predicate is the contrastive focus. The topic announces what the following predication is about. In such cases a nuclear stress falls an both the subject pronoun and an the predicate. These two nuclear stresses da not necessarily occur in separate intonation groups. They may occur tagether in one intonation group resulting from a combination of two groups in sandhi (SS). The identity of the subject

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topic is asserted contrastively in this way since the number of alternative referents that could take its place is limited, in the case of (4) and (5) the speaker has in mind only a pair of possible candidates ('you' and 'me', 'he' and 'she').2 (4)

?äti glsawet 1 w-äna-s x{mCi glsW 'You are tired and I also am a little tired'. (L:576)

(5)

?agar tflqle 1 yan ?o gazewäla 1 yan ?o gazyawäle. 1 'If it happens that either he seesher or she sees him'. (L:199)

A focalized independent pronoun is occasionally placed after a verb: (6)

HJazH misdlrre-lli ?ezen ?äna. 1 'So he sent meso that I (rather than he) would go'. (L:536)

(7)

lä-gben xancl mindixäne 1 ?alet galll saqlet, 1 la-cen ?lina. 1 'I want you to come with me to buy some things. I (unlike you) do not know (what to do)'. (L:370)

An independent pronoun bearing nuclear stress may be placed after an indirect object suffix to express focus on the pronominal element, e.g. (8)

holle-lli ?lina/ 1 'Give him to me!'. (L:551)

If the focus is on a pronominal element that is the direct object of the clause,

this is expressed by an independent ?ill- phrase that is placed before the verb and bears the nuclear stress. In the following examples the focus is inclusive: (9)

xa-l;.axam hula?a, rab hula?a lä-nabtlle qatllle? dwale keni ?illan qatlllan. 1 'Are they taking away a Jewish sage, a Jewish rabbi to kill him? Afterwards they will come to kill (also) us'. (L:65)

(10)

bratake zllla :jarxa l-axonaw, 1 da?aw lä-lyela gebaw, lillhx-is gazya. 1 'The daughter went to call to her brother that her mother had come to her and "to see you also"'. (Y:157)

1

1•

1

17.5.2. Subject nominals 17.5.2.1. Subject before the verb When the subject is a full nominal, it normally comes before the verb. This is the unmarked, canonical order. The nuclear stress generally does not fall on the subject. As stated above, the unmarked position of the nucleus is at the end of the intonation group. The referent of the subject nominal in these constructions is usually identifiable, either from the prior discourse or due to it being a general dass with which the hearer is assumed to be familiar. It is also used, however, when the referent of the subject nominal is completely new and cannot be assumed to be identifiable by the hearer (5)-(7): (1)

?iyya käbra qlmle. 1 'This man got up'. (S:5)

2 For the notion of contrastive topic see Lambrecht (1994: 291-295).

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(2)

matran mire biiqeu 1 'The bishop said to him'. (B:lll)

(3)

miSilmane keniwa. 1 'The Muslims used to come'. (B:36)

(4)

kud niiSa xa-wa,#a zonwa. 1 'Everybody used to buy a portion (B:69)

(5)

xa-golka wlra lo?a. 1 'A heifer came inside'. (S:4)

(6)

xa-kiibra min-flraq la-lyete. 1 'A man came from Iraq'. (B:87)

(7)

xa bsilmiina xa yoma ?ilyele gebi. 1 'A Muslim came to me one day'. (L:209)

An appositional phrase that qualifies the subject nominal may be added after the clause in a separate intonation group: (8)

kullu keniwa, 1 yiile u-ruwwe u-zore u-?inse u-gure. 1 'They all came, children, old and young, warnen and men'. (B:67)

(9)

sonlla-plswale, l}axam Zakay Barzani. 'My grandfather, the scholar Zakay Barzäni, had not remained there'. (B:17)

(10)

?iyya kliwa-wele geb ?ilha, 1 ya-?abe ?atxa hawewa, 1 ?lnna näse ?eziwa, 1 raba bläne 1 u-raba brone. 1 'It is written in the presence of God that it had to happen that those people would pass away, many girls and many boys'. (Y:201)

1

1

Occasionally the subject nominal occurring before the verb bears the nuclear stress. This is generally used to focalize the subject when the verbal predicate is given, presuppositional information. In addition to a simple new information focus, the focus may also be inclusive ('also X', 'even X') and exclusive ('only X').

(11)

hula?e /a-q{illu-1/i.l 'The Jews killed me'. (Y:227)

(12)

?iSe Ia geziwa ta-,#ola. 1 har-gure geziwa. 1 ?inna tre-yiile brlt wlllu, 1 nase niblilu ta-,#ola. 1 'Warnen did not go to the synagogue. Only men would go. (When) these two boys were circumcised, other people took them to the synagogue (not me)' (Y:29)

(13)

sura?e-s ?ixalan la kixliwiile. 1 'Also the Christians did not eat our food'. (B:103)

(14)

?afltlu bsilmane keniwa gebeu. 'Even Muslims used to come to him'. (L:56) 1

Note also (15), where there is exclamatory focus on the subject nominal, expressing the opinion of the speaker that it is completely unexpected that this referent should be the subject of such a proposition: (15)

mato malla ?atxa go/! 1 'How could a mullah do such a thing!' (L:529)

In some cases the subject nominal with the nuclear stress cannot be interpreted as being given one of these types of focus nor does the verbal predicate convey

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old information. Rather the entire clause is new information. This applies to examples such as the following: (16)

~i-hula?e la-plsi gaw. 1 'No Jews remained in it'. (B:45)

(17)

?amret sinda pilla /e-?eneu. 1 'You would say sleep has fallenon his eyes'. (S:45)

(18)

kulla qemiwa m-qämeu. 1 'Everyone stood up before him'. (L:131)

(19)

hu/a?e la la-qtlllu-lleu. 1 'The Jews have not killed him'. (Y:225)

In clauses such as these, the retracted nucleus does not express a narrow focus on the subject alone, i.e. the remainder of the predicate is not old, presuppositional information. The whole clause remains in focus. The retraction expresses an enhanced degree of focus. This enhanced focus may have been intended tobe restricted to the subject nominal, to assert some unexpected item or some item that plays an important role in the discourse. It is possible, however, that in many cases the speaker uses this retraction of the nucleus to express enhanced focus of the clause as a whole, marking it as being salient and standing out from the surrounding discourse. In such cases nuclear stress sometimes falls on both the subject and the predicate, which can be interpreted as the coalescing of two intonation groups in sandhi (see SS): (20)

mallaxe lyetu b-xilmeu. 'Angels came in his dream'. (S:26) 1

On a number of occasions, the nominal subject is presented in a separate intonation group. This construction is sometimes found when two subjects are contrasted with one another, as in (21) and (22), where the predicate of the clauses are in semantic opposition. lt is also used when a speaker changes to a different subject, without a semantic opposition being set up between the predicates of clauses (23)-(26). (21)

lfanafl 1 ?ixalan kixtlwäle, 1 Säfifl 1 Ia kxliwä/e. 1 'The I:Ianafis ate our food but the Shafi'is did not eat it'. (B:lOl)

(22)

Bakir 1 ?ixalan kxltwäle. 1 f0mar 1 ?ixalan Ia kxllwäle. 1 'Bakir ate our food, but 'Umar did not eat our food'. (B:102)

(23)

sonlt bäbl 1 ?il-Barzan gdlre. 1 'The grandfather of my father was born in Barzan'. (B:14)

(24)

Ras ?ilyele, 1 Ruwandiz miqltile, 1 ••• wü-hula?e u-msilmäne 1 zillu gaw tura. 1 'The Russians came and burnt Ruwandiz ... and the Jews and Muslims went into the mountains'. (B:17-18)

(25)

babit bräta dtwa tama tä-lyelu. 1 HJazH 1 babit brona 1 J:taqewa. 1 'The father of the girl knew why they had come. Then the father of the boy would speak'. (B:80-81)

(26)

hlwla ta-yälake b-maflaqa zora, xanCi xanCi. 1 yälake 1 dmlxle. 1 'She gave it to the boy in a small spoon, little by little. The boy went to sleep'. (L:83-84)

337

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A new referent that is to play an important role in the following discourse may be introduced in subject position before the verb in a separate intonation group.: (27)

xa bela 1?ilyelu l-Bätas. 1 'A family came to Batas'. (B:140)

Generic or distributive subject phrases, introduced by ?ot, kud and the like, are often uttered in separate intonation groups: (28)

kud bela, 1 xa ?arba xamSa miSpaf.ze kmewa geb-noSeu. 1 'Every

hausehold hosted a group of four or five families'. (B:66) (29)

geban ?ot hawewäle ?alpa lire, 1 ?alpa dinäre, 1 dawlamand ruwwawele.1 'In our place, whoever had a thousand liras, a thousand dinars,

was a very rich person'. (L:342) The breaking up of a clause into two intonation groups in this way is sometimes used by the speaker when uttering it in slow, deliberate speech, with the intention of signaHing it to be of particular importance, e.g. (30)

fAbdulilah 1 ?ilyele res-radyo. 1'Abdulilah came on the radio'. (B:41)

17.5.2.2. Subject after the verb On a nurober of occasions, a nominal subject is placed after the verb, though this is far less frequently attested than the canonical subject-initial construction. The nuclear stress of the intonation group often falls on a post-verbal subject if it occurs at the end of the intonation group, since the basic, unmarked position of the nucleus is on the final item. Since it is the unmarked position of the nucleus, it does not necessarily put narrow focus on the subject constituent alone but may express broad focus of the clause as a whole: (1)

xa-yoml Sabbat 1 ?i/yele xa mSilmäna, 1 geb-bron ?amti. 1 'One day a Muslim came to my cousin'. (B:125)

(2)

gezlwa gure, 1 gezlwa #ola. 1 'The men went off, they went to the

synagogue'. (B:62-63) (3)

/ä-mxele 1-rankeu käbra. 1 'The man had hit his trousers'. (B:52)

The nucleus may be retracted to the verb or some other constituent. In most cases where this takes place, the subject nominal is out of focus, on account of the fact that it is a topic referent that has been introduced in the previous discourse and conveys old information: (4)

HaviztH xa-HminhagH ?itwf:ilan, 1 pes ya-Hminhag.H 1 'But

we had a

custom. This custom continues'. (B:68) On some occasions the subject is uttered in a separate intonation group. In many cases where this occurs the subject does not immediately follow the verb, but is separated from it by the direct object or some other complement: (5)

Ia-zille hawa be/a 1 miSilmäna. 1 pisle /-Bätas. 1 'The Muslim did not

go back home. He stayed in Batas'. (B:129-130)

338

SECTION SEVENTEEN

(6)

b-qam yiine joge 1 bl-qe{a 1 zareniwa rizza, 1 msi/miine. 1 'On the banks of these streams in the summer, the Muslims used to plant rice'. (B:65)

(7)

b-radyo mi~rixle 1 fAbdulJilah Wa~l. 1 'On the radio 'Abulilah Wa~i made an announcement'. (B:40)

In most cases it can be shown that the use of verb-sub ject order instead of the unmarked, canonical order subject-verb is not arbitrary but performs a discourse strategy. Two main functions can be identified. (i) Semantic binding In many cases the subject in a verb-subject construction has a close referential link to the preceding context. It is often a nominal with a referent that has been mentioned in the last few clauses and so is assumed to be in the consciousness of the hearer. In a few cases the subject referent has not been explicitly mentioned, yet its presence in the world of the preceding discourse is assumed by the speaker tobe inferable from the context. Whatever the case may be, the subject is a topic referent that has a referential link to what precedes. Verb-sub ject constructions, however, are closely linked to the preceding discourse not only through topic continuity but also by a close connection on some other dimension. The extreme case of this semantic binding is where the second clause repeats the content of the first and differs from it only by supplying a reidentification of the subject. There is, therefore, complete semantic overlap: (8) bqatta fttle, 1 ... bqatta ftt/e Jiyya kiibra, 1 HtikHake minSy(i/e. 1 Htlkad avodaH minSyale Jiyya. 1 'In the morning he left ... This man left. He forgot the bag. He forgot the work-bag'. (S:55-56) (9) Jo-la yJilte 1 pare 1 hlwle baql 1, yan mindixane 1 lii-masdlr baqeu tabe!eu,1 Ia yJ{/le babl. 1 'He did not know that he had given me money or that he was sending him things to his house. My father did not know'. (L:115) (10)

la-mxele l-rankeu, 1 lii-mxele l-rankeu kiibra. 1 'He had hit his trousers, the man had hit his trousers'. (B:52)

Sometimes the verb-subject construction overlaps with what precedes by recapitulating a series of preceding clauses by a general Statement: (11)

mSilmiina p/lt[e tara b-jtgir. 1 z{/[e tayxiina, 1 tay Ste/e. 1 xa zati/a 1 tilble, 1 hlwlu biiqeu xa zatila. 1 tay Stele, 1 piire hiwlle, 1 Ia-zille hawa bela mi!ilmäna. 'The Muslim went outside in anger. He went to a tea-shop and drank tea. He ordered some bread. They gave him bread. He drank the tea and paid. The Muslim did not go back home'. (B:129-130) 1

1

339

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A verb-sub ject construction may be used where there is a close spatio-temporal connection between the clause and what precedeso In (12) and (13) the construction expresses an action that is presented as a component of the same general activity as is expressed by the preceding clauses: (12)

HJava[H ?itwa xa-?iidat xet. min-yomit ?awwal Pesal}, 1 bar ?ixiila, 1kul/u paltiwa d-dastao 1 gezlwa gure, geziwa #ola, 1 #ola ~aleniwa, 1 pal(iwa hawa tara, 1 HJod pa?amH geziwa hawa ?ildasta,1 xel ?iliineo 1 1

1

000

'But there was another customo On the first day of Passover, after the meal, everyone went out into the fieldso The men went off to the synagogue and prayedo Then they came back outside and went out into the fields again, under the trees'o (B:60-63) 000

(13)

majmaf 1 mal}adiranwa, 1 kul/a mindixäne ?ot-HIJ.aroset, 1 zrowwaf, 1 maHotH ?ot-Hfel-a-seder,H 1 kulla matuxwa gawit majmaf, 1 ?ill}alleq,1 ?if-Hzrowwaf,H 1 kulla matuxwa, 1 miit-gbewa, 1 kliwele btorao1 yatuwwa babi, miit qarewa 1 kmlr: ?iyya mtu! 1 ?iyya mtu! 1 m{lt kmirwäli 1 matwanwao 1 'I would prepare a trayo We put on the tray all the things belonging to the Seder night, including the }Jaroset (sweet paste), zrowa' (shank-bone) and unleavened breado The }Jaleq (sweet paste) and zrowa' (shank-bone) - we put everything (on the tray), whatever was required and written in the Toraho My father would sit, whatever he read he would say "Lay this (on the tray)! Lay that!"o I laid whatever he told me to'o (Y:45-46) 1

The construction is used where there is continuity on some other dimension of the discourseo In (14) and (15) the verb-subject clause continues an introductory segment of discourse that precedes a main foreground section: (14) xa-HminhagH ?itwa/an, 1 peS ya-HminhagH 1 minhagake may/e? 1 000

(15)

'We had a custom- This custom is continued (today)o - What is the custom?'o (B:68) xa rab ?itwälan, 1 maflim ?Isl}aq kimrlwäleo zlllu hula?e gebeu, mlru biiqeu: 1 'We had a Rabbi, called Rabbi IsQ.aqo The Jews went to him and said to him oo.' (Y:210) 1

1

There may be a strong causal connection between the verb-sub ject clause and the preceding clauseo In (16) the verb-subject clause reports the consequence of the situation described in the previous clauseo Example (17) is an apodosis of a conditional construction: (16)

?o-waxt, zdu/a ?ltwa rabao 1 geziwa näSe ta-ere~ yisrale/ bi-qatax, 1 masdirlxwiiluo 'At that time there was much fearo People (on account of this) used to go to the Land of Israel by smuggling'o (L:275) 1

340 (17)

SECTION SEVENTEEN

lagar ... La loliwa atxa, 1 qaf[lwa anne biSilmäne. 1 'If they had not done that, those Muslims would have killed them'. (L:555)

(ii) Salience of subject referent The verb-subject construction is also used when the subject nominal does not have a topic referent. Rather it is being introduced into the discourse for the first time and is not referentially linked to what precedes. The function of the construction in such cases is to make it salient and draw an enhanced degree of attention to the subject referent, which is being newly presented to the hearer. In most cases, subject referents presented in this way play a central role in the immediately succeeding discourse:

(18)

xa-yoml Sabbizt 1 lilyele xa mSilmäna, 1 geb-bron lamtl. 1 'One Sabbath, a Muslim came to my cousin'. (B:125)

(19)

keniwa gebeu raba näSe. 1 'Many people used to come to him'. (L:142)

Such newly introduced referents are sometimes given additional salience by qualifying the nominal with a demonstrative particle (cf. §14.5.3): (20)

hulale, 1 liyya }Jastu wela. 1 keniwa lanne bSilmäne, 1 min-dur keniwa. 1 'These Muslims used to come. They used to come from afar'. (L:20)

(21)

jarubar, 1 keniwa gebeu lanne lagawäte. 1 'Sometimes these aghas used to come to him'. (L:llO)

In such clauses the subject referent is the centre of attention. The clause as a whole may be said to be 'referent-centred' rather than 'event-centred'. This feature of the verb-subject construction with non-topical subjects no doubt explains why a negative subject consisting of the particle ti is never placed after the verb. Such subjects have no referent but rather deny the existence of a referent: (22)

d la-lyele-lleu. 'Nothing happened to him'. (B:158)

(23)

mato lamret ... i:i-la la-gdlräle. 1 'It seemed as if nothing had happened to him'. (L:93)

(24)

kelellu ci mindlx Ia la-gdlre. 1 'As if nothing had happened'. (L:508)

(25)

be päre 1 cl mindlx Ia gadlrwa. 1 'Nothing happened without money'. (L:482)

(26)

ti-bäte la-plslu gaw. 1 'No houses remained in it'. (B:17)

(27)

ti-hulale la-plsi gaw. 1 'No Jews remained in it'. (B:45)

1

It is important to note that a markedness relation exists between the sub jectverb order and the verb-subject order. The subject-verb order is the unmarked construction and the verb-subject one is marked. This is reflected by the fact the sub ject-verb construction does not stand in functional Opposition to the verb-

341

THECLAUSE

subject order. In other words, the subject-verb order is not restricted to contexts where verb-sub ject would not be appropriate. Rather, sub ject-verb is neutral with regard to the aforementioned two types of function expressed by the verbsub ject contruction. It is for this reason that the sub ject-verb construction is often found in types of contexts in which, according to the foregoing discussion, the verb-subject order occurs. This is illustrated by an example such as (28). In the first clause a new referent is being presented into the discourse. In the second clause the subject is a topic referent and the action of the clause has a close spatio-temporal continuity with the preceding clause: (28)

xa-golka wlra lola, liyya käbra qlmle, tara gllqle-lleu. 'A heifer came inside and the man got up and closed the door'. (S:5) 1

1

1

This unmarked status of the subject-verb order appears not to extend to cases where the subject is detached from the rest of the clause in a separate intonation group. These appear in general to be restricted to the expression of topic change or of a discontinuity on some other dimension and are equivalent in function to extrapostion (see §17.6). 17.5.3. Agreement between verb and subject Normally the verb agrees in person, number and gender with a subject nominal. Deviation from this general rule is found in the following contexts: (i) In a few cases where a subject is placed after the verb, the verb remains

inflected as 3ms. irrespective of the number and gender of the subject nominal. The nominal is usually indefinite: (1)

HJaz-b-gil ,mfzr,H 1 peS gaw-moxit naSe xabre. 1 'At a young age, stories remain in the mind of people'. (Y:228)

(2)

piS!e gebl xamsl dinäre. 1 'Fifty dinars remained with me'. (L:180)

(3)

Ia-ke m-bä!l 1 lanne mälawe. 1 'I do not remernher those places'. (L:480)

(ii) In possessive constructions expressed by the verb hwy, the verb remains in

the 3ms. form even when the item possessed is plural: (4)

?axca yäJe kawelox. 1 'You will have such-and-such a number of children'. (L:144)

An analogaus construction with the verb gdr is y(i/e gdlräle 1 'Children were born to him'. (L:37), where the subject is plural but the verb has the impersonal feminine singular inflection (§14.3). (iii) Where the subject is a nominal referring to a period of time that contains a

numeral and plural noun, the verb is in the 3ms. form: (5)

?isti.z yarxe, 1 ylmkin tmanyi.z yarxe-s bi-zoda zllle-bbaw. 1 'Six months, perhaps eight, more months went by'. (Y:116)

342

SECTION SEVENTEEN

17.5.4. Direct object nominals 17.5.4.1. Object before the verb A nominal that serves as the direct object in a verbal clause is generally placed before the verb.3 The nuclear stress often falls in its unmarked position at the end of the intonation group. This is the case both when the object introduces a new referent to the discourse 0-7) and also when its referent has been previously given (8-12): (1)

~aywan dabi~wlilu-(ha)wa. 1 'He slaughtered an animal for them'.

(B:33) (2) (3) (4) (5)

#ola $aleniwa. 1 'They prayed'. Literally: 'They prayed a praying' (B:63) srata mllqle. 1 'He lit a light'. (S:30) xa skita zwlnne. 1'He bought a knife'. (S:32) nase $rlxle. 1 'He called some people'. (S:50)

(9)

?iyya-la?a w-?6-la?a xa-parcit llxma kxllwa. 1'On this side and that, he ate a slice of bread'. (S:2) tre naSe f azom, I ••• ?ara Xaprila. 1 'Call tWO pe0ple tO dig the ground'. (S:35) Hb-sofHI Bablit 1 willale taSqa/a 1 reS Sanga. 1 mlre: Sangele lamindele-l/an.1 Sanga l)plslu-lleu. 1 'In the end Bablu made an accusation against Sanga. He said "It is Sanga who fired at us". They put Sanga into jail'. (B:53) Ruwandiz miqllile. 1'He burnt Ruwandiz'. (B:17)

(10)

?iyya golka dwiqlile. 1 'He seized this heifer'. (S:5)

(11)

tarake twlre-/leu. 1 'He broke the door'. (S:ll) ?ati babid iyya gora ta-qtlllox. 1 'You have killed the father of this man'. (S:46)

(6) (7) (8)

(12)

The nuclear stress, however, is often placed on the object. In a few such cases the object is in narrow focus, i.e. the remainder of the predicate is old, presuppositional information and the object is the information focus. Some examples of this have objects in contrastive, inclusive or exclusive focus. (13)

?iyya ta-gben minnox. 1 'This is what I want from you'. (L:121)

3 This contrasts with the Christian NENA dialects (Maclean 1895: 192; Krotkoff 1982: 53; Murre-van den Berg 1995: 273-275) and also the Jewish dialects of north-western Iraqi Kurdistan, where the basic position of the object is after the verb. In the Jewish Urmia dialect, on the other band, the object is generally placed before the verb. Garbell (1965b: 172) attributes this syntactic feature to the influence of Kurdish or Turkish. As has been shown (Introduction III), Jewish Arbel is closely related to Jewish Urmia.

THECLAUSE

(14) (15)

343

mlre: ma kimret, 1 Mose? 1 mlre: ?ana d La kimren. 1 'He said: "What do you say Moshe?" He said: "I say nothing"'. (B:156) ?ana miSpa(lla-gbznne. 1 ma [a-gbet min-Hpofe[H? 1 'I want my judgment. What do you want from a worker?' (S:42)

(16)

dukanan-iS m~adara willalu. 1 'They impounded also our shop'. (B:57)

(17)

?attane gezex hula?e-s qatlex. 1 'Now we shall go and kill also the Jews'. (Y:223)

(18)

bas tre-be?e sliqe hawlle. 1 'Give him only two cooked eggs'. (S:121)

(19)

bas-?lyya wllle. 1 'He did only this'. (L:llO)

Indefinite objects in negative clauses may also bear the nuclear stress. The presuppositional background of these are similar to contrastive clauses, in that the speaker forcefully asserts the correct item to serve as object in the predicate to forestaU any misapprehension on the part of the hearer: (20)

xa ?ana la-paltet. 1 'Your will nottakeout one penny!' (S:48)

(21)

xa-naS la-Swzqlu gaw. 1 'They left nobody in it'. (Y:l80)

In the majority of cases where the nuclear stress is placed on the object, however, both the object and verb are new information and there is no narrow focus specifically on the object: (22)

dukana pllxli.' 'I opened a shop'. (B:55)

(23)

?aggada qareniwa. 1 'They read the Haggada'. (B:59)

(24)

tarke zonlwa. 1 'They bought sticks'. (B:124)

(25)

listl dinare la-hzwli ta-babaw. 1 'I gave sixty dinars to her father'. (B:83)

(26)

~iwe mandeniwa gaw, 1 nura malqlwa. 1 'They put wood in it and

kindled fire'. (Y:36) (27)

cay golanwa, 1 ?ixala golanwa. 1 'I made tea, I made food'. (Y:39)

(28)

nuta mazblnwa. 1 'He was selling oil'. (L:533)

The retraction of the nucleus to the object in such clauses does not remove focus from the rest of the predicate but rather enhances the focus. In most cases the main purpose of the retraction of the nucleus to the object appears tobe to give enhanced assertion to the clause as a whole rather than the object alone. This is particularly clear in examples such as (29), in which the clause is a pivotal statement in the passage from which it is taken: (29)

?zdlellu-hula?e lä-qatlilu/ 1 'Tonight they will kill the Jews!' (Y:167)

In narratives, which describe a series of successive events, this kind of enhanced focus tends to be restricted to clauses describing an event that stands out from the others. In expository passages, however, the retraction of the nucleus to the

344

SECTION SEVENTEEN

object nominal is common in a series of clauses that describe various separate activities that are not presented as being successive. The enhanced focus strategy here conveys a sense of independence to each activity: (30)

?ixala gotlwälu, 1 kmeniwälu, 1 yatwlwa, 1 faraq Sateniwa, 1 mez tar#wälu. 1 'They used to make them food and bring it to them. They would sit down. They would drink araq. They would lay the table for them'. (Y:76)

The nucleus is sometimes retracted to the object also when it is a given, recoverable referent that is not in contrastive or inclusive focus. This is often a form of exclamation to express something unexpected or insist upon something to forestaU any misapprehension: (31)

?iu lä-illplox qur?an! 1 qur?an lä-qaret! 1 'You have learnt the Qur'an. You read the Qur'an' (which is not compatible with your use of filthy language) (B:llO)

(32)

?!dyo miSpätox gotlnne. 1 'Today I shall make your judgment'. (S:39)

As with retraction of the nucleus on newly presented objects, the retraction to given objects often appears to be a device to increase the focus on the clause as a whole. In (33) the speaker shows, in an exclamatory way, that the situations expressed by the two clauses are unexpected. The reading of the Ietter in (34) is an important event in the narrative: (33)

mato ?6 golka axilla 1 w-ati J:zaqql hotte? 1 'How is it that he should eat the heifer and you give me my due?' (S:22)

(34)

hayya, 1 hayya, 1 sräta mllqle, 1 kaxta qiryale hawa. 1 'Quickly he kindled a light and read the Ietter'. (S:30)

Compound verbs that contain a nominal object are a special case. It is the norm for the nuclear stress to occur on the nominal object component, which expresses the main semantic content, rather than on the verbal component (usually ?wl): (35)

xlula gotlwa. 1 'They danced'. (B:62)

(36)

kef gollwa. 1 'They had fun'. (B:66)

(37)

xuba gotlwa. 1 'They practiced dyeing'. (B:6) julle soflwälu. 1

(38)

b-waxtit ?Ingliz ?u-Turkiya qrawa gotlwa. 1 'When the English and the Turks made war'. (B:16)

An object nominal before a verb is sometimes presented detached in a separate intonation group. This is particularly common with generic relative phrases: (39)

mat ke m-bä/{ 1 ?ana J:zaqen bäqox. 1 'I shall teil you whatever I remember'. (L:4 78)

THECLAUSE

(40)

345

hemat }J,aqewa ga/leu 1 maxewiile. 1 'He hit whomsoever spoke to him'. (L:516)

It is also found elsewhere. In most cases the detached object represents a new topic at the beginning of a speech, or a change of topic within the discourse. In this respect the construction is equivalent in function to extrapostion (see S17.6): (41)

mlru biiqeu: 1 ••• xa baxta 1 jinwalu. 1 'The said to him "They have stolen a woman"'. (L:498)

(42)

?il-simit bäbl 1 mele Ruwandiz. 1 'He brought the grandfather of my father to Ruwandiz'. (B:15)

(43)

?il-maflfmit mamlakat 1 xaswlwäle 1 mangim Sex. 1 'They considered the Rabbi of the town tobe like a sheikh'. (B:13)

Breaking up the clause into more than one intonation group can be used to give the content of the clause as a whole greater prominence: (44)

lele 1 l-iyya kiibra 1 dbl}J,le hawa. 1 'At night he slaughtered this man'. (S:33)

(45)

?äna 1 dinl 1 la-maxilplnne. 1 'I will not change my religion'. (B:148)

Appositional modifiers of the object are sometimes place after the verb in a separate intonation group: (46)

baxta {tam mele, 1 da?l. 1 'He married a woman there, my mother'. (B:23)

(47)

piire meli, xamsl diniire. 'I took out money, fifty dinars'. (L:154) 1

1

Adjectival phrases may also be placed after the verb. Note that in (49) an intonation group boundary does not come immediately after the verb: (48)

kud dimfe 1 lii-makuS ruwwe 1 ?atxa mg/i kaSke. 1 'whilst he sheds tears as big as kaSke [cakes made from dried curds and burghul]'. (S:lOl)

17.5.4.2. Object-subject-verb order In the vast majority of cases the subject of a verbal clause is placed before the object. In a few cases this order is inverted when the subject is an independent pronoun: (1)

samäwar ?äna-matwanwa. 1 'I used to put out a samovar'. (Y:39).

(2)

}J,atta ?o qemwa, 1 ?isra kiloN ?ana golanwa, 1 batane. 1 'Before he (the child) got up, I made ten kilos, by myself'. (Y:98)

(3)

mato jaza d-niiSe ?iitl hotte. 1 'How can you pay the fines of people?' (S:22)

(4)

tikma hula?e ?äna mixli~lli/ 1 'How many Jews did I save!'. (L:330)

346

SECTION SEVENTEEN

17.5.4.3. Object after the verb The normal unmarked position of the direct object nominal is before the verb, yet on some occasions it is placed after the verb. The frequency with which verb-object clauses occur differs slightly from one informant to another. It is not used, however, in complete free variation with ob ject-verb clauses. Two main functions can be identified for the verb-object construction. (i) Semantic binding

As with the placement of the subject nominal after the verb, the verb-object construction may be used when the object nominal has a referent that has been mentioned in the preceding discourse. lt is, therefore, a topic referent that is assumed to be in the consciousness of the hearer and the verb-ob ject construction expresses topic continuity. In most cases, however, it can be shown that the construction expresses a close semantic connection to what precedes also on some other dimension of the discourse. In some cases an ob ject-verb construction does little more than repeat the content of a preceding clause that has the object before the verb {1-6). The semantic binding expressed by the verb-object construction, therefore, consists of an almost complete semantic overlap. This type of overlap is used by the speaker in two Situations: (a) To underscore an important clause: (1)

mlru baqim: 1 ?idlellü-hula?e la-qattltu. 1 ••• miru ?idte/ 1 keni qatlilu l-hula?e. 1 'They said to us "Tonight they will kill the Jews" .... They said "Tonight they will come and kill the Jews'. (Y:167-170)

(b) To recapitulate a previous Statement at the beginning of a new section of discourse as a device to bind sections of discourse together: (2)

dukäna pllxW ... sqllli dukäna. 1 'I opened a shop .... I took a shop'. (L:l54-157)

(3)

piire meli, 1 xamSi dinäre. 1 •••• HJizzH meli xamsi dinare. 1 'I took out money, fifty dinars, ... So, I took out fifty dinars'. (L:154-156)

(c) As a device to supplement a previous Statement, the content of the first clause being repeated tagether with supplementary information: (4)

farizq Sateniwa, 1 ••• kawuxwiilu faraq 1 ?u-Sateniwa. 1 'They drank araq ... we gave them araq and they drank'. (L:170)

(5)

zlllu mlru ta-bSilmane 1: slmun! 1 leka la-gezhun? 1 lä-baqrtl-inniz bsilmane, 1 qafla rubta rubta. 1 'They came and said to the Muslims. "Go away! Where are you going?" They ask the Muslims, who are a very big group'. (Y:172)

(6)

mlru biiqeu: 1 ••• xiz baxta 1 jinwlilu. 1 malla ?itwa !tizm 1 ga-?o mäla, 1 •••

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?iyyi.zl ?ilyeLe 1 siqLaLe ?iyya baxta. 1 'They said to him "A woman has been abducted." There was a mullah there, in that town ... he came and took this woman away'. (L:498-499) A variant of this semantic overlap is represented by examples such as (7), where

the nexus of verb and object is repeated but other elements in the clauses are put in contrastive opposition: Laxxane, slml}at tora goll b-Hsaminl fa~eret.H 1 ?i{tam, gotlwa (7) slml}at tora bi-yomit ?itfa. 1 'Here we celebrate Simhat Torah on Shemini Aseret. There they celebrated Simhat T orah on the ninth day'. (B:72) 1

1

On many occasions there is no such semantic overlap, but rather the clause expresses an advance in the discourse. The verb-ob ject construction is, nevertheless, used with the function of expressing a close semantic connection with what precedes. When this construction occurs in narrative, the semantic connection with the previous discourse is not only one of topic continuity but also spatio-temporal association between the events. In examples such as (8-10) the actions expressed by the two clauses are presented as closely associated, as if they were two aspects of the same basic event. Similarly in (11) the man's beating on the door is presented as following immediately upon his seeing the flies hovering araund it. ?ilyeLu b-LeLe, 1 niblllu L-biibl. 1 'They came in the night and took my (8) father'. (L:64) (9)

?iyya qlmLe, 1 ma wllle. 1 ~rlxLe L-kabra. 1 'He got up. What did he do? He called the man'. (S:112)

(10)

xa zatila 1 tllbLe, 1 hiwlu baqeu xa zatila. 1 'He requested a pitta bread and they gave him a pitta bread'. (B:129)

(11)

dldwe lii-qardi qam tara. 1 ?iyya waxtit-zllle, I La-gaze ma? 1 Hbemh naxonH-iJe. 1 mxeLe l-tara. 1 'Flies were hovering araund the door.... When he went, what does he see? It is really true. He beat on the door'. (S:11) 000

There may be a close causal relationship between a verb-object clause and what precedes. In (12) the Jending of money by a bank, which is expressed in the verb-ob ject clause, is strictly conditioned by the deposit of some security. In (13) the verb-ob ject construction introduces a chain of clauses that recount the consequence of the fact that Sim'onok had trousers on. (12) pare meli,l xamsl dinare. 1 geban La kawlwa be mindlx 1 ••• geban dehwa matwlwa, rahin matwlwa, geb bank dwa?e kawulwa pare. 1 'I took out money (from the bank), fifty dinars. In our place they did not give (money) without anything (given on deposit) ... people would deposit gold, or deposit a pledge in the bank, and then it would give money'. (L:154-155) 1

1

1

348 (13)

SECTION SEVENTEEN Simfonok-iS 1 ranke-?itwa qämeu. 1 liJ-mxele l-rankeu, lä-mxele 1rankeu käbra, 1 mr-liuxa lä-wlre, 1 laxxa lä-plitle. 1 lä-d /a-lyelelleu.1 'Sim'onok had trousers on. He had hit his trousers, the man had hit his trousers. It (the bullet) had entered here and come out here. Nothing at all had happened to him'. (B:52) 1

Ia

A clause expressing the purpose of the action of the preceding clause often has the verb-object construction when the object is a topic referent that has been given in the immediately preceding context: (14)

kullu lä-lyelu, 1 ?a!eni gaw kolanit hula?e 1 qatli hula?e. 1 'They have all come to enter the street of the Jews in order to kill the Jews'. (Y:172)

(15)

lä-/y(du ba-hamuna 1, qatli lu-hu/a?e. 1 'They have come in a mob in order to kill the Jews'. (Y:221) naku HsedimeH ?enl 1 maxenll-yä/ake. 1 'Lest demans come in order to strike the child'. (B:132)

(16)

The clause with the verb-object construction may elaborate on a general introductory Statement: (17)

brlt-mllit ?awwa/ ?iyya broniwe/e, 1 ?ana m-ba/i-ke. 1 xa ?Ztwa H[amiSpal_za, ?lmma Se[H-?fsl_zaq Mamuqa, 1 kimrlwä/a Le?a. 1 ?ilyela

xlpla-lleu bronl.

1

'The first circumcision was this son of mine. I remernher it. There was a woman in the family, the mother of Is)J.aq Mamuqa, called Leah. She came and washed my son'. (Y:82-83) Sometimes an object with a topic referent is detached from its verb in a separate intonation group: (18)

/ä-s?e/xun? 1 ?äna qatlinne 1 ?il-malla didxun? 1 'Have you gone mad? Would I kill your mullah?' (L:518)

(ii) Salience of object reference The second function of the verb-object construction is to give the object referent a high degree of salience. This use of the construction can be divided into various categories. (a) Sometimes an object is placed after the verb when its referent is being newly introduced into the discourse. In such cases, the construction may be said to have a presentative function, whereby an enhanced degree of attention is drawn to the object. It sometimes occurs at the beginning of a section of narrative or other discourse unit to present a new referent on the scene that plays a role in the succeeding discourse (19-22). In some cases the referent is presented without being referred to later (23-25).

349

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(19)

(20)

?ana-S gzeli MoSela, 1 mlri baqeu: MoSe! 1 ?ila-ezex xanti Cerex. 1 'I saw Moshela. I said to him: "Moshe! Lets go and walk about a little'. (B:46) ~irxali da?eu, 1 mlri baqaw: 1 'I called his mother and said to her ..'

(L:359) (21)

b-so?a tre t!!lha gare masdlrwa nase, ?arba xamsa nase, cerlwa ga-maf.talllt hula?e. 1 'Two or three times a week he would send men, four or five men, who patrolled the Jews' quarter'. (L:128)

(22)

mela xanti xalwa d-noSaw. 'She brought in a little of her own milk'. (L:79)

(23)

dwa?e, 1 qemiwa bar t!flha ?arba yarxe 1 saneniwala, 1 goliwala J:tafla. 1 'Then, after three or four months, they carried out the marriage and held a party for her'. (B:84)

(24)

ti-jar Ia la-gzeli minnu xriwula. 'I never saw any wickedness on their part'. (B:13)

(25)

?itiwlan, 1 melu tay, 1 melu mafe. 1 'They sat down. They brought tea. They brought water'. (L:70)

1

1

1

1

1

The object referent in a presentative verb-object construction may on some occasions have been referred to earlier in the discourse. In (27), where this is found, it is possible that the speaker is presenting the referent as if it were new, to convey the sense of novelty in meeting the man that was experienced by the participants in the event: (27) bü-?urxa 1 ?iyya ?ot mewanew-weli lfatan ... kimrlwale, 1 Simmeu lfatan-wele, 1 gzele-1/ew il-xalonid babl. 1 'On the way, the one whose guest I was,- he was called Hatan, hisnamewas Hatan- saw the uncle of my father'. (L:546) (b) When a clause has two contrasted elements, one of them being the object, the object is often placed after the verb. In the clauses of (28), for instance, the subjects and objects are both contrasted. The subject is the contrastive topic of the clause and the object is the contrastive focus. The topic announces what the following predication is about. The speaker expresses the contrastiveness of both the topic and the focus by prominent nuclear stress. In the second clause the subject is clearly divided from the predicate by an intonation group break. In the first clause two intonation groups have been combined tagether by sandhi with the result that two nuclear stresses occur in one intonation group. The identity of the subject and object are asserted contrastively in this way since the number of alternative referents that could take their place is limited, in this case the speaker has in mind a limited number of young people whose marriages are to be arranged.4 4 Forthisanalysis of contrastiveness see Lambrecht (1994: 291-295).

350 (28)

SECTION SEVENTEEN

Rlbqa saqla l-ls~äq, 1 Ra~e/ 1 saqla l-Yafqov. 1 'Rebecca will marry Isaac. Rache! will marry Jacob'. (L:96)

(c) The object is placed after the verb also in a few residual cases that do not fall into the previous two categories of presentative or contrastive salience. In most of these remaining examples the motivation for the ward order inversion appears again to be the desire to place the referent of the object at the centre of attention. This 'referent-centred' nature of the construction may explain, for instance, why there is a clear tendency to use a verb-ob ject construction in clauses in which the verb is a 1st pers. or 2nd pers. form of the verb 'to want' or the imperative of 'to give' and 'to bring'. In such clauses it is natural to assume that the centre of the speaker's concern is the object that is desired: (29)

gbat xa-tay? 1 'Do you want a tea?'. (L:230)

(30)

lä-gben xa-~qilta xet zurta ta-yiilid zora. 1 'I want another small rign for a small child'. (L:214)

(31)

gbet ma~~lÜ 1 pilglt dinlir, 1 xa dinlir, 1 ?o 1 gbet ~aqqid didox 1 tikmele? 1 'Do you want a profit of half a dinar, one dinar, or do you want your due, whatever it is?'. (L:207)

(32)

halle dehwa (L:160)

(33)

hOl/an pärake. 1 'Give us the money'. (L:207)

(34)

mirnun xa Sawästr. 1 'Bring a basket'. (B:155)

(35)

qu, 1 qu, 1 hayya 1 ml, 1 ml taypast 1 xä/a. 1 'Get up, quickly, bring a new teapot'. (Y:60)

(36)

mlle yä/ake- 1 'Bring the boy'. (L:76)

ba-~asta

?o/. 1 'Give him gold and Iet him work'.

The 'referent-centredness' of the verb-object construction also explains why negative objects containing the particle ti or the absolute form naS are always placed before the verb. Such objects have no referent, but rather deny the existence of a referent: (37)

ti-la Sme/u. 1 'They heard nothing'. (L:509)

(38)

ti-la gben. 'I want nothing'. (L:lOl)

(39)

ti-lii /a-wtlli. 1 ti-lii /a-~qefi.i 'I have done nothing. I have said nothing'. (L:436)

(40)

bäbl ti-~asta /a-go/, 1 ti-su/a /a-go/. 1 'May father does no work, he practices no profession'. (L:107)

1

THECLAUSE

(41)

d mindix La

351

la-m~elu pal{i gallu. 1 'They could not bring out

anything with them'. (L:487) (42)

Ci-hula?e La la-gazex. 1 'We see no Jews'. (B:47)

(43)

xa-naS la-swlqlu gaw. 1 They left nobody in it'. (Y:180)

(44)

?inna la-ma~eni nas qa(Ll. 1 'They cannot kill anybody'. (Y:194)

It should be noted that the object-verb construction is unmarked with regard to the functions of the verb-ob ject construction that are discussed above. It is unspecified as to these functions and is often found in contexts that would be appropriate for the verb-object construction. As to the position of the nuclear stress in verb-object constructions, when the object nominal conveys new information it normally carries the nuclear stress. The nucleus often falls also on an object conveying old information, if it occurs at the end of the intonation group, which is the unmarked position for the nucleus. On many occasions, however, the nucleus is retracted back from an object conveying old information, e.g. (6), (9), (12), (14), (17).

17.5.4.4. Double objects Unlike regular direct objects, the second object of a verb that takes two objects (see §15.12) is generally placed after the verb: (1)

gollwiile qalya. 1 'They used to make it (the slaughtered sheep) into qalya'. (B:120)

(2)

wllle-lleu J.zaxam. 1 'He made him in to a sage'. (B:15)

(3)

?iyya gollwäle qamxa. 1 'We made this into flour'. (Y:134)

(4)

kulla golwäle kalbe kalbe. 1 'My father would sit and make it all into sticks'. (Y:56)

(5)

dukänake zimtali dehwa. 1 'I filled the shop with gold'. (L:185)

(6)

zmitle-lleu mindixäne. 1 'He filled it with things'. (L:114)

When it is placed before the verb, it is given an enhanced focus and the nuclear stress is generally retracted. In (7) the focus is contrastive, in (8) the speaker gives the nominal swax particular focus, since he assumes it is unfamiliar to the hearer: (7)

?il-laxxäne, 1 ?atttme Hba-J.zabllotH lä-mazbini. 1 ?o-dukka kalla zabniwäle. 1 'Here, they now sell it (sugar) in packets. In that place they sold it as a block'. (Y:55)

(8)

swiix goliwiile. 1 They made it into a mud covering'. (L:23)

In 'naming' constructions, which normally consist of a 3pl. form of the verb ?mr 'to say' with a dative object expressing the person or object named, the noun complement expressing the name may come before or after the verb: flän kimrile or kimrile flan. As with double objects, the placement of the noun complement before the verb is used to give it a greater focus than it has after

352

SECTION SEVENTEEN

the verb. This is shown, on the one hand, by the fact that names that are in contrastive focus are placed before the verb (9-10) and, on the other, by the regular placement of the name after the verb when it has already been mentioned and so has reduced focus {11-14): (9)

tre hula?e zlllu, xiz ?Abraham kimrlle, la-plsle, xiz-s Mixa kimrlwaie, Mixaker, ?o-la-piS. 'Two Jews set off. One is called Abraham - he is alive -, the other was called Mixa, Mixaker - he is not alive'. (B:42) 1

1

1

1

1

1

(10)

tre ?axwale-?itwa, xiz Baklr-we/e, xiz fUmar kimrlwa!e. 'There were two brothers. One was Bakir and one was Umar'. (B:102).

(11)

?lsJ:diq Sisawa-s xiz nasiz quya-wele. kimriwale ?lsl}aq ?aga. 'ls}).aq Sisawa was a tough man.... He was called Is}).aq Agha'. (B:36)

(12)

bar so?oda gezhwa ?il-kiniSta. kimrlla knista. 'After the meal we went to the kniSta (synagogue). It was called the kniSta'. (B:7374)

(13)

sixra kimrlwa/e. laxxa-s lii-kimrlle sixriz. 'They used to call it charcoal. Here also they call it charcoal'. (Y:129)

(14)

xiz-yoma zllli ga-qaysarl ?ltwa geban Suqa kimrlwa/e qaysarl. 'One day I went to a qaysari (covered market) that we had in our place - a market, it was called a qaysari'. (L:262).

1

1

1

1

•••

1

1

1

1

1

1

1 -

1

1

17.5.5. Prepositional phrases 17.5.5.1. Prepositional phrase after the verb The normal, unmarked position of a prepositional phrase that is a complement of the verb is after the verb. The prepositional phrase may contain a pronoun or a full nominal. (i) Pronominal prepositional phrases

When the verb and preposition convey new information, a pronominal prepositional phrase that occurs at the end of an intonation group often bears the nuclear stress: (1)

?aniz /a-xa?en minnu. 1 'I live from them'. (L:394)

(2)

?ilha-manix-babi mlre baqeu 1 'My father, may God grant him peace, said to him ...'. (B:110)

(3)

Dizvid ilye/e galleu. 'David came with him'. (S:40)

(4)

yatwlwa gal/an. 'They sat with us'. (Y:81)

1

1

This is the unmarked position of the nucleus in an intonation group and is generally used to express a broad focus on the predicate as a whole and not necessarily on only the item that bears the stress. On many occasions the nuclear stress is retracted to the verb. Here there is

THECLAUSE

353

greater focus on the verb than on the prepositional phrase: (5)

keplwa-(ha)wa qlimeu. 1 'They bowed down before him'. (B:36)

(6)

?iyya IJ,az-wllle minnaw. 1 'He lusted for her'. (B:142)

(7)

{ax"inwä/e bäqan. 1 'He used to grind it for us'. (Y:92)

(8)

plirake mid?rrlle hawa baql. 1 'He returned the money to me'. (L:161)

(9)

blibi mtlwle-lli gebeu. 1 'My father placed me with him'. (L:151)

When the main focus is on some other element in the clause, the nucleus may be retracted still further. In (10), (11) and (12) the verb and prepositional phrase convey old, presupposed information: (10)

?lina-s gezinwa gal/u. 1 'I also used to go with them'. (B:108)

(11)

ma hawlnne? 1 balaS hawinne bliqeu? 1 'What should I given him? Should I give him it free of charge?' (L:160)

(12)

plire gbet minni? 1 'Do you want money from me?' (L:357)

Pronominal phrases with the prepositions ?il/- and ?ibb- are generally cliticized to the verb when not bearing the nuclear stress: (a) With the nuclear stress (13)

?i/ye/u ?il/t. 1 'They came to me'. (L:302)

(14)

firqiili l/eu. 1 'Iran to him'. (L:300)

(15)

?eneu qimla qipla bbi:zn. 1 'His eye feil on us'. (B:llO)

(16)

nura malqiwa bbeu. 1 'They kindled fire in it'. (B:123)

(b) Without the nuclear stress (17)

tl /a-/ye/e-//eu. 'Nothing happened Oiterally: came) to him'. (B:158)

(18)

s{lxtu-llaw. 1 'They lay down into it'. (B:49)

(19)

har-xlra-bbeu. 1 'She just looked at him'. (Y:159)

(20)

xa yarxa Ia zllle-bbaw. 1 'A month had not gone by'. (L:171)

1

(ii) Prepositional phrases with nominals

When the prepositional phrase contains a nominal, the nuclear stress is generally on the nominal. Occasionally it falls on the preposition preceding the nominal (27-29). This generallyexpresses broad focus of the predicate as a whole. (21)

darenilu gaw xa kista. 1 'They used to put them in a bag'. (B:114)

(22)

IJ,aqeniwa b-/isanan. 1 'They used to speak in our language'. (B:108)

(23)

mlre ta-ma{rlin. 1 'He said to the bishop'. (B:llO)

(24)

?i/ye/u bar babl. 1 'They came after my father'. (L:22)

354 (25) (26)

SECTION SEVENTEEN

qemiwa b-wäjibit dideu. 1They took care of his needs'. (L:570) rtiba la-far.jliwa bü-hula?e. 1 'They did not interfere with the Jews much'. (Y:8)

(28)

yatwlwa qam soba. 1 'They used to sit before the stove'. (B:124) dldwe lä-qardi qlim tara. 1 'Flies are swarming araund the door'. (S:8)

(29)

Soqanwäle res gäre. 1 'I used to leave him on the roof'. (Y:95)

(27)

When the nuclear stress is placed on the verb, the verb has a greater focus than the prepositional phrase: (30)

dibllile b-ara. 1'He threw him on the ground'. (S:5)

In a few cases the prepositional phrase is presented in a separate intonation group: (31)

dukäna pllxli 1gal Barpirok. 1'I opened a shop with Barpirok'. (B:55)

17.5.5.2. Prepositional phrase before the verb Prepositional phrases are frequently put before the verb when an enhanced focus is placed on them. In such cases the nuclear stress typically falls on the prepositional phrase rather than on the verb. In several examples the focalized item asserts contrastively one of a limited number of alternatives: (32) (33) (34) (35)

kullu-s b-lislinit kurdi l}aqeniwa. 1 b-liSlinit f arabl Ia haqeniwa tijar.1 'They allspoke Kurdish. They never spoke Arabic'. (B:10) gebl kawet. 1 'You will stay with me (not with him)'. (L:545) Jil-bela kweniwa. 1 'They werein the hause (not at work)'. (Y:4) res-hula?e lä-matwz. 1'They are firing (shells) at the Jews (not at the Muslims) (Y:189)

Sometimes there is no contrastive assertion, but rather the nominal in the fronted prepositional phrase is presented as one of limited Iist of alternatives: (36)

xanti jlire b-trumbel gezlnwa, I xanti jlire ba-faqle. 1 'Sometimes I went by car, sometimes on foot'. (B:37)

(37)

tre-näSe qlimeu fetiwa, 1 tre bäreu, 1 lo-S rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 1 'Two men went before him, two behind, and he was mounted on a horse'. (B:39)

(38)

bar päre Ia cerl, 1 bar f'!'!M Ia cerl. 1 'They do not seek money. They do not seek wealth'. (L:556)

The inversion also occurs when there is no explicit cantrast between a set of items. In such cases the enhanced focus is used to give strong assertion to the prepositional phrase:

355

THECLAUSE

(39)

lana-s b-päre lä-Siqla/i.l 'I also took her (in marriage) with money'. (B:82)

(40)

lirxel b-mafe tera. 'A mill is turned by water'. (B:l16)

(41)

bi-kre dwiqli.l 'I took (the shop) in lease'. (L:157)

(42)

ga-turäne xalewa. 1 'He used to live in the mountains'. (L:521)

(43)

gbe ... b-mlira 2olltte. 'He should make him into the owner'. (S:37)

(44)

min-d mindix La zadewa. 1 'They were afraid of nothing'. (L:553)

(45)

xa-käbra min-flrliq lä-lyele. 'A man came from Iraq'. (B:87)

(46)

1

1

1

b-tiznax yalpiwa. 'They used to learn (Hebrew) from the Bible'. 1

(Y:216) (47)

fimri bäqox hawe. 1 'May my life be for you'. (L:550)

Inversion also occurs with the nuclear stress being placed on the verb rather than the prepositional phrase. Here there is greater focus on the verb than on the prepositional complement. In terms of focus distribution, therefore, it corresponds to a construction such as (30), in which the prepositional phrase is placed after a verb that bears nuclear stress. In some cases the nominal in the prepositional phrase conveys given information, e.g. (48): (48)

lä-zadex. raba näSe mi-zdulu millu. 'We are afraid. Many people 1

1

died of their fear'. (Y:173) (49)

2o-lä-qimle, b-salmi kome titte, zille. 1

1

1

'He got up, left with a

black face, and went away'. (B:111) The marked order prepositional complement + verb is occasionally found also with a pronominal prepositional phrase. In (50) it appears to be used to bind the clause closely with the preceding clause, to express the fact that these were two overlapping and interrelated activities: (50)

lu-matwiwäle sitwa, 1 bsala bbeu basliwa. 1 'They put it out during the winter and cooked with it'. (B:121)

17.5.6. Nominal complements after verbs of movement A nominal without a preposition that complements a verb of movement to express the destination is generally placed after the verb. Syntactically, therefore, they behave like prepositional phrases and are, in fact, interchangeable with these (§14.18): (1)

zille tayxäna. 'He went to a tea house'. (B:129)

(2)

bar pilgit-yom dalriwa hawa bela. 'After midday, they returned

1

1

1

home'. (B:62) (3)

geziwa ~lola. 1 'They went to the synagogue'. (B:63)

(4)

gezinwa Mu~i/. 1 'I used to go to Mu~il'. (B:55)

356

SECTION SEVENTEEN

(5)

gezen Bagdad. 1 'I shall go to Baghdad'. (Y:154)

(6)

?islqLan qaLfa. 1 'We went up towards the citadel'. (L:68)

17.5.7. Negative clauses 17.5.7.1. Negator before verb Verbal clauses are negated by placing the particle La before the verb. The syntactic structure of negative clauses does not otherwise differ from positive clauses. The distribution of the nuclear stress in negative clauses, however, calls for some comment. In the majority of cases the negative particle either has ordinary non-nuclear stress or is unstressed: (1)

La m~eLu J:taqeni gaLteu. 1 'They could not speak with him'. (L:501)

(2)

?ana

(3)

taqrlban xa-Sata, 1 da?ake La-gzeLa-lleu. 1 'For about a year, the mother did not see him'. (Y:156)

(4)

xa-naS La-swlqLu gaw. 1 'They did not leave a single person in it'. (Y:180)

d La kimren. 'I do not say anything'. (B:156) 1

In a considerable number of negative clauses, however, the nuclear stress falls on the negative particle. In some of the cases in which it occurs, the negator is a focus of contrast: (5)

Bakir 1 ?ixaLan kxlLwäLe. 1 f0mar 1 ?ixaLan La kxiLwäLe. 1 'Bakir used to eat our food, but 'Umar did not eat our food'. (B:102)

(6)

lfanafl 1 ?ixaLan kixtlwäLe, 1 Säfifl 1 La kxLlwäLe. 1 'The I:Ianafis used to eat our food, but the Safi'Is did not eat our food'. (B:101)

Elsewhere the placement of the nucleus on the negator appears to be used to increase the strength of the negation of the predicate. This often occurs when the speaker assumes that the clause expresses something unexpected by the hearer (7-10), or when the speaker wishes to increase the force of a prohibition or refusal (11-14): (7)

HJavaLH bäbaw pärake La xllile. 1 'But her father did not squander the money'. (B:83)

(8)

b-liSanit farabl La haqeniwa t!i-jar. 1 'They never spoke Arabic'. (B:10)

(9)

La qarllnnox. 1 kwlnnox r!!Jha yome rix~at. 1 'I shall not kill you. I shall give you three days grace'. (B:149)

(10)

mlre: CikmeLa J:taqqbx? 1 mlri: Lagben päre. 1 'He said: "How much do I owe you". I said: "I do not want money"'. (L:216)

(11)

?ana La qabLan. 1 'I do not permit it'. (B:77)

(12)

La-zdimun! 1 'Do not fear'. (Y:182)

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(13)

?ana Ia gezen. 1'I will not go'. (Y:153)

(14)

Ia peSen. 1 'I will no stay'. (Y:264)

When the negated verb form contains the verbal particle Ia, the nuclear stress is placed on this particle rather than on the negator:

tli la-sqlllan. 1'We have not received an order'. (B:43)

(15)

?atxim ?amir

(16)

Ia la-samex. 1 'We do not hear'. (Y:97)

(17)

Ia la-ch. 1 'We do not know'. (L:513)

(18)

plski Ia la-gol. 1 'It is not enough for me'. (L:353)

Also in positive clauses the particle Ia occasionally takes the nuclear stress: Ia gezen 1 'I go'. (B:45), Ia $ale u 1-la baxe 1'He prays and weeps'. (Y:218) 17.5.7.2. Negator before other elements in clause As we have seen, in negated verbal clauses the negative particle generally comes immediately before the verb. In a few cases, however, it precedes other elements of the clause. When separated from the verb its vowel is sometimes lengthened. (i) If the verb is preceded by an adverbial that is intended to be included in the

scope of negation, the negative particle may be placed before the adverbial: (19)

yalta-weli, 1 Ia raba fakrlxwa. 1 'I was a girl. We did not understand

(20)

?iSe, 1 la-mga attane gezlwa terlwa. 1 ?atxan har-il-bela welan. 1

much'. (Y:5) 'Women did not go and travel about as they do here. We remairred in the house'. (Y:258) Alternatively the negator may be retained in its usual position before the verb: (21)

rtiba la-fatjllwa bU-hula?e. 1 'They did not interfere with the Jews

much'. (Y:8) (ii) lf a negated verb has as its complements a list of items, each item of the list

is preceded by the negative particle: (22)

Ia I-kalla har-soqlwa batane 1 ?eza ta-ti-dukka 1 ?u-la l-brona, 1 Ia IJ:zatan.1 'They did not ever leave the bride alone to go to any place,

nor the boy, nor the groom'. (Y:80) A related construction is the use of the corrective phrase Ia bas 'not only' which is placed before a nominal or prepositional complement to signal that it is only one of a list of items: (23)

hula?ad didan, 1 kulla dukke, 1 ta-bas ga-?Arbel, 1 ga-Mu$il, 1 gaBagdad,1 ga-Ba$ra, 1 ga-Karkük. 1 xa-l-xa raJ:zmlwa. 1 'Our Jews- in

all places, not only in Arbel, in Mu~il, in Baghdad, in Kirkuk, loved one another'. (L:569)

Ba~ra,

in

358

SECTION SEVENTEEN

(iii) The verb of a negative clause that is closely related to a preceding clause

may be elided by gapping, with the result that the negative particle appears before a nominal or prepositional phrase: (24)

be-?enid da??u zille, 1 Ia b-?ena raf, 1 be-?ena xlita. 1 He passed away by the eye of your mother, not by the evil eye, by the sweet eye'. (Y:164)

(25)

la-marmi ?ila res-d hula?a, 1 Ia yiila w 1-la zora wl_/a ruwwa. 1 'They will not raise a hand against any Jew, not a child, not a young person and not an old person'. (Y:186)

(26)

?agar mire hula?e lii-q{illu-lli,l ?atxan dimman 1 res-?ilxun, 1 q{lilunnan. 1 wa-?agar mire Ia hula?e, 1 mlre: 1 dlmmid didxun 1 ?atxan golixxe. 'lf he says: "The Jews killed me", our blood is in your hands, kill us! But if he says: "Not the Jews", he said "We shall have your blood"'. (Y:227) 1

1

Occasionally the particle na is used as a negator placed before a nominal: (27)

na tinna w- 1na mindi-S, 1 HsumH_tinna Ia kwewa. 1 'Neither smoke nor anything,- there was no smoke'. (B:124)

In a few isolated cases the negative particle comes both before the verb and before a complement of the verb. This is a device to enhance the force of the negation: (28)

lä-d lli la-lyele-lleu. 'Nothing at all had happened to him'. (B:52)

(29)

?anne la-?ana la-cinnu mannilu ?anne. 1 'I do not know who they are at all'. (L:255)

(30)

na-hor-kulla Ia la-mlllu. 1 'By no means all have died'. (Y:181)

1

17.5.8. Interrogative clauses Interrogative clauses of the yes-no type are distinguished from noninterrogative clauses by intonation alone, the typical interrogative intonation pattern having a high rise in pitch on the nucleus with no subsequent drop in any remaining syllables of the intonation group: (1)

gbat xa-cay? 'Do you want a tea?' (L:230)

(2)

Ia la-gzelox mal/a? 1 'Have you not seen the mullah?' (L:511)

(3)

baxti Ia la-gzyalox, Xadlja? 1 'Have you not seen my wife, Khadija?' (L:239)

1

Clauses involving interrogative particles normally place the particles before the verb, irrespective of their syntactic function. As with yes-no questions, there is a high rise intonation on the nuclear stress, which generally occurs on the interrogative particle: (4)

ma gotlwa? 'What did they do?' (B:120) 1

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359

(5)

ma gbet? 1 'What do you want?' (L:166)

(6)

ma go/er laxxa? 1 'What are you doing here?' (L:319)

(7)

manni wllle gallox }:!asta? 1 'Who worked with you.' (L:173)

(8)

manni q#lle-l/eu? 1 manni nblile-l/eu. 1 'Who has killed him? Who has taken him?' (L:514)

(9)

mtito qlpla b-baxteu? 'How did it hit his wife?' (B:137)

(10)

tama lti /a-goret? 1 'Why do you not get married?' (L:192)

Subject pronouns and nominals that are topic referents are normally placed before the interrogative word: (11)

?atxan ma-wlllan? 1 'What did we do?' (B:50)

(12)

?atxim 1 ma-/ä-goletun? 1 'What are you doing?' (L:117)

(13)

?titi ma gbet? 1 'What do you want?' (L:327)

(14)

niiSe hu/a?e ma miru? 1 'What did the Jewish people say?' (Y:177)

(15)

hula?it ma /ii-willu? 1 'What have the Jews done?' (Y:224)

(16)

?äti tikma /ä-xlllox minnu? 1 'How many of them have you eaten?' (S:95)

(17)

biiban 1 tama Ia lyele? 1 'Why has our father not come back?' (L:96)

(18)

hu/a?it tama qaf[etunu? 1 'Why should you kill the Jews?' (Y:224)

If the subject is a topic referent that is already active in the discourse and the

clause has a close semantic connection with what precedes, the subject may be placed after the verb (cf. the use of the verb-sub ject construction in positive clauses §17.5.2.2): (19)

ma wil/u bSilmiinake? 1 'What did the Muslims do?' (Y:223)

In rhetorical questions the interrogative particle ma 'what' is often placed after the verb when functioning as object: (20)

?amren ma? 1 'What should I say?' (L:185)

(21)

?amrinnox mii 1 'What should I tell you?' (L:302)

(22)

/ä-gaze ma? 'What does he see?' (S:10)

(23)

mlirid bela, 1 baxtake ?ibqatta lä-xera ma? 1 'The owner of the house- what does (his) wife see in the morning?' (S:57)

1

The rhetorical interrogative may have the function of expressing a negation as in ma Sawya. 'What is it worth!' = 'It is worthless! (B:58). 1

17.5.9. Adverbial insertions Adverbial expressions may be inserted at various points in verbal clauses. Spatial and temporal expressions are frequently placed at the front of the clause in a separate intonation group:

360

SECTION SEVENTEEN

(1)

xa-yoma 1 sdzrre bar ?ilha-manlx biibi. 1 'One day he sent for my father, may God grant him rest'. (B:108)

(2)

bar pZtgit-yom 1 da?riwa hawa be/a. 1 'After midday, they returned home'. (B:62)

(3)

jar kud-jar tre, t!flha niiSe nabzlwa gal-noseu. 'Each time, he took with him two or three people'. (B:108)

(4)

b!-piiyez 1 kud niisa xitte saqtlwa ta-noseu ta-kulle sitwa. 1 'In the autumn, everybody took in wheat for themselves for the whole winter'. (B:115)

(5)

gebi:zn mafe rliba we/u. (B:64)

(6)

bar xamsa, ?iSta daqiqe, 1 dimma mindele. 1 'After five or six minutes, he passed blood'. (L:86)

1

1

1

1

Through being placed in a separate intonation group these initial adverbials are given prominence. They mark out the spatio-temporal frame in which the Situation described in the clause holds but do not constitute the main information focus of the clause. They are often used to mark clear spatiotemporal breaks in the discourse. Two clause initial adverbials that are contrasted with one another are generally placed in separate intonation groups: (7)

/axxiine, slm~at tora goll b-Hsaminz fa~eret.H 1 ?iftam, go!lwa slm~at tora b!-yomit ?itfa. 'Here, they hold Sim/Jat Torah on Shemini A~eret. There, they used to hold Sim/Jat Torah on the ninth day'. (B:72) 1

1

1

(8)

/axxa, b-makine golZ, ?iftam, go!lwa b-nasaj kimriwale. 'Here, they work with machines. There, they used to work with what was known as a Ioom'. (L:506) 1

1

1

1

Clause initial spatio-temporal adverbials that are not in separate intonation groups and do not bear the nuclear stress are presented with less prominence and typically occur where the speaker chooses not to mark a clear break in the discourse: (9)

gezlnwa Mit~if,i fii$irta da?rlnwa-(ha)wa. 1 'I used to go to Mu~il and return home in the evening'. (B:55)

(10)

hula?e melu, 1 ?il-W tSelu-lleu gaw-qorit hu/a?e. 1 'They brought some Jews and at night they buried him in a Jewish grave'. (B:159)

If the adverbial is the main information focus in the clause, however, it bears the

nuclear stress of the intonation group. In (11) the initial adverbial has inclusive focus: (11)

sixra kimrzwiile. laxxa-s lii-kimrlle Sixra. 'They used to call it charcoal. Here also they call it charcoal'. (Y:129) 1

1

THECLAUSE

361

Occasionally an adverb of manner is placed at the front of the clause, before the complements of the verb. In such cases the adverb is detached in a separate intonation group: (12)

hayya, 1 hayya, 1 Sriita mllqle, 1 kaxta qiry{i/e hawa. 1 'Quickly, he kindled a light and read the Ietter'. (S:30)

A spatial or temporal adverbial is sometimes placed immediately before the verb after the subject or object. In this position it is often presented in its own intonation group. (13)

Kurdne 1 ?im-mam/akatan 1 La dwa kutte bas/l. 1 'The Kurds, in our town, did not know how to cook kutte'. (B:95)

(14)

?/s}J.liq Sisliwa 1 kud yarxa 1 xa-}J.aywlin dabl}J.wa-(ha)wa. 1 'ls})ä:q Sisawa, every month, used to slaughter an animal'. (B:97)

(15)

baxta {tam mele, 1 da?i. 1 'He married a woman there- my mother'. (B:23)

(16)

?lina sxet /a-gezen. 1 'I will not go again'. (Y:152)

(17)

yiilake 1 sxet /a-bxele. 1 'The boy did not cry again'. (L:92)

Adverbs of manner may also be placed in this position, but these are generally not presented in a separate intonation group: (18)

jwan la-}J.aqeni. 1 'They speak beautifully'. (Y:183),

(19)

bSilmiine rliba gbiwiile. 1 'The Muslims liked him a Iot'. (L:135),

(20)

xanCi dmixle, xanCi qlmle. 1 'He slept a little, he got up a little'. (L:92),

(21)

xanii biS-hayya ztlli.' 'I went a little faster'. (L:295).

Both spatio-temporal adverbs and adverbs of manner may be placed after the verb and both may be presented in a separate intonation group (28-30). When in the same intonation group as the verb, the nuclear stress normally falls on the adverbial (22-25). With the adverb xanti, however, the nucleus is generally retracted to the verb (26-27). Spatio-temporal adverbs in separate intonation groups differ functionally from the corresponding forms in clause-initial position in that they typically do not mark a spatio-temporal shift in the discourse but rather signal spatio-temporal continuity with what precedes; cf. §17.1.8. (22)

pistu {tam. 1 'They remained there'. (B:16)

(23)

la-zdimun Sxet. 1 'Do not fear any more'. (L:88)

(24)

milbisla-lleu jwan. 1 'She dressed him beautifully'. (Y:84)

(25)

mardzxltu Spira Spira. 1 'They boil them weil'. (B:112)

(26)

?lina damxlnwa xanti. 1 'I used to sleep a little'. (B:44)

(27)

?ezen Ceren xand. 1 'I'll go and walk about a little'. (B:45).

(28)

lii-gbe ya?l/ 1 Spira Spira. 1 'He wants to know weil'. (Y:236)

362

SECTION SEVENTEEN

(29)

bl-päyez' kud näSa xi{te Saqllwa ta-noSeu ta-kulle sitwa.' ... mäSe zonlwa,' {loxe zonlwa,' b-plJyez,' ta-sltwa.' 'In the autumn, everyone laid in grain for hirnself for the whole winter .... They would buy green lentils and red lentils, in the autumn, for the winter. (B:115-119)

(30)

?tina-S gzeli Mosela,' mlri bäqeu: MoSel' ?ila-ezex xanci Cerh' cartiba gbzxwa l-dixle,' ?o damma!' 'Then I saw MoSela. I said to him "Mose, come, let's go for a short walk". How we loved one another at that time!' (B:46).

17.6. Extraposition 17.6.1. Structure The structure of extraposition involves placing a nominal or independent pronoun at the front of a clause in syntactic isolation and resuming it by an anaphoric element within the body of the clause. In many cases the extraposed element is presented in a separate intonation group. In a few cases a nominal is placed in extraposition without any explicit anaphor resuming it in the body of the clause, but only a nominal that is semantically related to it, e.g. (1)

mlirid bela,' baxtake ?ibqatta lä-xera ma?' 'The owner of the house - what does the wife see in the morning?' (S:57)

(2)

wo-?ot-q{llle-lleu' mzre Simmake.' 'And the one who had killed him - he told the name'. = 'He told the name of the one who had killed him' (Y:246)

(3)

dawlamande,' kud-näsa belit jwaz wete.' 'The rich - every person was in a separate house'. (B:7)

17.6.2. Function 17.6.2.1. Extraposition of topic referent In most cases, the extraposed item is a topic referent that is recoverable in some way from the preceding discourse. It refers either to a referent that has already been mentioned or its existence is assumed to be inferable in some way. In general, there is no syntactic reason why the topic item could not have been expressed in its appropriate position within the body of the clause. It is brought to the front of the clause for discourse-pragmatic purposes. The usual function of the construction is to signal some kind of shift or disjunction in the discourse. Its function is, in fact, largely parallel to that of constructions with independent subject pronouns placed before the verb (§17.5.1) and also many subject nominal + verb constructions, particularly those in which the subject nominal is detached from the rest of the clause by being placed in a separate intonation group (§17.5.2.1). It should be noted, however, that a subject nominal itself may be extraposed and resumed by an independent subject pronoun, e.g:

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363

(4)

baxtake, 1 ?o zilla l-bela 1 batane. 1 'The wife - she went home by herself'. (L:257)

(5)

babl 1 ?o tltwa ... politics'. (L:432)

1,

siyasa !ltwa gebeu. 1 'May father - he had no

An extrapositional construction may be used at the beginning of a speech, when the topic referent is not the grammatical subject: (6)

mlru, 1 bronan 1 hula?a la-qtille-lleu. 1 'They said "Our son- a Jew has killed him"'. (Y:209)

It is also found at the beginning of a recorded text: (7)

?ilha manlxle babl, 1 rliba keniwa gebeu. 1 'My father, may God grant him rest - many people used to come to him'. (L:56)

Extrapositional constructions often signal a shift in topic referent, i.e. a different referent is made the centre of attention. In general, the new topic referent is not completely unrecoverable from the preceding discourse or the extratextual situation. It refers either to a referent that has already been mentioned or is inferable from the preceding context in some way. Often an extraposed topic is connected with a previously mentioned nominal in that they are items belonging to the same set. In (10), for example, the extraposed items are members of the group of Jews that has been mentioned earlier. The two extraposed nominals in (11) are names of villages belonging to a group of villages that is referred to in the preceding context. The extraposed demonstrative pronouns in (12) refer to the set of items 'that he gave her', which is mentioned in the previous clause. Each extrapositional clause marks a clear shift in topic from one referent to another. (8)

qlmle ?ilyele galli. 1 ?ilyele galll, 1 ?itlwle, 1 xa-cay stele. 1 baxtake, 1 26 zllla l-beUz 1 batane. 1 'He got up and came with me. He came with me. He sat and drank tea. The wife - she went home by herself'. (L:257)

(9)

xa J:zawsa-wele. 1 ?itwa gaw ?isri u-?arba biite. 1 kud bela, 1 xa miSpaJ:za ?itwa gaw. 1 tre /:tii~are welu l-Arbe/. 1 2o-xet hll.$ilr, 1 2otrabta1 2arbl u-tmanya bll.te 2ltwa gaw. 1 'It was an enclosure in which there were twenty-four apartments. In each apartment there was a family. There were two IJ,asars in Arbel. The other IJ,asar, the big one, had forty-eight apartments in it'. (B:910)

(10)

mtelu l-qiSla. 1 Bablu brindarile. 1 Barpirok 1 tfang liJ-qlpla bkurtakeu1 laxxa. 1 mz-laxxa /a-wlra, 1 liuxa lä-plitla, 1 Ci-brindar Ia la-gdlre. 1 Simfonok-iN 1 ranke-2itwa qll.meu. 1 lii-mxele 1-rankeu, I /a-mxele 1-rankeu käbra, 1 mz-laxxa la-wlre, 1 laxxa lii-plltle. 1 la-d Ia la-lyele-lleu. 1 'They reached the police-station. (They said) "Bablu is wounded.

364

SECTION SEVENTEEN

Barpirok has been hit by a rifle-shot in his coat, here. It entered here and came out here. He has not been injured. Sim'onok had trousers on. He has hit his trousers, the man has hit his trousers. It has entered here and come out here and nothing at all has happened to him"'. (B:51-52) (11)

gaw-yiine malwa?e ?itwa HgizmH hula?e-s. QapUm ?ltwa gaw tre bäte, 1 tre biite, tirnu ?axwiile-welu. 2Awena 2ltwa gaw No2a, tmanya bäte 2ltwa gaw. 1 'In those towns there were also Jews. In Qaplan there were two families. They were brothers. In Awena there were seven or eight families'. (B:31) 1

1

1

(12)

1

mat lii-kawulla ?ana lii-kalwen. 2iyya Cikmele ]J.aqqeu? 1 ?iyya ?axcela, Ia kalwlnna. 26 Cikmele IJ,aqqeu? 1?iuca, Ia kalwlnna. 'Whatever he gives her I write down. "What is the price of this?" "It is such-and-such". I write it down. "What is the price of that" "Suchand-such (a price)". I write it down'. (L:379) 1

1

1

1

1

1

The extraposed item may be a nominal containing a universal quantifier or a class term that does not refer to a specific referent. Class terms without specific referents do not have to be recoverable from the preceding discourse in order to stand at the front of the clause. (13)

gebim, ?ot-kewa xa-cay kmlxwiile, xa-qahwa kmlxwiile. 'In our place, whoever came, we brought him a tea or we brought him a coffee'. (L:229)

(14)

Jod IJ.aqele gal-xa hula?a ?eneu plotmun. 'Whoever speaks (harshly) with a Jew, take out his eye'. (L:124)

(15)

?agar xa baxta yiila gadlrwiila, tmanya lele yatwiwa ?il-?o bela. 'If a woman gave birth to a child (iiterally: If a woman - a child was born to her), they would sit in the hause for eight nights'. (B:132)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

(16)

?agar-xa hula?a, xa dukkeu torlla yan xa kepa maxenile, ?o xa-mindix ?olile, slmun, corun, ?ilamun gebl. 'If people break a place belanging to a Jew or strike him with a stone or do anything, go, search araund and come back to me'. (L:125) 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

In many cases the extrapositional clause signals a shift on some dimension of the discourse other than or in addition to that of topic. The construction may occur to mark the onset of a new segment of discourse. In (17-19), for instance, it marks the beginning of the exposition concerning a topic referent that has been introduced in the immediately preceding discourse segment: (17)

xa bela ?ilyelu I-Biitas. ?ilyelu I-Biitas. 26 bela 1 brätu gwirtawela.1 'A family came to Batas. They came to Batas. The daughter 1

1

1

365

THECLAUSE

of that family was married'. (B:140) (18)

bas-xa ?ltwa gaw, 1 ?Abraham Zero, 1 26, mindl, dukane 2itwille. 'There was only one (Jew) in it, Abraham Zero. He had shops'. (B:32)

(19)

J:tatta ?atta 1 ma~en ?amrlnnox 1 xanCi masa/e ?ot-?Arbet. 2Arbel 2itwa giJwaw Hmqubbalim.H 'For the time being I can teil you some of the history of Arbel. Arbel - in it there were qabbalists'. (L:138-139)

1

1

A topical referent may be placed at the front of a clause in extraposition when there is a shift in the Ievel of description. In (20), fo · \nstance, the extrapositional clause coincides with a change from a specific description to a general summarizing statement. A personal background comment made by a speaker often opens with the independent pronoun ?äna, which stands in extraposition if it is not the subject of the clause (21-23): (20)

hula?ld didan, ?ot-? Arbe/, xef{wa raba leJ:tefe, raba kurtatce go!lwa, sarwäle, kurtafe, sarwa/, go!lwä/u, matwlwälu gaw dukäna, 1 zabnlwälu. 1 ... hulale, 1 2iyya IJ,astii. wela. 1 'The Jews of our community, of Arbel, used to sew many quilts. They used to make many jackets, trousers. They would make a jacket and a pair of trousers, put them in a shop and sell them .... This was the work of the Jews'. (L:18-20) be/an zllle Rwandiz. 1 2/Jna 2o-damma 2imrl 2isra Sinne-wele. 'Our family went to Rwandiz. I, at that time, was ten years old Oiterally: I - my age was ten years)'. (B:24)

(21)

(22)

1

1

1

1

qlm/e, 1 mxe/e-l/eu xa-Hzriqa.H 2/Jna Iee m-ball, 1 /cimriwiJJa pinsilln, 2o-waxt. 'He gave him an injection. I remernher Oiterally: I - it comes from my mind) it was called penicillin at that time'. (L:91) 1

(23)

1

1

1

1

1

?ana /a-wele b-dawrl 1, b-dawrid bäbl. 1 'It was not in my time, but in the time of my father'. (Y:228)

17.6.2.2. Constructions where extraposition is the norm In certain constructions extraposition is the norm. This applies to possessive constructions formed from the existential particle ?it (or ?itwa). When the possessor is referred to by a full nominal and it is the topic of the clause, it is always placed at the front of the clause in extraposition. Possessive constructions are also attested with independent pronouns in extraposition: (24)

bäbeu 1 ?itwa/e raba baruxwä/e. 1 'His father had many friends'. (Y:40)

(25)

?u-bäbeu 1 tre baruxawäte ?itwale. 1 'And his father had two friends'. (Y:114)

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SECTION SEVENTEEN

(26)

kalla, 1 ?itwäla bläne, 1 wi-gora litwale baruxyawäleu. 1 'The bride had girlfriends and the man had his friends'. (Y:80)

(27)

David lele 1 l}atta bqatta sinda Litte. 1 'David had no sleep at night until morning'. (S:26)

(28)

lilha manlxla baxtl 1 lot lawwall 1 ?itwäla makina. 1 'My first wife, may God grant her rest, had a machine'. (L:231)

(29)

baxta 1 baxtid gora, 1 yäle litta. 1 'The woman, a man's wife, has children'. (L:500)

(30)

hemat xa-dukka noseu banewa ?ltwäle lara. 'Whoever built a place by hirnself had land'. (Y:17)

(31)

kud bela, litwale l}awsa. 'Every hause had a courtyard'. (B:l)

(32)

lana Litwäli waxt. 1 'I had no time'. (Y:146)

(33)

?atxan, 1 ?ltwälan tre hode 1 wi-xa haywan 1 baslixwa gaw. 1 'We had two rooms and a balcony, on which we cooked'. (Y:9)

1

1

1

1

Similarly, in clauses that state the name of somebody or something using the phrase kimrilella!lu 'they say to him/her/them', a nominal referring to the item that is named is always placed in extraposition, so lang as it is the topic of the clause: (34)

suralad geban FalaroSka kimriwälu. 1 'The Christians in our place were called FalaroSka'. (B:103)

(35)

?iyya kimrlle Hrsifl Sel-sukkot.H 'This is called "The ninth of Succoth"'. (B:71)

(36)

lanne lixma ruwwe ruwwe latxa, farite kimrlwälu. 1 'The large breads were called loaves'. (L:567)

(37)

il-flrliq-iS ?ltwa, 1 tre l}izbe-litwa. xa kimriwälu 1 Säfirl, 1 lo-xet La ten ma kimrlwälu. 1 'In Iraq there were two religious parties. One was called Safi'i. I don't know what the other was called'. (B:lOl)

1

1

When the item that is named is in focus, however, it is contained within the body of the clause and bears the nuclear stress. In (38) the named item has inclusive focus and is preceded by the preposition ta-: (38)

HJa$i,dm,H 1 kimrlwäle barbaqi, 1 ta-mafi Stala-s kimrlwa barbaql. 1

'Flowerpots - we used to call it barbaqi. Also (vessels of) drinking water were called barbaqi'. (Y:14) Extraposition of the topic norninal is the norm also in idiomatic expressions with the phrase pakk- + copula 'to be concerned': (39)

näse pakku la-wele. 1 llttu ?ixäla, 1 llttu ?ixäla. 1 'People were did not mind whether they had food or did not have food'. (L:l45)

367

THECLAUSE

17.6.2.3. Extraposition of item in contrastive focus A distinct type of extrapositional structure is sometimes used when the referent of the extraposed item is not, as is usually the case, the topic of the clause, but rather a contrastive focus. In such cases the referent may be expressed by a nominal or independent pronoun in extraposition and be resumed by an independent pronoun within the clause. In general the resumptive pronoun takes the nuclear stress (40-41). Example (42) has a complex struture. Both the subject and the object pronouns are foci of contrastive focus. Contrary to the what may have been expected, in the first clause, the nuclear stress is on the negative particle: (40)

baba w-da?a ?oni gollwa 1 'The father and mother, they (and nobody eise) used to do it'. (L:196)

(41)

?iyya xalonid babl Ra}J.amim, ?ilha manlxle, ?o ?atxa la-wille. 'This uncle of my father, Rai}amim, he has done it'. (L:517)

(42)

?atxi:m ?atxun illan La qa{letun. ?atxan qa{llxxüxun. 'You shall not kill us, we shall kill you'. (Y:228)

1

1

1

1

1

1

17.6.2.4. Extraposition of a lang subject In a few cases an independent pronoun occurs to recapitulate a lang, rambling subject nominal for the sake of clarity, e.g. (43)

bas sura?at Saqlawa w-?Anqawa, Kildane kimriwiilu, ?ot-?aydit Roma, ?aydit ?afifyor, ?oni ?ixalan kixllwale. 'Only the Christians of Saqlawa and Anqawa, called Chaldeans, belanging to the Roman rite, the rite of the Pope - they used to eat our food'. (B:105) 1

(44)

1

1

1

1

faqlre, yafni mahiijirne kimrlwiilu, ?ot-?ilyewalu min-dasta, minbate gaw-malwa?at msilmane, ?oni gaw-}J.a~ar-welu. 1 'The poor, known as 'refugees', who had come from the countryside, from houses in Muslim villages, they were in an enclosure'. (B:8) 1

1

1

1

1

17.6.3. Clause-final extraposition On a few occasions a nominal with a topical referent is extraposed to the end of the clause, e.g. (45)

?il-urxa ?ilha r}J.lmle b-}J.ateu, libbeu ~ipya-wele, 1 ya gora. 'On the way, God took pity on his situation. (For) his heart was pure, this man'. (S:102) 1

1

1

Unlike the usual front extraposition, the end extraposition construction does not mark a discontinuity, but rather occurs in a clause that has a close semantic connection with what precedes. In (45) there is a causal connection between the two clauses. It corresponds functionally, therefore, to constructions where a topical subject or object is placed after the verb (§17.5.2.2, §17.5.4.3).

SECTION EIGHTEEN

CLAUSE SEQUENCES 18.1. Connective particles Weshalllimit ourselves here to an examination of the syntax of two particles that mark connection between clauses. 18.1.1. wThe connective particle w-, which has various phonetic realizations (w-, wz-, ?u; see §4.1.9), I is used only sporadically to link clauses. For its use as a connective between components in a phrase see §14.14. It is difficult to reduce the occurrence of this particle as a clausal connective to absolute rules. The following are some of the contexts in which it is found. The particle w- is generally 1 sed before a clause to signal that it is the last in a chain of clauses between which there is a close semantic connection. In many cases the connective expresses a close temporal or logical sequentiality with the preceding clauses: (1)

xlpla-lleu, milblsla-lleu jwan, 2u-nbillu-lleu ta-$lola. 'She washed him, dressed him, and they took him to the synagogue'. (Y:84)

(2)

tre hode srqlllan, hayw(zn Sfqillan, w-ttlwlan. 'We rented two rooms and a verandah and settled there'. (Y:21)

(3)

zllle, 1 zwlnne u-mindixilne xäle kulla mele. 'He went, bought (it), and brought all the new things'. (Y:60)

(4)

l}aywan dabl}lnwa-llew-ille (ha)wa w- 1 kenwa-(ha)wa bela. 1 'I slaughtered an animal and came back home'. (B:38)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Sometimes the distribution of the connective reflects a hierarchy of clause chains. In (5) and (6), for instance, the connective is not placed on the final clause of the passage. The final clause, however, is part of a embedded chain, the head of which is the preceding clause. In (5) the final clause is a purpose clause dependent on the preceding clause. The final clause in (6) appears to be essentially an asyndetic relative clause. It is the head clause of these embedded chains that takes the connective, expressing the closure of the primary chain. (5)

misxa paltl m-gaw-pisra, 1 palit m-gaw-pisra. 1 ?ltwa sarbe, 1

I Garbell (1965b: I66) identifies this particle in the Jewish Urmia dialect as the Kurdish conjunction that has this form. There is no compelling reason, however, why it should not be considered to be the descendant of the native Aramaie conjunctiol' ,

369

CLAUSE SEQUENCES

dareniwiile gaw, 1 gaw sarba, 1 2u-matwlwiJle sitwa, bscila bbeu basliwa. 1 'They extract the fat from meat. It comes out of the meat. There were kegs. They put them in them, in a keg. And they put it out in the winter in order to cook with it'. (B:121) 1

(6)

?ilye/u /-Biitas, z{l/u b-xa be/a, be/it xa HfaSzr.H 1 2u-xa-HI_lederH hlwle biJqit, ?itulu ftam. 1 'They came to Batas. They went to a house, the house of a rich man, and he gave them a room, where they settled'. (B:141) 1

1

1

A more complex example of embedded clause chains is (7). Here the section opening w-o Siita represents the final item in the main chain of clauses, which concerns the residence of the speaker's great-grandfather in Ruwandiz. This final item (the destruction of Ruwandiz), however, is not an individual clause but rather an embedded chain of clauses. This embedded chain consists of two further chains, one concerning the destructive activity of the Russians and the other the flight of the Jews and Muslims. The final embedded chain is introduced by a connective (wü-hula?e ....). (7)

b-dawrit Pasa-i Kora, 1 qma?el tre-mma-sinne Hbe-?erex,H 1 zille 1 PäSa-i Kora 1 Barzan dwiqiile, 1 ?il-sonit bäbz 1 mele Ruwandiz, 1 wllle-lleu IJaxiim. wllle-lleu 1Jaxiim, 1 plslu {tiim, 1 hatta 1 slitit 1 safarbiirlig. 1 ••• JiJta,' Ras ilyele, Ruwandiz miqllile, 1 HfegamreH miqliile, ti-biite la-plslu gaw. wü-hula?e u-mJilmiJne' zlllu gaw tura, xa tura kimrlwiile Brandist. 1 ?ista yarxe ga-turiiwelu.' 'In the time of Pasha-i Kora, about two hundred years ago, Pasha-i Kora went and captured Barzan. He brought the grandfather of my father to Ruwandiz and made him a sage. They made him a sage and they stayed there until the First World War. In that year, the Russians came and burnt down Ruwandiz. They burnt it completely. No houses remained in it. The Jews and the Muslims went into the mountains, to a mountain called Brandist. They were in the mountains for six months'. (B:lS-18)

w-o 1

1

1

1

A clause with the connective w- is not always sequential to what precedes. In such cases, the clauses are still generally spatio-temporally connected. They also belang tagether as components of a single general activity or situation. In (8), for instance, the activities expressed by the three verbal predicates are presented as happening in the same place and within the same time span, though not necessarily sequentially. The final clause of the chain has the connective. (8)

IJatta bqatta 1 xlula goilwa, zamrlwa w-raqllwa.' 'Until the morning they made merriment, they sang and danced'. (Y:ll8)

Chains of non-seqential activities may consist of clauses concerning different topic referents. Such clauses are presented as belanging tagether as components of a single general event or Situation. The topic referents belang tagether as

370

SECTION EIGHTEEN

members of the set of participants in this event or Situation. Each clause concerns the activity or state of one of these participants and does not present this as sequential to the activity or state of the other participants. The usual interpretation is that there is a temporal overlap between the activities or states of the participants. The clause introducing the last topic referent in the chain often has the connective w-. Again, in many cases these sequences contain embedded chains, each concerning one of the topic referents. The connective, therefore, does not necessarily occur on the last clause of the whole passage: (9)

?iyya darguSta Sa?aSawaJa sotl. HtippulH golawa b-yale zore, wlina /J.(z!tit bela gollznwa. 'My grandmother rocked the cradle. She looked after the young children, while I did the housework'. (Y:107) 1

1

1

(10)

/ixmake pa/xlxwii/e. 1 ?isrl b/iine yatwzwa. 1 kud-HJ:teleqH 1 xant!i ?axta golwa, xa ?atxa golwa 2u-xa-xlti marlwwiile, kulwiile ta ... ?iyyat baSÜile. 1 'We would openout the bread. Twenty girls sat together. One did this and one did that, another mixed it and gave it to the one who was doing the cooking. (Y:37) 1

1

1

(11)

?ana lii-ken 1 wi-cikma ruwwane-l min-hula2e keni. 'I shall come and some of the Jewish notables will come'. (Y:229)

(12)

xaswen ?atta ?iitl gzsa-wet 1 w-iina-s xanci gisJil 'I think that now you are tired and I also am a little tired'. (L:576)

1

The connective particle sometimes introduces a section added at the end of a clause chain to provide supplementary or explanatory comment on the foregoing clauses: (13)

min-?awwa/, 1 La satixwa tay. 1 kimriwa ?asurile, 1 br-Pesa/:1, 1 la qabliwa. 1 2u-la-wele llikar 2ot-daqlqa, 1 b-kalla, 1 kalbe. 1 'At first we did not drink tea. They said that it was forbidden on Passover. They did not permit it. Sugar was not in small lumps but in a block'. (Y:53-54)

(14)

jiriine ?itwa/an 1 ?ot miSilmiine-S, 1 2u-la-welu nal XTiwe. XOS niiSe-welu. 1 'We also had Muslim neighbours. They were not bad people. They were good people'. (B:13)

(15)

J:tatta ?o qemwa, 1 ?isra kilo?e ?ana golanwa, 1 batane. 1 baslanwäle, 1 lesake golanwäle, 1 kulla qat?'ixwiilu ?atxa, 1 mga HfaJ:tmaniyotH laxxane. 1 mga-dixle qe~lxxe. 1 w-lyya golanwiJle, 1 IJ,atta ... Sabu rwela xanci, 1 2ilyela fazrlJW 'Before he got up, I used to make ten kilos, by myself. I used to cook it. I used to make the dough. W e used to cut it all up like this, like bread rolls here. We would cut them up all the same (size). I used to do this, until Sabu grew up a little and came to help me. (Y:98-99) baba, 1 w-alla ana Ci-didile, u 1-b-karxun ya-2aza. 1 'My friend, by

(16)

1

371

CLAUSE SEQUENCES

God none of it is mine. It is due to your work, my good man'. (S:86) If the clause introducing the background comment has the same subject referent

as the preceding clause, the subject is sometimes expressed in the form of an independent pronoun. This conforms to the general principle of using independent subject pronouns when there is some kind of discontinuity or disjunction across clauses, including a shift from foreground to background (see §17.5.1.1): (17)

ta-zadeni 1 w-oni ma$eni maxenilu. 'They are afraid. They are able to strike them, mind you'. (L:297) 1

A final clause in a chain that is marked by the connective is often associated with some kind of climax. By extension from this, all clauses in a chain may be given prominence by introducing them with the connective:

La $ale u -/a baxe

(18)

wi-?tla drele gaw-?ilu. 1 'He prays and he weeps and he places his hand in their hand'. (Y:218)

(19)

?iyya da?a har-xlra-bbeu, 1 w-har-xlra-bbeu, 1 w-har-xlra-bbeu, 1 xa sfata. 1 'The mother just looked at him and just looked at him and just looked at him, for an hour!'. (Y:159)

1

1

18.1.2. -is This particle is attached to the end of a word or phrase. If the word to which it is attached ends in a vowel, the Ii! of the particle is elided. In most cases it is cliticized, yet in some circumstances it is given its own stress. For its use as a connective between components in a phrase see §14.14. The particle -is is used as a connective between clauses in a variety of different contexts. Its general function in all cases is to express that the item on which it occurs has something in common with some other item or items in the adjacent discourse. Three main categories of use are found. (i) Marking the clause as a whole

It is occasionally used on the second of two clauses that have the same semantic content. The speaker recapitulates on a previous Statement before advancing with the discourse. (1)

gezlxwa ?il-kinista. 1 •••• H?azH 1 gezixwa-s ?il-kiniSta, 1 yatuxwa, 1 HtihilimH qarixwa. 1 'We went to the synagogue ... So, we went to the synagogue, we sat there and read the psalms'. (B:73-75)

(2)

?iyya ~az-wllle minnaw 1 ••• ~az-wille minnaw-S, 1 Ia gbawäle. 1 'He lusted after her .... He lusted after her, but she did not want him'. (B:142-143)

(3)

mlrwäle ta-xa Hro$eyya~H, 1 kmlr bäqeu-S: 'He said to a murderer, he says to him: ... '. (B:144) 1

The particle is sometimes attached to a clause that is not identical with a

372

SECTION EIGHTEEN

preceding one. In such cases it signals that the event or Situation expressed by the clause is closely associated with the preceding clause(s), in that they are components of the same averaU event or Situation. In (4), for example, 'dancing' is related to 'the blessing of the rabbi' in that they are both aspects of the wedding. The clause with -iJ in (5) is closely assocated with the preceding clause in that they both concern the listening to the dead man's voice by the Muslims. The clause with -is in (6) relates to the naming of the culprits, as does the previous clause. The clauses in (7) are all aspects of the activity of cooking on the fire. The clause with -is in (8) is linked to the preceding clause in that they both convey an aspect of the personal details of the man in question: (4)

yoml J:zuppa, 1 J:zaxam kewa, 1 barlxwä/a 1 - Hsalom fal-Yisra'le/.H 1 xlula-s goliwa. 1 'On the day of the wedding ceremony, the rabbi came, he blessed her with the blessing Sa/om 'al-Yisra'el, and they danced'. (B:86)

(5)

kul/a bSilmane /ä-Samimi. 1 /ä-kmurru-S rabake, 1 kud-xabrit lä-baqlr min-mila, 1 /ä-kmurru: 1 lä-Sametun? 1 lä-kimrl: e/ 'All the Muslims were listening and the rabbi said to them every time he asked something of the dead man, he said "Do you hear?" and they said "Yes!"'. (Y:242) 1

(6)

bar priqle, I mlre: hula'le Ia /a-qtlllu-lli 1' naS Ia la-qtllle-lli. 1 baruxyawäli. 1 simmit tJrnu-s mele. 1 'After he bad finished he said "The Jews did not kill me, nobody (from among them) killed me. (It was ) my friends'" He mentioned the names of both of them. (Y:245-246)

(7)

malqlxwa ~iwe xlime, 1 ruwwe. 1 Ia manixlxwälu hawa. 1 kulla-s blsixra gollxwa res-nura, 1 gaw-Hmangai.H 1 'We kindled big, thick sticks of wood. We did not extinguish them completely and we cooked everything with the charcoal, on the fire, in a grill'. (Y:70)

(8)

kmlrwa 1 - slmmeu Fayq-wele 1 bsilmänake, 1 gwlra-s la-wele, 1 xalunteu 1 HmoraH-wela. 1 'The Muslim's namewas Fayq, he was not married'. (Y:261)

The clause with -is may be appositional to the preceding clause and elaborate on its meaning: (9)

yalta-we/i, 1 Hf!JdH ?isrl Sinne-s litwali. 1 'I was still a girl. I was not yet twenty years old'. (Y:123)

Hf!JdH

(ii) Marking topic constituent

It is sometimes attached to a topic constituent that occurs at the front of the

clause. The topic constituent is often presented in its own intonation group. When this is not the case it does not bear the nuclear stress. In some cases, the topic constituent is a referent that has been introduced in

CLAUSE SEQUENCES

373

the preceding discourse. The recapitulation of the topic referent with -iS typically occurs when a new section of discourse begins concerning the topic referent. In (10) and (11) the item with the connective -is opens a section that supplies background information to the preceding narrative. In (12) bätake-s opens a section on the physical structure of the houses, the attention having been previously on their generallayout and their residents. The clause in (13) opening with äna-S coincides with a new development in the discourse brought about by the arrival of a friend. In (14) and (15) the phrase with -iS occurs at the beginning of a speech: (10)

?iyya J:zaz-wllle minnaw, 1 J:zaz-wllle min-brätake. briitake-s mliri gore/a, 1 bas 1 goraw lii /a-gdlre J:zätan. 1 'He Justed for her, he Justed for the girl. The girl was married, although her husband had not consummated the marriage. '. (B:142)

(11)

gzelan xa malla lyele. 1 mallake-S 1 mare-qiwtele, 1 bron-Maraj xa?afandlle,1 ?ir-Rwandiz. 1 'We saw a mullah come. The mullah was powerful. He was the son of Maraj, a gentleman in Ruwandiz'. (B:109)

(12)

?itwiilu t{(lha bäte gaw-J:zawSa, 1 kud bela, 1 xa miSpaJ:za ?ltwa gaw. 1 ?atxa-welu bäte. 1 bätake-S 1 min-may weHt? 1 ?il-? Arbe/ 1 kullu minkarput weHt. 1 'They had three houses in an enclosure and there was one family in each house. The houses were like that. What were the houses made of? In Arbe! they were all made of bricks. '. (B:3-4)

(13)

mlri ?ezen teren xand. 1 gezen, 1miila tol wö-hollla! 1 ti-hu/a?e /aplsi gaw. 1 /ä-zll/u reS jäda. 1 ?iina-S gzeli MoSe/a, 1 mlri bäqeu: MoSe! 1 ?ila-ezex xanti terex. 1 'I thought I would go for a little walk. I go out - the town is deserted! No Jews had remained there. They had set off on the road. Then I saw Mosela. I said to him 'Mose, come, let's go for a short walk'. (B:45-46) mzre ?ot-zil/e-S 1 mi-zdu/eu 1 ?iyya k/iwa-we/e geb ?i/ha. 1 'He said "As for those who have died from their fear - this was destined by God'". (Y:201)

(14)

(15)

Ia

?i/ye/u hawa tixya. 1 mzru ?attane, 1 ?lt bSi/mane-S, 1 na-hor-kul/a [[i /a-mlllu. 1 'As for Muslims, there are still some left, not all of them have died'. (Y:181)

Sometimes the particle seems to be used in this way to separate a clause from the preceding discourse in order to give it prominence: (16)

tfange /ä-mandeni 1-yäne hu/a?e. 1 ?oni-s la-?arqila. 1 'They shoot at those Jews. They flee'. (B:48)

(17)

jlirit t!(lha minde/u, 1 sa/dake gdira mma parte. 1 ?o-s-mllle. 1 'The

374

SECTION EIGHTEEN

third time they threw it, the basket was broken into a hundred pieces. He died'. (B:159) It is sometimes used in this way to introduce a new item of speech: (18)

?o-mlre: lä-gbltte bqärox twära? 1 ?o-s mlre bäqeu, 1 mlre: La gezen minnox. 1 'He said "Do you want your neck broken" and he (the same) said to him, he said "I won't Iet you get away with this!"'. (B:128)

(19)

l}ay-ilhi:z 1 ?o-mlre, 1 Je walla. 1 ?iyya-s mlre bäqeu: 'He said "By the living God, you're right!" He (the same) said to him ...' (S:79)

(20)

mlre: b-xa?ox kulla didiJx-ilu. 1 mlre: btiba, 1 w-alla ana Ci-didile, U 1b-karxun yä-?aza. ?o-s mlre: La, La, did6x-ilu. 'He said "By your life, they are all yours." He said "By God, my friend, none of them are mine. They are the product of your labour, my good man". He said again "No, no, they are yours, I want you to take them back"'. (S:86-87) 1

1

The main function of the utterance of a topic referent with the connective -iS is sometimes to shift attention to this topic. In such cases, therefore, we have the beginning of a new section of discourse that has a different topic referent at the centre of attention. This is particularly clear when the last mention of the topic referent in question is several clauses back in the discourse: (21)

w-o Säta, 1 Rfts ilyeLe, 1 Ruwandiz miqLliLe, 1 ••• wu-huLa?e u-mSilmäne 1 zillu gaw [ura 1 •••• HRusimH dz?lru-(ha)wa, 1 hula?e u-mtsilmline-S 1 ?ilyelu-(ha)wa Ruwandiz. 1 'In that year the Russians came and burnt down Ruwandiz.... and the Jews and the Muslims went into the mountains ... The Russians returned home. The Jews and Muslims returned to Ruwandiz'. (B:1720)

(22)

da?l mlra 1 magon swtin, 1 kimrlwäli swtin, 1 ••• ?o da?at ?iyya Wal}zd 1 xalwa hlwla bäql 1 b-yäLull. 1 ?u-da?i-s 1 xalwa lä-hlwla bäqeu. 1 'My mother said (I was) like a shepherd, I was called 'Swan' .... The mother of this Wabid gave me milk when I was an infant and my mother gave milk to him'. (L:348-352)

Other examples of the topic shifting function of -iS are: (23)

dwad gezllwa b-safra, 1 tre-näse qtimeu tetlwa, 1 tre bäreu, ?o-s rkiwa kwewa reS suse. 1 'When he went on a journey, two people went before him and two behind him, and he would be mounted on a horse'. (B:39)

(24)

geban ?ltwa xa kimrlwäLe ?lsl}aq Sisliwa, 1 geb-xa ?äga-wele, 1 kimrlwäle ?Awral}manbig. 1 ?o ?äga 1 xa ?äga quya-wele. 1 ?lsl}aq Sisawa-S xa näSa quya-wele. 1 miSilmane keniwa, 1 keplwa-(ha)wa

375

CLAUSE SEQUENCES

qämeu, 1 sujda nabtlwa qämeu. 1 'In our place there was a man called Isl).aq Sisawa. He was in the entourage of an agha called Awral).man ('Abdu 1-Ral).man) Beg. This man was very powerful. As for Isl).aq Sisawa, he also was a powerful man. Muslims would come and bow down to him and prostrate themselves before him'. (B:35-36) (25)

HJazH-pek keniwa, xa-wilXit b-päre-wela. ?iina-s b-päre läSiqliili.l ?iSti dinäre lä-hlwli ta-bäbaw. 1 'Then they came to an agreement when money was involved. As for me, I married her by (giving) money. I gave sixty dinars to her father'. (B:82-83) 1

1

A topic referent with the connective -is to which attention is shifted from some other topic may not have been explicitly mentioned in the preceding discourse. In such cases it is generally a member of a set of items that has been mentioned or is at least inferable from the mention of other members of the same set, e.g. (26)

tre maftrme-litwa, I xa maflim-l Aron wete, 1 lo-xit-iS maflim Dalud wele. 1 'There were two rabbis. One was rabbi Aaron. The other was rabbi David'. (B:34)

(27)

tre hula?e zillu, 1 xa ?Abraham kimrlte, 1 lä-pisle, 1 xa-s Mixa kimrlwäle, 1 Mixaker, 1 lo-la-piS. 1 'Two Jews went -, one was called Abraham - he is still alive - and one called Mixa, Mixaker - he is not alive'. (B:42)

The topic item with -is may be an adverbial. In (28), the spatial adverbial 'above'. (lil-ilya) is inferable from the context due to its being associated with the preceding adverbial 'below'. (lil-tixya) in a set relationship. (28)

Jltwa Xa Xlinda, 1 llmma metre-biS 1 QOTU[a-we/a. 1 Ji/-tiXya 1 rubarile, 1 mafe. 1 lil-ilya-S 1 kepele. 1 'There was a deep valley. It was more than one hundred metres in depth. At the bottarn there was a river, water. At the top it was rocky'. (B:154)

(iii) Marking constituent in focus. In many cases the connective -iS is placed on a constituent that is the focus of the clause. This focalized constituent always has the nuclear stress. In such cases the speaker is asserting that these constituents are to be included in the same set as other items in the adjacent discourse. In most cases, this inclusive focus is rendered in English by 'also'. The focalized constituent is either contained within the intonation group of the clause or is detached in its own intonation group at the end of the clause. These constructions should be distinguished from cases where the consituent with -is does not bear the nuclear stress or is detached in its own intonation group at the front of the clause. As we have seen, in the latter type of construction, the constituent with -is announces the topic of the clause and is not the focus of the assertion.

376

SECTION EIGHTEEN

(29)

jar kud-jar 1 tre, t!fzha niise nabilwa gal-noseu, 1 ?lina-s gezlnwa gallu. 1 'Each time he would take two or three people with him. I also used to go with him'. (B:108)

(30)

kulla dukiine 1 m~tidara wlllilu. 1 dukiinan-is m~tidara willtilu. 1 'They impounded all the shops. They impounded also our shop'. (B:57)

(31)

sura?e-s ?ixliliin Ia kixliwiile. 1 'Also the Chrisitians ate our food'. (B:103)

(32)

?itwa geban 1 bSilmane rliba. 1 hula?e-S ?itwa raba. 1 'There were many Muslims where we lived. There were also many Jews'. (Y:203)

(33)

?ana lä-ken 1 wi-Cikma ruwwäne-s min-hula?e kimi. 1 'I shall come and also some of the Jewish leaders will come'. (Y:229)

(34)

?ilyela dalat ?ls~aq Le?a xlpla-llox, 1 mi~dlrra-llox, 1 xtela-llox. 1 wl-da?at fAzlz-is geban wela ?o-?ela. 1 'Leah, the mother of IsQ.aq, washed you, prepared you and wrapped you up. Also the mother of Aziz was with us during that festival'. (Y:88)

The inclusive focus may be on an attribute of a noun, as in the following examples. Note that in (36) the attributive phrase is detached at the end of the clause in its own intonation group. (35)

?ltwa tayxäna ?ot-bSilmane-S. 1 'There was also a Muslim tea shop'. (Y:200)

(36)

HJavizLH 1 geban 1 kollinit hula?e ?itwa, 1 jiriine ?itwtilan 1 ?ot misilmiine-S. 1 'But in our place there was a street of the Jews. We also had Muslim neighbours'. (B:13)

The constituent with -is sometimes expresses unexpected inclusion, which is rendered in English by the translation 'even': (37)

?iina 1 dinl 1 la-maxilplnne 1 ?agar metet-iS. 1 'I shall not change my religion, even if you die'. (B:148)

(38)

Ia fetiwa gal-dlxle ti-jar. 1 Ia qabliwa gazela-S. 1 'They never went out together. They did not permit him even to see her'. (B:85)

(39)

mire bäqeu: 1 Mose, 1 nawägox 1 bl-fimrit ?ista sinnela. 1 mira xalunti malpala. 1 zille kilwale-S. 1 'He said to him "Moshe, your granddaughter is six years old. My sister said that she will teach her." He even went and registered her'. (Y:262-263)

18.2. Intonation group boundaries As a general rule, independent clauses that present actions as separate events are uttered in separate intonation groups, e.g. (1)

dwtqle-l/eu, 1 xntqle-l/eu, 1 qtille-lleu, 1 mindele-lleu ga-maf ake. 1 'He

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377

seized him, throttled him, killed him and cast him into the water'. (L:504) A clause that has a close semantic dependence on one that precedes it, on the other hand, is frequently combined in the same intonation group as the first clause. This occurs in contexts where the second clause is a complement or purpose clause: (2)

lä-gben hawltta xa mindlx. 1 'I want you to give her something'. (L:375)

(3)

ma~en

(4)

/ä-naxpen lamren. 1 'I am ashamed to say'. (S:80)

(5)

yilzl/i kulla mindix ?o/en. 1 'He knew how to do everything'. (L:153)

(6)

qemex lixäla-hawex ta-yäle. 1 'We get up in order to give food to the children'. (Y:105)

(7)

/ä-lyeli zolit kre hawitta. 1 'I have come in order for you to give (me) the suit'. (B:126)

lamrinnox. 1 'I can tell you'. (L:68)

Clauses that are marked as dependent by a subordinating conjunction are also frequently placed in the same intonation group as the main verb: (8)

miito nabllla Clnki jwan-we/a/ 1 'How is it (possible) that he takes her because she is beautiful!' (L:529)

Also outside of contexts where there is grammatical expression of dependency, clauses are occasionally found linked tagether in the same intonation group. In such cases the speaker presents the actions expressed by the clauses as closely related, as if they were different aspects of the same basic event. Where this intonational binding of two clauses occurs, the first clause frequently contains a verb expressing some kind of movement, e.g. lz/ 'to go', lly 'to come': (9)

zlllu mlru ta-bSilmiine. 1 'They went and said to the Muslims'. (Y:172)

(10)

ba-flräq, 1 kul/a gezlwa ~aleniwa. 1 'In Iraq everybody used to go and pray'. (Y:199)

(11)

sl bqor min-David bäbox. 1 'Go and ask David, your father'. (S:104)

(12)

?ilye/u xmillu bäqan. 1 'They came and stood up for us'. (Y:196)

(13)

lilye/e ?itiwle. 1 'He went and sat down'. (L:508)

(14)

lila mori Hha-lemet.H 1 (S:93)

There are some grammatical signs that the two verb predicates in such constructions are being treated as a unit. When a nominal subject, for instance, is placed in post-verbal position, it is sometimes put after the second verb. Similarly the object of the second verb may be fronted before the verb of movement. These constructions indicate that the two verbs are treated as if they were one:

378

SECTION EIGHTEEN

(15)

gezlwa yatwlwa gure. 1 'Themen went and sat'. (Y:199)

(16)

tre be?e zllle mlxilplle. 'He went and exchanged the two eggs'. (S:119) 1

1

A similar binding tagether of two actions is often found where the first verbis ytw 'to sit' or qym 'to rise, stand': (17)

?itlwle masilla l}aqycile baqeu min-resa l}atta ?aqla. 'He sat and told him the story, from the beginning until the end'. (S:106)

(18)

yatwlwa I-lax Satimiwa. 'They used to sit there and drink'. (Y:205)

(19)

HJazH-qlmli mindytili gaw bira. 1 'Then, I got up and threw it into a weil'. (B:27)

(20)

qlmlan ?irqcilan. 'We got up and fled'. (B:50)

(21)

qlmle ta-~arlx. 1 'He got up and shouts'. (L:514)

(22)

qlmle xa-not hlwle baql, 1 ?ot-?isra dinare. 1 'He got up and gave me a ten dinar note'. (L:113)

(23)

kabra qlmle qlible reseu. 'The man turned against him'. (S:95)

1

1

1

1

1

The semantic integration of the verb qym with the foilowing verb is demonstrated by the fact that in some instances, often where it is not separated from the next verb by an intonation group boundary, it loses its literal meaning of 'rising up'. This applies to examples such as the foilowing: (24)

?eneu qlmla qlpla bban. 1 'His eye hit us'. (B:llO)

(25)

qlmle ?itlwle gdlre xa Sex. 1 'He settled down and became a sheikh'. (L:524)

(26)

qimle ?ebele. 'He feil in Iove'. (L)

In these cases the function of qym is to mark the onset of a new turn of events. The effect of this is often to give prominence to the event expressed by the construction. This could weil be the function of qym also in many cases such as (19-23), where the literal interpretation of 'rising up' is also possible. In (27) the auxiliary verb qym is used with an action that is the climax of a section of discourse: (27)

?ilyele, qlmli kulla anne-mindixane nibllli baqeu. 'He came and I brought ail those things to him'. (L:172) 1

1

1

Occasionaily clauses are put tagether also in other contexts. Where this occurs, the intention of the speaker is generally to present the actions of the verbs as closely cohering together, as aspects of the same event, e.g. (28)

l}atta bqatta xlula gotlwa, zamrlwa w-raqllwa. 'Until the morning they made merriment, they sang and danced'. (Y:118) 1

1

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18.3. Anaphora Another feature that refleets the close eohesion of two clauses is the omission of a direet objeet pronoun on the seeond verb to refer anaphorieally to a referent expressed in a preeeding clause: (1)

tre be?e sliqe mele, drele b-tlit kiibra. 'He brought two eooked eggs and put (them) in the hand of the man'. (S:123)

(2)

bar mslqla simmake ga-xalwit nosaw, htwla ta-yiilake b-maflaqa zora, xanCi xanCi. 1 'After she had erased the name with her own milk, she gave (it) to the ehild with a small spoon, little by little'. (L:83)

1

1

1

1

18.4. Chiasmus We have seen that the plaeement of a subjeet or objeet that is a topie referent after the verb is used in clauses that have a close semantie link with what preeedes. In a few eases, this results in a ehiastie struetural balanee between clauses (SV:VS or OV:VO). The ehiastie arrangement of elements aeross two clauses seems to be an independent deviee for expressing a close eonneetion between clauses. It is found in the strueture VO:OV where the first clause has the objeet after the verb for one of the reasons deseribed in §17.5.4.3 (topieality or salienee of referent) and the seeond clause is a repetition of the eontent of the first: (1) (2)

?o tarz~le yalox, bronox tarz~le. 1 'He will eure your boy. He will eure your son'. (L:62) 1

?at la-iltplox qur?an, qur?an la-qaret. 'You have learnt the 1

1

Qur'an. You read the Qur'an'. (B:llO)

Chiasmus is found also with other types of clauses, where there is semantie overlap between them: (3)

HsippurH ~aqyan res-xa bsilmana. 1 res-xa bsilmiina ~aqyan. 1 'I shall narrate a story about a Muslim, about a Muslim I shall narrate'. (Y:202)

(4)

?atta waxt lewe, ?ana tiiza duktina lii-pilxafi.i waxt Lewe ?atta. 'It is not the right time now. I have just opened the shop. It is not the right time now'. (L:189)

(5)

min-iyya lltwa geban, 1 ... lltwa min-iyya. 1 'We did not have this (eustom) ... We did not have this '. (L:197)

(6)

rtiba ?ode ?itwa-ltam. dukke ?itwa rtiba. 'There were many rooms there. There were many plaees'. (L:485)

(7)

litwiilan slkita 1 ... slkita lltwiilan. 1 'We did not have a knife .... We did not have a knife'. (L:282)

1

1

1

1

1

380

SECTION EIGHTEEN

(8)

Jir-Ruwimdiz, 1 Jitwiilu soba. 1 Jitwiilu r-Ruwimdiz soba HbeJemet.H1 'In Ruwandiz they had a stove. They truly had a stove in Ruwadiz'. (B:124)

(9)

Ji{tam-iS, 1 Jil-J Arbel-iS 1 mindi Jitwa,' ma~allit hulaJe Jitwa, 1 ••• kollinit hulaJe Jitwa, 1 Ji/-geban is 1 Jil-JArbelis. 1 'Both there andin Arbel ... there was a street of the Jews ... There was a street of the Jews bothin our place andin Arbel'. (B:ll-12)

18.5. Morphological weight In a sequence of two clauses that overlap semantically, the second clause often expresses one of the clause components by a fuller, morphologically heavier form than in the first clause, e.g. (1)

(2) (3) (4)

lii-mxele 1-rankeu, 1 /ii-mxele 1-rankeu kiibra. 1 'He had hit his trousers, the man had hit his trousers'. (B:52) bqatta title, 1 ... bqatta tltle Jiyya kiibra. 1 'In the morning he left ... In the morning this man left'. (S:55-56) HtikHake minsy(ile. 1 Htikad avodaH minsyale Jiyya. 1 'He forgot the

bag. He forgot the work-bag'. (S:56) diJire hawa, 1 d!Jlre hawa ta-bela. 1 'He went back. He went back harne'. (L:505)

This practice is reflected also by the distribution of the optional definite article ake. In some cases a definite noun that occurs in two or more clauses in a sequence is given the definite article -ake only in the final clause, e.g. (5)

masa/a ~aqyale biiqeu 1 ... masa/ake ~aqyale biiqeu. 1 'He told him the story ... He told him the story'. (S:106-107)

The article -ake is used in a similar way also at the end of a series of clauses that do not overlap semantically. In these cases the clause with -ake is the climax of the sequence (see §14.1.2): (6)

xa-golka wira loJa, 1 Jiyya käbra qtmle, 1 tara gliqle-l/eu. 1 Jiyya golka dwiqale, 1 diblale b-ara, 1 golkake dib~ale hawa. 1 'A heifer came inside and the man arose and closed the door. He seized the heifer, threw it on the ground and slaughtered the heifer'. (S:5)

(7)

mxele l-tara. 1 kabra La-mire tara pallxle res noseu. 1 xa-pelaK. imxele l-tara, 1tarake twire-lleu. 1 'He struck the door. The man did not dare to open the door and expose himself. In an instant he struck the door and broke the door down'. (S:11)

The preverbal particle lii is sometimes found only in the second of two semantically overlapping clauses. We have seen in §15.1.5 that this particle is

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381

associated with the semantic element of prominence and climax. It is possible that the structural principle of end-weighting is also a contributory factor in the formation of constructions such as (8): (8)

bsilmiine ?od-geban 1 Ia clwa, 1 sinfatiz Ia la-clwa ?oli. 1 'The Muslims in our community did not know (how to da this), they did not know how to practise a craft'. (L:17)

A further manifestation of the end-weighting principle can be found in the syntax of direct object marking. In some cases the pronominal object suffix that agrees with the direct object is used only on the second of two occurrences of a verb: (9)

baqiilula goliwa, 1 bazirgiini goliwiila. 1 'They practiced the grocery trade and practiced the clothier's trade'. (L:26)

18.6. Stress position The position of word stress on some components of a clause may be conditioned by the relation of the clause to other clauses in the adjacent discourse. 18.6.1. Position of nuclear stress in a clause When a clause is a repetition or, at least, a close semantic overlap of a preceding clause, there is often a difference in the distribution of stress in the two clauses. This variation sometimes involves the choice of word on which the nuclear stress is placed, in that it is placed an different components in the two clauses: (1)

tay Stele. 1 ... tizy Stefe.! 'He drank tea ... He drank tea'. (B:129-130)

(2)

?ilizw pistiila, 1 ... ?o-?ilaw piStala. 1 'She stretched out her hand .... She stretched out her hand'. (B:137-138)

(3)

?iyyiz tre ~u~kiz plitlu. 1 tre-~u~ka plitlu. 1 'Behold! Two chicks hatched out. Two chicks hatched out'. (S:64)

(4)

xiznCi ?izze zwinne. 1 ... xiznCi ?izze zwinne. 1 'He bought a few goats . ... He bought a few goats'. (S:69-70)

(5)

?iyyiz kiibra, 1 xadamit babit ?iyya faqlr-wele. 1 ... ?iyyiz xizmitkarid bei d-iyya wele. 1 'This man was the servant of the father of this poor man.... He was the servant of the family of this person'. (S:31)

(6)

?idie/ 1 keni qatlilu l-hula?e. 1 ... ?e qatlilu l-hula?e. 1 'Tonight they are coming to kill the Jews ... Yes, they will kill the Jews'. (Y:170)

(7)

?aniz tiiziz dukana lii-pilxafi.i ... ?attiz tiiza dukiiniz lii-pilxafi.i 'I have just opened the shop.... I have just now opened the shop'. (L:189-192)

In other cases the position of stress in a ward or stress group is varied in the second clause (9-11). In examples (12-13) both types of variation are found:

382 (8)

SECTION EIGHTEEN

sl,

1

la-zdi.

1

sl,

la-zdl. 'Go, do not be afraid! Go, do not be afraid!'. 1

(L:330) (9)

t!q,ha bSilmäne baruxyawale welu. 1 zlllu I wadi ?ltwa. 1 gezlwa yatwlwa ?i/-lilX, 1 faraq Sateniwa, 1 baruxyawale. 'Three Muslims were friends. They went to a river valley. They went and sat there. They drank saraq. They were friends'. (Y:204) 1

(10)

xa baruxlla-faztmle-1/i.l xa baruxlla-faztmle-111. 'A friend of mine has invited me. A friend of mine has invited me'. (S:109)

(11)

?iyya /J,az-wllle minnaw, 1 ... /J.(lZ-wille minnaw-S. 1 'He lusted after her.... He lusted after her'. (B:142-143)

(12)

tre-be?e ?1bba. tre be?e ?lbba. 'There are two eggs in it. ... There are two eggs in it'. (S:58-59)

1

1

1

...

This variation in stress position is found also where a verb is repeated across two clauses but in each case with a different subject and object: (13)

mafinanwä/u, 1 mafiniwafi.i 'I used to help them and they used to help me'. (Y:100)

It sometimes occurs also when a phrase is repeated within the same clause: (14)

b-dawri Pflla-i Kora, b-dawri PiUa-i Kora, ?ltwa xa hu/a?a. 1 'In the time of Pasa-i Kora, in the time of Pasa-i Kora, there was a Jew'. (B:145) 1

1

A similar change in stress is found across a series of verbs that are not identical but nevertheless are closely related, in that they are presented as aspects of one overall event: (15)

kul/u ?anne l}ajitanye kawlle, ?u-keni gebeu, 1 barxlle, mafinile. 'They give him all those tools and they come to him to wish him weiland help him'. (L:167) 1

1

1

18.6.2. Position of nuclear stress in a ward Although the position of the stress in a ward can vary, we may make a distinction between the basic position of the stress and secondary positions. In nouns, the basic position is at the end of the word. In verbs the basic position depends on the inflectional endings and pronominal suffixes, yet is nevertheless reducible to some general rules (see §5). We have already seen that stress position may vary in a repeated clause or phrase. We may identify another contextual factor that conditions the position of stress. In a chain of clauses the nuclear stress of a clause is often moved from the basic position of stress in the word in which it occurs when the clause is non-final in the chain. The final clause in the chain would generally be expected to have the nuclear stress in the basic position:

383

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(16)

dwa?e, qemiwa bar t!flha ?arba yarxe !aneniwäla, goliwlila l}.afla. 1 'Then, after three or four months they would marry her off and hold a party for her'. (B:84)

(17)

Saqllwa xa qaznligit ... ?i-rizza, I kmeniwäle bela, I linSe yatwlwa deqiwale hatta ... gadlrwa spira 1 wi-bastlwa minneu, 1 ta-kulle sltwa. 1 'In addition, they took a qaznäg of rice and brought it harne. Warnen sat and crushed it weil and cooked portians of it throughout the winter'. (B:118)

1

1

1

1

(18)

darguSta ?asran, kasyanwiJla, xalwa kwanwäte, damixwa. 'I tied up the cradle, covered it, gave him milk and he slept'. (Y:96)

(19)

?atxan dimman res-2llxun. qtiilunnan! 'Our blood is in your hands. Kill us!'. (Y:227)

(20)

mira: 1 2lla. bronax mille. 1 'She said "Come, your son has died"'. (Y:166)

(21)

?ltwäle kepe zore ga-joreu, 1 La ma~ewa 1 joreu 2olwa. 1 dixtore ?anne kepe zore mlru bäqeu: dabl ?amalyat ?o/ ta-xätrit paltilu minneu. 'He had small stones in his urine. He could not pass urine. The doctors said to him that he must have an operation in order that they might extract from him those small stones. '. (L:59-60)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

•••

1

(22)

2lla galll. ?tina nabllnnax geb-baxti. 'Come with me. I shall take 1

1

you to my wife'. (L:232) The nuclear stress is sometimes moved from its basic word position in a clause that is grammatically subordinate to the following clause. In example (24) it is found in the protasis of a conditional construction: (23)

?agar xa gezwa 2lleu pasltwäla, kimriwäle 'lf somebody went and stretched out his hand, they would say to him ...' (Y:147) 1 •••

1

1

1

In some cases the movement of the nuclear stress from its basic word position is found at the end of a chain of clauses. Most of these clauses, however, appear not to be the main core clause of the chain but rather a clause that is elaborating on or supplementing, often as an afterthought, what precedes: (24)

wllle-lleu l}.axam, plslu ftam, hatta slitit safarbarlig. safarbarlig waxtit ?lngliz ?u-Turkiya qrlJwa gollwa. 1 'They made him a sage and they stayed there until the First World War. The First World War, when the English and the Turks went to war'. (B:16)

(25)

xanCi minnu-S xuba?oläne-welu, xubiz gollwa, julte sofiwälu. xanCi minnu-S zaqäre-we[u, Ju-xanCi minnu-S zeringir-welu. ?iyya-wela. 1 xanCi-S /J,amblJle welu. 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1 1

384

SECTION EIGHTEEN

'They had four jobs. They practiced professions. One of them - they were (cloth) merchants, that is they used to sell material. Same of them were dyers. They used to do dyeing. They dyed clothes. Same of them were weavers. Same of them were goldsmiths. That was it [end of Iist]. Same were porters. [afterthought] (B:5-6) (26)

tama? 1 ?anne mindenile. 1 /a-gbe palxlxxa, 1 kilseu palxixxa. 1 'Why? (Because) he has expelled them. It is not necessary for us to open it, for us to open his stomach'. (L:89)

18.7. Intonationpatterns An important signal of the relations between clauses is given by intonation patterns. The transcription of the texts indicates intonation groups and their nuclear Stresses but not the pitch contours of the intonation groups. Same of the common intonation patterns are described here. 18.7.1. Intonation contour marking a major juncture. This typically signals completeness and occurs at the end of a clause chain. It is characterized by a drop in pitch at the end of the intonation group. There is generally a rise in pitch on the nucleus. If the nucleus is the last syllable of the group, there is a rising-falling pitch within this one syllable. Any syllables occurring after the nucleus have decreasingly lower Ievels of pitch. This contour is represented by the symbol A: (1)

?anne niiSe ruwweA-welu. 1 These were great people'. (L:341)

(2)

goliwala f,taf/a.A 1 'They held a party for her'. (B:84)

The Ievel of the pitch rise depends on the prominence that the speaker wishes to express. Greater prominence is expressed by a higher rise in pitch (represented by the symbol "'). This may be used to signal the last major juncture in a chain of clauses: (3)

zad!xwa."" 1 'We were afraid'. (Y:169)

(4)

sliwiir deqlxwa,A 1 dwa?e mawBixwiile,A 1 maqilwixwiile,/ 1 taxnixwl1/e."" 1 'We crushed burghul wheat. Then we dried it, cleaned it and ground it'. (Y:102)

The use of this high rise contour sometimes coincides with other markers of prominence, such as the particle lii: (5)

dwa?e mawW/u./ 1 matwllu qiim-Simsa mawiSilu.A 1 bar wislu,/ 1 ll1-deqilu."" 1 'Then they dry it. They put it in the sun and dry it. After it has dried they crush it'. (B:113)

A prominent pitch rise is used to express contrastive assertion: (6)

biiba w-da?a ?oni"" go!lwa. 1 'The father and mother - they were the ones who did it'. (L:196)

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Occasionally, when the speaker does not wish to express any particular prominence, a fall in pitch occurs on the nucleus without any preceding rise (represented by the symbol '-). Any subsequent syllables in the intonation group have decreasing Ievels of pitch: (7)

kulla gal-dlxle l;.aSta'- goliwa. 1 'Everybody worked together'. (Y:1)

18.7.2. Intonation groups marking a minor juncture Minor juncture is marked by a low rise in pitch on the nucleus (represented by the symbol /). This type of intonation group typically signals incompleteness. It is often used in clauses in a chain that occur in non-final position. The final clause in the chain would normally have a major juncture intonation contour, with a drop in pitch. Sometimes the non-final nature of a clause in a chain is signalled both by a non-final intonation contour and by a shift of the nuclear stress from the basic position in the word in which it occurs (see §18.6.2): (8)

Saneniwäla,/ goliwlila l;.afla.A 'They would marry her off and hold a party for her'. (B:84)

(9)

Saqziwa xa qaznligit ... ?i-rizza,/ kmeniwäle bela,/ ?inSe yatwzwa deqiwä/e/ IJ.atta ... gadlrwa Spira/ wT-basllwaA minneu. 'They took a qaznäg of rice and brought it home. W omen sat and crushed it weil and cooked portians of it'. (B:118)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

(10)

kxliwa,/ xe{iwa,/ kxtlwa,/ yatwlwa gal-belu u-ylilu.'- 'They sewed, they ate and they sat with their family'. (Y:2)

(11)

?o /ä-zade/ nakun famalyat ?o/,/ dwa?e [aA tart~. 1 'He was afraid for him to have an Operation and afterwards not recover'. (L:74)

1

1

1

1

1

1

This type of non-final intonation contour is characteristically used in Subordinate clauses, or clauses that perform similar functions, such as asyndetic temporal or conditional clauses (§19.3.7, S19.4.2): (12)

?agar gebl peswa,/ ?tina zonlnwlile.A 'If it remained with me, I used to buy it'. (L:204)

(13)

magurilu geban,/ bräta La gazlxwäla.A 'When they married people in our community, we did not see the girl'. (L:194)

(14)

la-gadret mSilmäna,/ qatllnnox.A 'If you do not become a Muslim, I shall kill you'. (B:150)

1

1

1

1

1

1

It is also used in adverbial phrases that occur at the front of the clause and are presented in their own intonation group: (15)

yomid bara,/ H?olamH ral;.at gdlra.A 'On the next day, everything became quiet'. (Y:190)

(16)

bar so?a yome/

1

1

1 ...

'After seven days ...' (Y:81)

SECTION NINETEEN

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES 19.1. Relative clauses A relative clause either functions as an attributive modifier of a nominal or functions as a complete nominal phrase without being dependent on a head noun in the phrase. 19.1.1. Attributive relative clauses When functioning as an attributive modifier, there are various ways in which it can be linked to the head noun. When the antecedent noun is definite in status, either having a referent that is identifiable from the context or a referent that is a generic class, the relative clause is generally syndetic, i.e. it is introduced by some kind of explicit morphological marking. If the antecedent is indefinite, the relative clause is asyndetic, without explicit morphological marking. 19.1.1.1. Syndetic relative clauses Three types of syndetic relative clause are found. (i) Annexation The head nominal may have the annexation inflection -itl-id. In such structures the relative clause immediately follows the head noun and it is always

restrictive, i.e. its function is to define more closely the reference of the antecedent noun. In many cases the antecedent noun is introduced by the demonstrative particle ?o. Here the demonstrative is used in its neutral sense, unspecified as to proximity. It indicates that the referent is identifiable from the context, in this case from the relative clause that qualifies it (see §14.5.1): (1)

?o-kepit pll/e reseu, 1 ?o kepil' nbillu-l/eu The stone that he had fallen on, they brought that stone'. (B:160)

(2)

dwale 1 maf/im Hmi-Se-beraxH go/wa 1 1-?o-naSit wa~/a piSle baqeu. 1 'Then the rabbi said the blessing mi Se berax for the person who acquired a portion. '. (B:69)

The antecedent with annexation inflection may be a nominal used as an adverb: (3)

sb?it ke, 1 yomit tf!lhUSabit ke, 1 l}aqex bi-zoda. 1 'The week that is coming, on the Tuesday that is coming, we shall speak more'. (L:149)

(4)

?o b-lele xmll/e baqeu, dukkid gezl ?ilu xal/llu faqlu xallllu. 'He waited for him at night, at the place where they washed their hands and feet'. (L:504) 1

1

1

1

1

387

SYNT ACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(5)

lo-dammit latxan zltian, 1 heStan HmiSpa~aH zora-welan. 1 'At the time that we went, we were still a small family'. (Y:20)

(ii) The particle t-ldIn some cases the relative clause is introduced by the cliticized annexation particle t-ld-. In the attested examples, the clause is most easily interpreted as a restrictive relative. The antecedent noun is definite or generic. In some cases the noun is introduced by the demonstrative particle liyya: (6)

?iyya 1 b-xalwid didax xlolle. 1 ?iyya-simma t-ktlwli.l 'Wash this with your milk, this name which I have written'. (L:81)

(7)

kulla näse t -liftam welu zdelu. 'All the people who were there became afraid'. (L:84) 1

1

1

In (8) the head nominal is in the annexation form: (8)

kud daqiq d-laxxa-wen ga-?ere~ yisrale/ la maxilpinna kulla l Arbe/ hawlla bäql. 1 'I would not exchange any minute that I am here in the Land of Israel, even if they were to give me the whole of Arbel'. (L:573) 1

(iii) Demonstrative pronoun + -tl-d The relative clause in many cases is introduced by a demonstrative pronoun with the annexation particle -tl-d cliticized to it. In the vast majority of cases the demonstrative is the singularform lo. The resulting form lotllod is used not only when the antecedent noun is singular but also when it is plural, indicating that it is treated as a unit functioning as a general annexation particle rather than a phrase consisting of demonstrative pronoun and annexation particle. This type of relative clause has a looser connection to its antecedent noun and can be separated from it, as is seen in (14) and (19) below. The antecedent noun is definite or generic. The relative clause is sometimes restrictive, as in the previously mentioned types of relatives. In some cases, however, it is non-restrictive, i.e. it is used in a context where the speaker assumes that the hearer can identify the referent of the antecedent noun without further modification and the function of the relative clause is to add further information concerning the antecedent noun. This reflects its looser connection to the antecedent noun. (a) Restrictive relatives In many cases restrictive relative clauses are in the same intonation group as the antecedent noun: (9)

xetlwälu nosu. H~eleqH lot-la-yalwa, ?ltwa näse xetlwa ta-ger näse. ?ana la-tanwa, xetlwälu bäqan. ?ana tltwäli waxt. 'Any who did not know (how to sew)- there were people who sewed for others'. (Y:146) 1

1

1

1

1

1

388

SECTION NINETEEN

(10)

doq Jiyya dehwa. 1 Jiyya mindixänox Jot-mlrox bäql. 1 'Take this gold. Here are the things of yours that you asked for from me'. (L:176)

(11)

Jiyya lfatan kimrlwäle Jot mele-lli mlre: la! 'The man called I:Iatan who brought me said "No"'. (L:545)

(12)

Jo bläne, 1 Jot-Jltwäle 1 'or his daughters Oiterally: the daughters whom he had)'. (L:27)

(13)

kre Jot-lositu. 1 'The type of suit that they used to wear'. (B:125)

(14)

kulla bSilmanake qi{lllu Jod-gaw saray Jitiwelu. 'They killed all the Muslims who were sitting in the palace'. (Y:178)

1

1

1

1

In a few isolated cases a restricted relative is introduced by the demonstrative Jiyya +demonstrative particle: (15)

meli tre näSe lp;t.Y[Iq~le. 1 mindl Jiyyat zwznni bäqaw nblllu-lleu. 'They took the things that I bought for her'. (L:408) 1

1

(b) Non-restrictive relatives In the attested examples, a relative clause introduced by Jot/ Jod that is nonrestrictive is presented in a separate intonation from that of the antecedent noun: (16)

ha-iyya kaxta min-mirane Qädzrbak babit fUmarbak, Jot gebxun ~äkfmile. 1 'Here is a Ietter from the Qadirbek 'amirs, from the father of Umarbek, who is a judge among you'. (L:369)

(17)

Jtina baxtit flan-wan, 1 Jot gebOx Saqlt dehwa. 1 'I am the wife of soand-so, who buys gold from you'. (L:228)

(18)

meta xanCi xalwa d-noSaw 1 Jod-ytilake lä-xalwale. 1 'She brought some of her own milk, with which she suckled the child'. (L:79)

(19)

faqire, yafni mahäjirne kimrlwälu, Jot-?ilyewälu min-dasta, minbäte gaw-malwaJat msilmäne, Joni gaw-~ä!far-welu. 1 'The poor, that is those called 'refugees', who had come from the countryside, from houses in Muslim villages, they were in an enclosure called a ~ä!jär'. (B:8)

1

1,

1

1

1

1

1

1

Non-restrictive relative clauses are occasionally introduced by the demonstrative Jiyya + annexation particle, or, if the antecedent is plural, by the plural demonstrative Jinna + annexation particle. This is found mainly in the speech of informant Y: (20)

daJz Jiyyat murwela-lli H!jafiraH zzlla. mtlla {{qhz u-xamSa. 'My mother, the person who brought me up, passed away while young. She died when she was thirty-five'. (Y:274) 1

1

1

1

389

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(21)

/a-qbl/lu, linna Hma/laxzm,Ht linnat mirili, nabi Danle/, nabi Nal}om, mallax Gabrile/, mallax Mixa?e/. 'The angels did not allow it, the ones whom I have spoken of, the prophet Daniel, the prophet Nabum, the angel Gabriel and the angel Michael'. (Y:197) 1

1

1

(22)

1

1

1

slmmit t!r:nu-s me/e, llnnat piSe/u. 'He mentioned the names of both of them, who were still alive. (Y:246) 1

1

19.1.1.2. Asyndetic relative clauses (i) If the antecedent noun is indefinite, the relative clause is asyndetic, without any explicit morphological marker introducing it. The relative clause in such cases is always restrictive: (23)

xanti jare lltwa bate lltwlilu kawe, xanti jare lltwa bate be kawe. 'Sometimes there were houses that had windows, sometimes there were houses without windows'. (B:2) 1

1

1

1

(24)

wu-hu/a?e u-mSilmane zlllu gaw tura, xa tura kimrlwlile Brand!st. 1 'The Jews and the Muslims went into the mountains, to a mountain called Brandist'. (B:18)

(25)

kud Hktav-yadH gazenila b-ilxim 1 madrixxun hawa, 1 Ia qabli lezetun ?ere(f Yisra?e/. 1 'Any manuscript that they see in your hands - they will send you back'. (B:26)

(26)

xa hu/ala-lit 1 rliba /altq lu-mal}bubile. 1 'There is a Jew who is very handsome and likeable (B:147)

(27)

ltt xa hu/ala Simmeu latxe/e. 'There is a Jew whose name is such-and-such'. (L:62)

(28)

kud loda goritwa gawaw, Ia citwa lil-ma xeret. 'Every room that you entered, you did not know what to Iook at'. (L:69)

(29)

litwa rliba minnu 1 ga-lArbe/ 1 /a-welu larbinne la$11 la$fi. 1 'There were many people in Arbe! who were not from original Arbeli families'. (L:38)

1

1

1

1

1

1

Such asyndetic relatives tend to occur at the end of the main clause. They may be separated from the antecedent noun by some intervening element: (30)

lltwa pare ga-Slemanlya, geb-xa zeringlr litwa/e, Rafa?e/ kimriwlile. _'He was owed money (literally: had money) in Suleimaniyya. He was owed it by a goldsmith called Rafa'el. (L:536) 1

1

1

(31)

Hha-lemetH yomlile litwa, 1 lista dinare }Ja:fllxwa. 1 'To teil the truth, there were days when we made six dinars'. (B:58)

(ii) Asyndetic clauses that express some property of a preceding definite noun

are often most naturally rendered into English by a non-restrictive relative.

390

SECTION NINETEEN

(32)

?atta gbet IJ.aqen bäq6x xanci reS xalonid bäbl, ?ilha manlxle, kimrlwäle 1 Ral;.amim Mamyäna. 1 'Now, you want me to speak to you a little about the matemal uncle of my father, may God grant him rest, who was called Rai).amim Mamyana'. (L:496)

(33)

?ilyele, lä-cer bar baxteu. simmaw Xadija-wela. 'He came looking for his wife, whose namewas Khadija'. (L:237)

(34)

malla ?itwa ftam ga-?6 mäla, dar la-wela min-K6y Sinjaq. 'There was a mullah in that town, which was not far from Koy Sanjak'. (L:499)

(35)

J;.asta gollnwa geb ?Ä.ser, zeringlr, ?ilha manlxle, g6rit xaltl wele. 1 'I was working for Asher the goldsmith (may God grant him peace), who was the husband of my aunt'. (L:535)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

19.1.1.3. Subjunctive in relative clauses

When the antecedent noun is a class term without a specific referent, a verb form in the relative clause that is derived from the present base is in the subjunctive. This, of course, is discernible only in verbs that have distinct subjunctive forms: (36)

kud-naSit sala ?ewa lleu 1 gezilwa res-?o kepa. 1 'Everybody who had a fever would go tothat stone'. (B:160)

(37)

kud-naSit ... gaw qabilätl hawewa, 1 HJ;.ayyimeuH Spire-welu. 1 'Every person who ... was in a tribe, his life was good'. (B:35)

(38)

HJ;.eleqH ?ot-la-yalwa 1 'Any who did not know (how to sew)'. (Y:146)

(39)

l}astawaläna magon-laxxa, xarkanas ?61, ?ez xlpära ?61, ?o-?ez jäde tarl~, 1 tltwa min-?anne, geban tltwa. 'A labourer like (we have) here, who works with a shovel, goes and digs, or goes and repairs the roads- there were none like them in our place'. (L:15) 1

1

1

(40)

1

1

La damxixwa, 1 ?o-y6mit l}asta hawewälan. 1 'We did not sleep, on any day that we had work to do'. (Y:104)

In some contexts the subjunctive after such class terms may be interpreted also as expressing purpose: (41)

hblle l}aSta ?o/ 1 'Give him work that he will do' = 'Give him work to do'. (L:160)

19.1.1.4. Conditional sense A relative phrase with an antecedent noun that refers to a generic class sometimes loses the properties of a nominal, in that it does not have the function of a nominal component in the main clause. In such cases it is closer in syntactic

391

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

function to a conditional or temporal clause: (42)

kud Hktav-yadH gazenila b-ilxim 1 madrlxxun hawa, 1 la qabll ?ezetun ?ere:f Yisra?e/. 'Any manuscript that they see in your hands (= If they see any manuscript in your hands), they will send you back'. (B:26) 1

(43)

kud ?oda gorltwa gawaw, la cltwa ?il-ma xeret. 'Every room that you entered (= Whenever you entered any room), you did not know what to Iook at'. (L:69)

(44)

hema-i xa ~purtit hula?a ?axta dimma ?ale minnaw, ?atxan :jalbixxilxun. 'But any fingemail of a Jew from which blood issues (= If bloods issues from any fingemail of a Jew), weshall kill you'. (Y:182)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

19.1.1.5. Interna! structure of relative clauses When the referent of the antecedent noun is the subject of the relative clause, it is expressed by the subject inflection of the verb or copula. When the referent of the antecedent has some other grammatical relation in the relative clause this is expressed, as in earlier Aramaic, by coreferential pronominal suffixes in the appropriate syntactic position. Ample illustration of this is found in the examples given above. Same types of structure, however, require further comment. When the referent of the antecedent has the roJe of direct object in the relative clause, the coreferential object suffix may be expressed or omitted. Usually individual informants are consistent in following one of these options. Informant L regularly omits the suffix (see examples (6), (10), (18)), whereas informant B regularly expresses them (see examples (13) and (25)). In cases where the antecedent has the syntactic relation of an adverbial in the relative clause, there is no resumptive pronominal suffix (see examples (8), (40), (31)).

Pronominal suffixes are often omitted on the preposition gaw, as is the case in other contexts (§16.4 iv), e.g. (45)

?atxan, ?ltwaJan tre hode wi-xa haywan basl"ixwa gaw. 'We had three rooms and a verandah, in which we used to cook'. (Y:9) 1

1

1

1

19.1.1.6. Tense In a few cases, a relative clause that qualifies a noun in a clause with a past tense verb has a present form of verb or copula. In such cases the present form is used in a neutral sense and takes its time reference from that of the main clause, see examples (14) and (22). 19.1.1.7. Omission of copula in relative clause In relative clauses that have a nominal predicate the copula is often omitted: (46)

?iyya kabra d-mtirit golka w-torta mala kulla Cirale. 'The man 1

1

392

SECTION NINETEEN

who was the owner of the heifer and the cow searched the whole town'. (S:7) (47)

brata ?itwali rubta, 1 fimraw ?ista sinne. 1 'I had an older daughter, who was six years old'. (Y:7)

(48)

?itwate xa brona, fimreu {/{lha Sinne, ?arba Sinne. 'He had a son, who was three or four years old'. (L:58)

(49)

xa-ya/a ?itte, fimreu t!izha arba Sinne. 'He has a son, who is three or four years old'. (L:73)

(50)

magon karpii:e ?ot-laxxa, 1 ?amman bls ram. 1 'Like the bricks (that are) here but better'. (L:437)

1

1

1

1

1

1

The predicate of such reduced relative dauses is sometimes a single adjective or preposition phrase, e.g. tre-be?e t-xaw 'two raw eggs' (S:61), be?e d-la-bsile 'eggs that are not cooked', jirane ?itwlilan ?ot misilmane-s 'We also had Muslim neighbours' (B:13), kulla mindix ?ot ta-Suqa 1 'everything that is for the market' (L:162), kawulwatu ta-?inse ?ot ga-bela 'They gave them to the warnen who were in the hause' (L:27), kullu barx!wa ?znnat gaw-J:zawiS 1 'All those in the residential endosure affered blessings' (Y:64). The absence of the copula in such constructions makes them dose in syntactic structure to attributive adjectives and prepositional phrases (see §14.10, §14.11). 1

19.1.1.8. Relative dauses containing the existential partide An indefinite noun is sometimes qualified pleonastically in an asyndetic relative dause containing the existential particle ?itl?itwa: (51)

zillu 1 wadi ?!twa. 1 'They went to a valley'. (Y:204)

(52)

zillu xa faqrlt ~iwa rumanta rumanta ?!twa. 1 'They went to a very high tree trunk'. (S:l13)

(53)

xa-waxit hula?ake mtelu gaw xa megalit ?irbe ?itwa. 'Then the Jews reached a flock of sheep'. (B:49)

(54)

dwa?e gezlwa tayxana ?itwa. 'Then they went to a tea shop'. (Y:199)

(55)

firqlile, zllle geb Slemaniye, geb-sh Mal;zmud ?itwa -!tam. 'He fled and went to Suleimaniyya, to a certain Sheikh Mal).mud there'. (L:520)

1

1

1

1

1

The form hawe, which serves as a suppletive subjunctive form of ?it, is found in an equivalent construction where the antecedent noun is an indefinite dass term without a specific referent. In the attested examples the dass term is in the annexation form: (56)

b-ma-lawnit hawe 1 'In some way or other'. (S:6)

The existential partide ?it is also used in an asyndetic relative dause to express a possessive attribute of an indefinite noun:

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(57)

393

drelu-lleu gaw sawaslr, 1 f:talqlilu, 1 qapag itta mtulu resaw, 1 yisr{i/u. 1 'They put him in the basket. They put on a Iid that belonged to it and tied it up'. (B:157)

19.1.2. Nominal relative clauses Nominal relative clauses, which have no antecedent head noun and function as nominal phrases, are generally introduced by a demonstrative pronoun with the relative clitic -tl-d. 19.1.2.1. Generic When they refer to a generic class, the demonstrative pronoun is generally ?o. This singular form of the demonstrative is used even where the verb in the clause is plural, as is seen in examples (6) and (7): (1)

?ot J:taqe gallox 1 ?eneu paltixxu, 1 qatilxxe, 1 dabf:taxxe. 1 'Whoever speaks (harshly) to you, weshallknockout his eyes'. (L:443)

(2)

?ot-kewa xa-tay kmlxwale. 1 'Whoever came, we would bring tea to him'. (L:229) ?ot Ia-gazele 1 pakkeu lewe, 1 la-Soqile: 1 ba maxele. 1 'Whoever saw

(3)

him did not care but left him (saying) "Let him beat him"'. (L:286) (4) (5)

(6)

(7)

?ot-!ltwale, 1 kud-damma kplna-wele. 1 'Whoever did not have (anything) was always hungry'. (Y:110) ?ot HJaqafotH pllwäla qameu 1 kulla slfre tora 1 faydew-welu. 1 'Whoever the haqqafot had fallen to possessed all the scrolls of the Torah'. (B:70) ?o-wiutit ?ilyelan ta-?ere~ yisra?e/ 1 bsilmanlt ?Arbe! kulla bxelu, 1 Ia kullu, 1 ?ot xa?eniwa gallan, 1 ?od be minnan !ltwa/u rfsiq, 1 Iltwa!u f:taSta. 1 'When we came to Israel, the Muslims of Arbel all wept - not all of them, those who lived with us, those who did not have a livelihood or work without us'. (L:135)

?od-dawlamand-welu, 1 kulla-bate, 1 kut ke pa mi -xa-nawaf baneniwa. 1 'Those who were rich built all the houses (in such a way that) each brick was of a single type'. (Y:30)

A qa(il form verb in such generic nominal relatives is sometimes put in the subjunctive, in verbs that have a distinct subjunctive form: (8)

geban ?ot hawewa/e ?alpa lire, 1 ?alpa dinare, 1 dawlamand ruwwawele.1 'In our community, whoever bad a thousand pounds or a thousand dinarswas an important, wealthy man'. (L:342)

In a few contexts, a generic nominal relative is found used without any introductory demonstrative:

394 (9)

SECTION NINETEEN

?agar L!twaLe naSa ?axll, 1 naSe ta-xa qrusa hawlLe. 1 'If somebody did not have anything to eat, people there would give to their last piastre'. (Y:lll)

When a nominal relative refers to a generic class, it is sometimes treated syntactically as if it were a conditional clause rather than a nominal. This is seen in the following. In (L:124) the use of the qtille form to refer to a future action is characteristic of conditional protasis clauses (see §19.4.1.1 v). The demonstrative particle ?iyya in (Y:201) refers to the initial relative phrase as if it were a proposition describing a Situation rather than a nominal: (10)

?6d ~aqeLe 1 gaL-xa huLa?a 1 ?eneu pL6tmun. 1 'Whoever speaks (harshly) to a Jew, put out his eyes!' (L:124)

(11)

?ot-zllle-S 1 mi-zduLeu 1 ?iyya kliwa-weLe geb ?ilha. 1 'Whoever has died from fear (= If some have died from fear) - this (referring to the Situation) was destined by God'. (Y:201)

19.1.2.2. With specific referent A nominal relative clause that is definite and has a specific referent is generally introduced by the demonstrative ?iyya or, when it refers to a group, by the plural demonstrative. These demonstratives are linked to the relative clause in one of three ways: (i) With the relative clitic -t: (12)

?u-xa-xhi marlwwaLe, 1 kuLwaLe ta ... ?iyyat baSLaLe. 1 'And another mixed it and gave it to the one who was doing the cooking'. (Y:37)

(13)

?iyyat La-q(illu-lleu, 1 huLa?e La La-qtlllu-lleu. 1 'As for the one who was killed, the Jews did not kill him'. (Y:225)

(14)

?lnnat La qtlllu-lleu dreLu gaw-Hsak,HI mindeLu-lleu qam-tarit xa beLa HfasirH. 1 'The ones who killed him put him in a sack and threw him in front of the door of a rich man's hause.' (Y:234)

(15)

?u-pilgeu bi-zoda paLyanwaLe ta-?lnnat LltwaLu ?axilwa. 1 'And I shared out more than half of it to the ones who had nothing to eat'. (Y:272)

1

1

(ii) With ?ot:

(16)

bü-?urxa 1 ?iyya ?ot mewanew-weli ... gzeLe-llew i/-xalonid babl. 1 On the way, the man whose guest I was ... saw the matemal uncle of my father'. (L:546)

(iii) Asyndetically:

(17)

?iyya jinwale ?6 baxtake 1 mln goraw, 1 mln yälaw, 1 malla-wele. 1

395

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

'The one who had stolen that woman from her husband, from her children, was a mullah. (L:502) (18)

?iyya lfatan kimrlwate ?ot mele-lli mlre: la/ 'The one called I:Iatan, who brought me, said "No!" (545)

(19)

qtm/e ?itlw/e gdzre xa Sex, 1 Sex ruwwa magon AfurbanA 1 ?6t farabne 1 anne lä-gezlwa gaw mindlx ... raSmä/e go/lwa ga 1 ••• to/e. 1 'Then he became a sheikh, a great sheikh like the Arab bedouin, the people who used to go in ... , who pitched tents in the desert areas (outside the town)'. (L:524)

1

1

19.1.2.3. Asyndetic relative clauses When a nominal relative clauses is indefinite in status, either with or without a specific referent, it Iacks an introductory demonstrative particle. This type of construction is found in the texts mainly in phrases referring to a name with the form 'someone/something called ..':

(20)

ke mbiill xa-yoma Sabbat, 1 zltlan 1 b-jäda rubta geb nädl kimrlwäle. 1 'I remember, one Sabbath, we went down a large street to something that was called a club'. (L:284)

(21)

bar-xli/an b-y6m Sabbat, 1 zlllan tayxäna kimrlwä/a. 1 'When we had eaten on Sabbath, we went to something called a tea house'. (L:546)

(22)

/axxa, 1 b-makine goll, 1 ?i{tam, 1 goilwa b-nasaj kimriw(i/e. 1 'Here, they work on machines. There, they worked on something that was called a loom'. (L:506)

(23)

H?azH ?o-waxt, 1 ?itwa näse riiba ga-?Arbe/, 1 ruwwäne-welu, 1 miualan magon ~liliiJ Yosef, 1 kimrlwiile, 1 lilhil manlxle. 1 'So, at that

time there were many important people in Arbel, like, for instance, someone called Salii). Yoseph, may God grant him rest'. (L:336) (24)

kud-niisit ... gaw qabilätl kimrlla b-kurdl,' gaw qabilätl hawewa, H~ayyimeuH Spire-welu.' 'Everyone who was in what is called a tribe in Kurdish, ... who was in a tribe, his life was good'. (B:35) 1

Indefinite nominal relatives of this type sometimes have the indefinite article xa: (25)

wlri gaw-?6 suqa,' xa mugäza rubta rubta,' ?ot-xa-lfajji kimrlwä/e. 1 'I entered the market, (and went) into a very large shop belanging to someone known as I:Iajji'. (L:264)

(26)

xa ?Ort kimrlwä/e, 1 ?6 HmadrlxitH didan wele. 1 'Somebody called Ori was our Ieader. (L:276)

(27)

xa kimrlwäle qum~er 1 ••• ?ilye/e, sahlula Sqllle mlnni. 1 'A person called a commissioner ... came and took evidence fromme'. (L:318)

(28)

xa kimrlwäle Yosef lfayyzm hawär-imxele m-bar guda. 'Someone 1

1

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SECTION NINETEEN

called Yosef f:layyim shouted through the wall'. (B:134) Asyndetic constructions are occasionally found in other contexts: (29)

?ltwa dwa baneniwa. 1 'There were those who knew how to build'. (L:15)

(30)

?ltwa minnli mare-$infata weHt, ziringre weHt, dukandäre ?itwa, rliba ?itwa, bazirgan welu. 'There were some among them who were craftsmen, who were goldsmiths. There were many shopkeepers. There were many who were clothiers'. (L:12) 1

1

(31)

1

1

1

xa ?ttwa cayxäna ?1twäle. 'There was a person who had a tea shop'. (L:434) 1

1

We may include here also the cleft constructions discussed in §17.1.11. The presuppositional component of these can be interpreted as a nominal relative clause without an introductory particle. As has been remarked above, a definite nominal relative with a specific referent would normally be introduced by the demonstrative ?iyya. In these constructions, therefore, the nominal relative has lost part of its nominal properties and has acquired some of the properties of a verbal predicate. This is reflected also in the fact that the verb agrees with the noun that is in focus: (32)

Sangele lä-mindele-llan. 1 'It is Sanga who has shot us'. (B:53)

(33)

?ätl-wet lä-mxelox il-lyya yllla? 1 'ls it you who have beaten this boy?'. (L:304)

19.1.2.4. Omission of copula in nominal relative clauses lf a nominal relative is a copular clause, the copula is sometimes omitted:

(34)

?o-xet };zä~tir, 1 ?ot-rabta ?arbl u-tmanya bäte ?ltwa gaw. 'The other enclosure, the big one, had forty-eight houses in it'. (B:10)

(35)

xa-HmeforasH qre[e reS-qorit ?ot-q{ila. 'He recited the divine name over the grave of the murdered man Oiterally: the one who was killed)'. (Y:232),

(36)

xa näSa be-?enit ?onit ruwwe ruwwe zora-weli ?tina. 'I was a small man in the eyes of those who were great'. (L:488)

(37)

simun, näslt saray kullu q(olunu, ?tnnat ruwwake ?od didxun. 'Go and kill all the people of the saray (government offices), the ones who are your great men'. (Y:174)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Such constructions are semantically equivalent to, and also close in syntactic structure to, nominalized adjectives, which are formed by qualifying an adjective by a demonstrative without the annexation particle -tl-d, e.g. ?o-zora 'the small one' (Y:7), ?inna zore 'the small ones' (Y:194).

397

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

19.1.3. Relative clauses introduced by interrogative particles Closely related to nominal relatives are relative clauses that are introduced by interrogative particles. These function as nominals or adverbials according to the introductory particle. If the relative is introduced by an interrogative particle that, when used as an interrogative, has the syntactic status of a nominal, then the relative clause has the status of a nominal. Likewise, if the introductory particle is an adverbial interrogative, the relative clause has the syntactic status of an adverbial. The reference of relative clauses introduced by an interrogative is usually generic, referring to a class of referents or adverbial Situations ('whoever, whatever, whenever' etc.). The generic reference may be underscored by the addition of the particle harlhor or a universal quantifier (kud, kulla). The interrogative particle is generally linked to the relative clause by the annexation particle -tl-d: 19.1.3.1. Nominal interrogative particles (i) Examples of relatives derived from the interrogatives ma 'what', hema 'which' and manni 'who': (1)

hor-miu gbet bo-HfolizmH kawunnox. 'I shall give you whatever you want in the world'. (L:102)

(2)

har mat J:zaqlnnox 1 piSka Ia go/. 1 'Whatever I would say would not be enough'. (L:137)

(3)

kulla miit ?ltwäle, 1 min-lawwal J:zatta dwale J:zqele bäqeu. 1 'He told him everything that had happened to him from the beginning until the end'. (L:531)

(4)

miit /ä-kawulla 1 ?iina lä-kalwen. 1 'Whatever he gives her I write down'. (L:379)

(5)

mat kmirwä!l 1 matwanwa. 1 'I laid whatever he told me to'. (Y:46)

(6)

hemat J:zaqewa ga/Leu 1 maxewäle. 1 'He used to strike anybody who spoke (insultingly) to him'. (L:516)

(7)

hemat xa-dukka noSeu banewa lltwäle lara. 'Whoever built a place by hirnself had land'. (Y:17)

(8)

mannlt lä-gbe Sate, läna qablen sateni. 'Whoever wishes to drink, I permit them to drink'. (Y:58)

(9)

hawlwäla ta-mannit hawlwäla 1 (B:77)

1

1

1

1

1

1

•••

1

'Whoever they gave her to ... '

In a few cases, a nominal relative introduced by an interrogative particle refers to a specific referent rather than a generic class. The specific referent is assumed to be identifiable due to its being recoverable from the preceding discourse, so the phrase is definite in status. It is also definite when it refers to a generic class, which is in principle assumed to be identifiable irrespective of previous mention. In the attested examples of nominal relatives with a specific referent, the phrase functions as subject or object and is placed after the verb.

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SECTION NINETEEN

(10)

lana xaswen 1 ltdyo 1 male 1 m{lt J:taqeli baqox. 1 'I think that what I have told you is enough for today'. (L:149)

(11)

min-xanjil miri baqox 1 mat kllwlox. 1 'Last time, I said to you something which you wrote down'. (L:5)

(ii) Used with conditional or concessive

When a nominal relative with an interrogative particle refers to a generic dass, it sometimes loses the properties of a nominal, in that it does not have the function of a nominal component in the main clause. In such cases it is closer in syntactic function to a conditional, temporal or concessive clause: (12)

har-mat littox, 1 la-zdi, 1 lila gebt. 1 'Whatever (service) you have (for me), don't be afraid to come to me' = 'If/whenever you have any service for me ...' (L:120)

(13)

har-mat hawewa J:ta~Lixwa minnu. 'Whatever it was(= whenever they brought something), we made a profit from them'. (L:49) 1

1

On some occasions the nominal relatives that have this function are used in parallel with true conditional or concessive clauses: (14)

pakku la-wele 1 lagar qa{lilu, 1 har mat lolilu, 1 bas xa hulala 1 maxtr~i min-lilit xa bSilmana. 'They did not mind if they were killed or if anything was done to them, so lang as they saved a Jew from the hands of a Muslim'. (L:561) 1

(15)

kud daqtq d-laxxa-wen ga-Jere~ yisralel La maxilpinna kulla l Arbe[ hawila baql. xa daqlqit laxxa La kawunna b-kulla l Arbe[, I har mat itwali.l 'I would not exchange any minute that I am here in the Land of Israel even if they were to give me the whole of Arbel. I would not give one minute of being here for the whole of Arbel, whatever I had'. (L:573) 1

1

In example (16) this syntactic function is expressed grammatically by the addition of a temporal conjunction: (16)

limanit mat gbat lila lana Saqllnne. 'Whenever you want anything, come and 1'11 get it for you'. (L:273) 1

1

(iii) Combination with the existential particle lit

Occasionally the generic reference of mat is underscored by introducing the relative clause with the existential particle lit. For a similar use of ?it with indefinite nouns see §19.1.1.8: (17)

har mat lit gadir tara La palxinne 'Whatever (there is that) happens, I shall not open the door to him'. (L)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(18)

399

mat llt ta-Suqa. 1 xizme lolli, 1 mindixane lolli, 1 kulla Sikle Jot ... tazbana.1 'Whatever (there isthat is) for the market- make me naserings, make me such-and-such things, all manner of things for sale'. (L:163)

(iv) Use of the subjunctive Sometimes a qaril form of the verb in a nominal relative with an interrogative particle is put in the subjunctive: (19)

har-mat labet gadirwa. 1'He became anything you want'. (L:335)

(20)

mat labet 1... ?itwalu. 1 kul/a skil kmeniwa. 1 'They had whatever you want (= whatever you canthink of)'. (L:44)

19.1.3.2. Adverbial interrogative particles An adverbial interrogative particle may be inflected with the ending -itl-id or, after a vowel, -tl-d and introduce a relative clause that functions as an adverb. Theseare usually generic ('wherever, whenever' etc.) and are frequently used in a conditional or concessive sense: (21)

lekid gazet, 1 ... min-rure 1 mafe koSwa. 1 'Wherever you Iook, ... water was running down from the mountains'. (L:4)

(22)

xa kilo, 1 pilgit kilo, 1 xa-rfbif kilo, 1Cikmat we/e.l 'a kilo, half a kilo, a quarter of a kilo, however much it was'. (L:203) Ia gben läna 1 ma~faren matot o mi~rlrre. 1 'I don't want to curse as he cursed'. (L:456) xalonid bäbi Ral]amzm 1muxtar wele, 1 muxtar, 1 matot lamret 1 näSa ruwwa. 1 'The matemal uncle of my father was a muktär- muktär, as (if) you were to say "a great man"'. (L:497) ?imanit ket 1 liyya beli 1 belaxile. 1 'Whenever you come to my house, it is your house'. (L:273)

(23) (24)

(25)

19.1.3.3. Asyndetic relatives with interrogative particles Occasionally, interrogative particles are found introducing a nominal or adverbial clause without the inflection -tl-d: (26)

ma mal]adiranwa 1 nablanwa biiqu. 1 'Whatever I prepared, I took it to them'. (Y:149)

(27)

farmin, ma-lit Sxet gbet 1 ?äna xizmita-wen. 1 'Whatever eise you want, - I am at your service'. (L:94)

(28)

cikma jamf hawe, 1 pilgit-?axca bls bassor. 1 'However much the total was, less by a half of this'. (L:391)

(29)

kut-farda kawuxwälu Cikma Sawewa yafni. 1 'With regard to each

400

SECTION NINETEEN

sack, we gave to them whatever its value was'. (L:47) (30)

mlito ?amret ti-litte, 1 b'i -fimreu ti-la la-gdlräle. 'It was as if nothing was wrong with him, nothing had ever been wrong with him'. (L:92-93)

(31)

lä-gazeni ?anne kepe zore zore, ?atxa kome, magon sxiita mtito malqZtta. 'They see those small stones, black like a match (like) when you burn it'. (L:85)

1

1

1

1

1

(32)

?ilamun qadome, ?il-leka lii-qwirruxfm-illeu. 'Come tomorrow to where you have buried him'. (Y:226)

(33)

?lman a!ex ?ere!f yisrale/ kulla be/(m, J?t?i!im, har-mad gadir. 'When we emigrate/ If ever we emigrate to the land of Israel, (we shall give up) all our house, our possessions, everything there is'. (L:147)

1

1

1

1

1

19.2. lndirect questions 19.2.1. Interrogative particles may introduce indirect questions. The clause containing the indirect question is placed after the verb that governs it. The structure of indirect questions resembles, in most cases, that of direct questions. Indirect questions with the particle ma ('what?'), however, may differ from direct questions in two respects. The verb sometimes has a 3fs. pronominal element (either subject or object) that agrees with the particle (see §14.3) and the vowel of the particle is sometimes lengthened (mä): (1)

la-ten ma kilwle. 1 'I do not know what he wrote'. (L:80)

(2)

?äna la-ten ma go!lnna. 'I don't know what I'll do'. (L:125)

(3)

manni d! ma lä-wWu-lleu. 1 'Who knows what they have done to him'. (L:96)

(4)

kud ?oda gorltwa gawaw, 1 Ia dtwa ?il-ma xeret. 1 'Every room that you entered (= when you entered any room), you did not know what to look at'. (L:69)

(5)

xerex ma pal{a. 'Let's see what comesout '. (S:61)

(6)

?inna bsilmiine la-y?illu nna-maylu. 'The Muslims did not know what they were'. (Y:176)

(7)

lti Ia-tex ma gdlräle, leka zllle, manni jnlwtu-lleu, qtillu-lleu, leka nzblilu-lleu, Ia la-tex. 'We don't know what has happened to him, where he has gone, who has kidnapped him, killed him, where they have taken him, we don't know!' (L:513)

1,

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

(8)

1

1

1

1

1

xa-yäla ?itte, fimreu {/~ha arba Sinne, ta-ten dkma wele. 'He had a son, who was three or four years old- I don't know what (his age) was'. (L:73) 1

1

1

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(9) (10)

401

ta-ten Jiyya tob 1 b-tikma sawe, 1 Jb b-tikma sawe? 1 'Don't I know (= of courseI know) how much this material is worth?' (L:402) waxtl baxtl Sinycili, I bell, I jaJiz wllli-( ha)wa min-bel babl, I Ia tawa 1 mlito qalya gotl. 1 'When I married my wife, - my hause, I had left my father's hause - she did not know how to cook the fat of the tail of an animal'. (B:92) 'If you ask how they used to live

(11)

Jagar baqret 1 mlito xa?eniwa 1 ...' (B:33)

(12)

blibit bräta dtwa tama lä-lyelu. 1 'The father of the girl knew why they had come'. (B:80)

...

19.2.2. Use of the subjunctive A qa{il form verb in an indirect question is sometimes put in the subjunctive when its time reference is future to that of the verb in the main clause: (13)

la-tliwa baxtake ma Jo/a-lleu. 1 'The wife did not know what to do to it'. (B:97)

(14)

la-ten mli Jamrlnnox. 1 'I do not know what to say to you'. (L:103)

(15)

Jo kmlrwa ma slmmit yale hawewa. 1 'He used to say what the name of the children would be'. (Y:90)

(16)

qzmlu 1 ... milptlu 1 mato gaw makine 1 ~aSta Jo/l 1 'They taught them how to work with the machines (L:29)

19.2.3. Idiomatic usage In order to widen the scope of the interrogative, an idiom is sometimes used in

which a positive indirect question is followed by a parallel negative one. This is found mainly in the speech of informant L: (17)

Ia yJll/i mannile, manni lewe. 1 'I did not know who he was, who he was not (= 'I had no idea who he was)'. (L:211)

(18)

Janne t-xmlle we/u 1 bar tara, 1 gazeni ma Jtt, 1 ma llt. 1 'Those who were standing outside the door looking at everything that happened (literally: looking at what there was, what there was not)'. (L:324)

(19)

ga-JArbe/, 1 ~aqeniwa 1 Janne HzeqenimH didan, 1 babl 1 sonl, 1 ~aqeniwa ma Jltwa, 1 ma !ltwa 1 min-Jawwa/. 1 'In Arbe! our old folk, my father, my grandfather, used to talk about what was and what was not (i.e. about everthing) in former times'. (L:9)

(20)

qlmlu 1 ... milpllu 1 mlito gaw makine 1 ~asta Joll, 1 mlito gollla, 1 mlito Ia gollla. 1 'They taught them how to work with the machines, how

402

SECTION NINETEEN

to do things and how not to do things'. (L:29)1 19.2.4. Extraposition On some occasions, the topic referent of the interrogative clause is extraposed at the front of the whole sentence, before the main verb. (21)

?o-xet Ia i!en ma kimrlwä/u. 1 'The other (group ) - I do not know what they were called'. (B:101)

(22)

?iSta dinäre t::et ma-welu? 1 Do you know what six dinars were? (B:58)

19.2.5. Indirect question with structure of relative clause In a few isolated cases an indirect question has the structure of a nominal relative clause, in that the interrogative particle is linked to the remainder of the clause by the annexation inflection: (23)

gazixwa mannit maxeniwa. 'We saw who they were beating'. (L:297) 1

19.3. Temporal c/auses Subordinate clauses that function as adverbials may be introduced by various adverbial particles and expressions in addition to the interrogative adverbials discussed in §19.1.3.2. The most common adverbial clauses of this type indicate temporal relations and are introduced by particles and expressions such as waxtit 'when', xa waxit 'when', ?o-dammit 'when', ka 'when' (L:532), kud (S:lOl), dwat::i 'when' (B:39), bar 'after', J;,atta 'until'/'while', ?awwal 'as soon as' (Y:217), ga/ 'as' (expressing temporal overlap) (L:454). The syntax of some of these is examined here. 19.3.1 waxtit The word waxtit is the annexation form of the noun waxt 'time'. It is a noun used adverbially that is qualified by a relative clause ('at the time when .. '). The word waxtit is sometimes qualified by the demonstrative particle ?o, which is here used in its neutral sense (see §14.5.1). A clause introduced by waxtit may be placed before or after the main clause. When it precedes the main clause, the referent that serves as subject of the main clause is occasionally placed in extraposition before the temporal clause: (1)

H?azH ?äna waxtit kewa gebt, dabi xa mindtx hawtnne. 'So, when he came to me, I had to give him something'. (L:331)

(2)

?iyya waxtit-zllle, 1 lä-gaze ma? 1 'When he went, what does he see?' (S:lO)

1

1

A similar idiom is found in other NENA dialects, e.g. ma odan ma 1-odan 'What on earth shall I (f.) do', in the text of the Jewish dialect of Nagada published by Hopkins (1989: 258).

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

403

In a sentence consisting of a subordinate clause introduced by waxtit and a main clause, the main clause is always in greater focus than the temporal clause. We may say that the waxtit clause functions as a sentence topic, setting the scene of the sentence. In the overwhelming majority of cases, the waxtit clause refers to an event that occurred in the past. Two types of temporal relation between the waxtit clause and the main clause are found. (a) The event in the main clause may overlap with the event expressed in the waxtit clause: (3)

wilXti baxtl Sinyali, 1

•••

Ia Cawa 1 mato qalya gotl. 1 'When I married

my wife, ... she did not know how to cook the fat of the tail of an animal'. (B:92) (4)

?o xlula la-wille biiql waxti-Sevaf Sinyali.' 'He danced for me when I married Bathsheba'. (B:87)

(5)

waxtit gotlwa, 1 qareniwa marmlwiilu, 1 wi-xerlwa b-inna ma~~e, 1 mga-laxxiine. 'When they performed (the ceremony), they read (the Passover liturgy) and lifted them up and people saw those massa 1

breads, as is the custom here'. (Y:Sl) (6)

waxtit ilyelan ta-?lsrii?e/, 1 ?ilyele gaw qitar, 1 bixele. 1 'When we came to Israel (i.e. when we were about to leave for Israel), he came in a train and wept'. (Y:260)

(7)

?o-waxtit ?ilyelan ta-?ere~ yisra?e/, bsilmiinlt ?Arbe/ kulla bxelu. 1

1

'When we came to Israel, the Muslims of Arbelall wept'. (L:135) (8)

?o la-wele ?o-waxtit piire hlwli biiqeu. 'He was not there when I 1

1

gave him the money'. (L:159) If the temporal clause refers to an extended event, the word waxtit may be

qualified by a universal quantifier: (9)

kud-waxtit ga-galiu welan, 1 b-lyya srki/ 1 hula?e 1 HdatH dwlqlu. 1 'All the time that we were in exile, the Jews observed the religious law'. (L:33)

The quantifier kud (< *kul cf. §1.3.1.4.) in constructions such as this is distinct from a homophonaus particle kud 'while' (BTA ,~),2 which also expressses temporal overlap: (10)

?iyya gora qlmle, 1 b-baxite lyele hawa, 1 kud dimfe 1 lii-makus ruwwe ?atxa mgt5 kaske. 'The man got up and went back weeping, shedding tears as big as kaSke (cakes made of burghul)'. (S:lOl) 1

1

(b) The event in the main clause may be sequential to the event expressed in the 2 The form kad is found in various NENA dialects. Christian Alqosh has kud, as in Jewish Arbel (Maclean 1895: 146).

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SECTION NINETEEN

waxtit clause. When the main clause has a q{ille form verb expressing the preterite, the waxtit clause also has a qtille form verb rather than a q{ilwiile form:

(11) (12)

(13)

waxtr gzytilu HsakitH piirake, 1 tlmmu dwiqlu/e. 1 'When they saw the sack of money, they closed their mouth'. (Y:213) waxtit ?i/-?onit ruwwiine qitlilxun, 1 hula?e ?isri-w-arba sfate bilxanilu.1 'When you have killed those great men, the Jews will be in your power twenty-four hours (a day)'. (Y:220) waxtit babl gezwa ga-Suqa 1 kulla qemiwa m-qameu. 1 'When my father went to the market, everyone used to rise before him'. (L:131)

(14)

?o-waxtit ?ilyele sme/e, 1$rlxle-lli 1'When he came and heard (about this), he called me'. (L:159)

19.3.2. xa waxitlwaxt In this phrase the ward waxt Iacks the annexation ending (the Ii/ in the form waxit is an optional anaptyctic vowel). Temporal clauses introduced by xa waxit may have topical status in the sentence or they may function as the main focus of the sentence. This differs from waxtit clauses, which only have topical status. In all attested cases, the event in the xa waxit clause is in the past tense. The event in the main clause is mostly sequential to the event expressed in the xa waxit clause. In such constructions the xa waxit clause has topical Status and is placed before the main clause. When the main clause has a q{ille form verb expressing the preterite, the temporal clause also has a q{ille form verb rather than a q{ilwii/e form. In one isolated case (S:8), the rare form da-q{ille (cf. §8.12) is used: (1) xa-waxit rlsli,l plltli tara. 1'When I awoke, I went outside'. (B:45) (2)

xa-waxt yalake qimle, 1 xa hawar mxe/e, 1 kulla naSe t 1-li{tam we/{t 1 zde/u. 1 'When the child got up and Iet out a scream, all the people who were there became afraid'. (L:84)

(3)

xa-waxit ~u~a nlmle, 1 mallaxe /yelu b-xilmeu. 1 'When he somehow fell asleep, angels appeared in his dream'. (S:26) xa-waxit euekake be?e willu, 1 kabra 11-lanne be?e zibnlle u 1smlrre reS-piirake. 1 'When the chickens laid eggs, the man sold the

(4)

eggs and kept the money'. (S:66) On some occasions the xa waxit clause is placed after the main clause. In such cases the event of this clause generally overlaps with the event of the preceding main clause. It is, moreover, usually the main focus of the sentence: (5) (6)

?itiwa-wen 1 xa-waxit 1 hawar-imxelu. 1'I was sitting, when (suddenly) there was a shout'. (B:133) gzelan ?arba hulale 1 /ii-da?rlwa 1 min-jada 1 ?ezlwa bela. 1 xa-waxit 1

405

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

ma lii-gazex? 1 tfange lii-mandeni l-yiine hula?e. 1 'We saw four Jews returning from the road to go harne, when what da we see? They shoot at those Jews. (B:48) In constructions such as these, the event of the xa waxit clause sometimes does not strictly overlap with the event of the main clause, yet is presented as being very closely connected: (7)

qemwa fizztd HzaxärfmH zabznwälu, 1 bdele bl-?irbe zwiina. 1 xawaxit gdtriile xa megalit ?irbe, 1 xa megalit fizze, nezi1dt xa ?!mma kliite. 1 'He sold the billy-goats and began buying sheep. In no time he had a flock of sheep, a herd of goats and almost a hundred chickens'. (S:72-73) 1

A xa waxit clause that is placed after the main clause may also have topical status rather than being the focus of the sentence: (8)

HJazH_pek keniwa, 1 xa-waxit b-piire-wela. 1 'Then they came to an agreement, when money was involved'. (B:82)

19.3.3. ?o-dammit, kud dammit In a few instances a temporal clause that expresses a state or event that overlaps with that of the main clause is introduced by an expression containing the noun damma ('time'): (1)

?o-dammit ?atxan zzllan, 1 heStan HmiJpa~aH zora-welan. 1 'When we went there, we were still a small family'. (Y:20)

(2)

kud dammlt simmeu kmen, 1 yim atxa taxrlnne, 1 dimfi kosl. 1 'Whenever I mention his name, or remernher him, my tears flow'. (L:475)

19.3.4. bar A clause introduced by bar ('after') is generally placed before the main clause. The event in the main clause is always sequential to the event in the bar clause. In most cases where the main clause has a q{ille verb form that expresses the preterite, the bar clause also has a q{ille form. In a few cases, however, the q(ilwiile form is found in the bar clause in these contexts (7-8). (1)

bar qitlilu, ?ilyelu hawa lä-mlru ta-räbake. 'After they had killed them, they came back and said to the rabbi'. (Y:223)

(2)

bar meforas qrele, 1 mlre baqeu. 1 'After he had recited the divine name, he said to him'. (Y:237)

(3)

bar prlqle, 1 mlre: 'After he had finished he said ..'. (Y:245)

(4)

bar-xillan b-ybm Sabbat, 1 zlttan tayxäna kimrlwiila. 1 'After we had eaten an Sabbath, we went to what is called a tea hause'. (L:546)

1

1

406

SECTION NINETEEN

(5)

bar gwlri, 1 ?ilha milylile. 1 'After I had married, God brought (me wealth)'. (L:201)

(6)

bar wlsiu, 1 lä-deqilu. 1 'After they have dried, they crush them'. (B:ll3)

(7)

bar-prlqwälan min-tihilim, 1 kud-niisa brlixi noSeu kmewälu. 1 'After we had finished the Psalms, everyone said his own blessings'. (B:76)

(8)

bar-xllwälu, Hblrkat a-mazonH qareniwa. 'After they had eaten, they read the grace after meals'. (Y) 1

1

19.3.5./;.atta (i) When the particle l;.atta is used as a clause conjunction, its primary meaning is 'until' or 'before'. If the action or state in the main clause is continuous, a clause introduced by l;.atta generally expresses an action that marks the endpoint of this action or state (rendered into English by 'until'). If the main clause denotes action with its own delimitations, the l;.atta clause usually expresses an action that is sequential to the action of the main clause (rendered into English by 'before'). (a) l;.atta clauses with the perfective past verb form q{ille: (1)

samlrwäla ?iyya #ola l;.atta lyidan ta-?lsra?e/. 'He guarded this synagogue until we came to Israel'. (Y:25)

(2)

min-?o xanjl/, 1 l;.atta ?ilyelan, 1 ?o-kewa, jar-wa-jar. 1 'From this time until we came (to Israel), he would come every so often'. (L:128)

(3)

?arba, xamSa, ?lsta, So?a ?ode 1 l;.atta mtelan gebeu. 1 '(We passed through) four, five, six, seven rooms before we reached him'. (L:69)

1

(b) l;.atta clauses with the qa{il form expressing habitual present: (4)

xiue kmenilu, 1 mardixllu spira spira, 1 l;.atta l;.al gadrl. 1 'They bring wheat and boil it weil, until it thickens'. (B:112)

(c) l;.atta clauses with the qa{ilwa form expressing the habitual action in the past: (5)

raqilwa, 1 xlula gollwa, 1 l;.atta $lwake parqlwa. 1 'They danced and were merry until the (burning) wood went out'. (Y:40)

(6)

dareniwäle gaw-mafe u-milxa, 1 l;.atta gadlrwa xlima. 1 'They put it into waterandsalt until it became tough'. (Y:131)

(7)

xa-dusa dareniwa gaw späleu, 1 xa-mdi xilya, 1 l;.atta kmeniwäle(ha)wa ta-da?eu. 1 'They put a little honey on his lips, something sweet, before they brought him back to his mother'. (Y:86)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(8)

407

l}atta ?o qemwa, 1 ?isra kilo?e ?ana golanwa, 1 batane. 1 'Before he got up, I made ten kilos, by myself'. (Y:98)

A qa{il or qa{ilwa verb form after l}atta used in the sense described above is sometimes put in the subjunctive, though this is not regularly the case (contrast example 7 above): (9)

pllgid-yoma l-#ola-welu gure, 1 l}atta-ateniwa-(ha)wa. 1 'The men were in the synagogue for half a day before they came back'. (Y:67)

(ii) On some occasions the event or state in the clause introduced by l}atta overlaps temporally with the event or state in the main clause. In such cases it corresponds to 'as long as', 'while' or the like in English. Where the verb of the l}atta clause has a perfective aspect, there is a certain degree of ambiguity between this meaning and the primary meaning of 'until' or 'before' described in (a): (10)

l}atta ?oni ~tetu, 1 ?ilyela da?at ?lsl}aq U?a xlpla-llox, 1 mil;.dzrrallox,1 xlela-llox. 1 'Before they had prayed/had finished praying (= while they prayed), Leah, the mother of IsQ.aq, washed you, prepared you and wrapped you up'. (Y:88)

It is no doubt through such ambiguous contexts that the meaning 'while, as long as' developed. This secondary meaning has been grammaticalized and extended to imperfective verbs, as is seen in the following examples. Note that the subjunctive is used in those verbs that have a distinct subjunctive form: (11) (12)

(13) (14)

l}atta ?äna pisa-hawen, 1 ?enl plixe haweni, 1 ?tina l}asta go!en. 1 'So long as I am alive and my eyes are open, I shall work'. (L:559) l}atta plsa-hawen maxen. 1 'So long as I live, I shall beat (them)'. (L:315) qa{iyen la-kixllxwa l}atta-oni la-?a!eniwa gallan yatwlwa. 1 'We never ate, so long as they did not come to sit with us'. (Y:22) Ia maHanwa gazyanwa naSa fitte 1 ?ana yatwan ?axlan. 1 Ia ma~yanwa 1 l}atta la-yatwl galll. 1 'I could not see a person with no (food), while I was sitting eating. I could not (see people like this), while they did not sit down (to eat) with me'. (Y:273)

(15)

samäwar ?äna-matwanwä, 1 tay golanwa, 1 ?ixala golanwa, 1 l;.atta ~iwake yaqllwa. 1'I used to bring in a samavar, make tea and make food, so long as the wood was burning'. (Y:39)

(iii) A clause introduced by l;.atta may express purpose. There is an ambiguity of interpretation in some cases. This applies to l;.atta clauses with a qa{il verb form referring to a future action. Clauses such as these may sometimes be taken either in the primary temporal sense of 'until somebody does something/until

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something happens' or in a purposive sense 'in order that somebody does something/in order that something happens'. This applies to the following examples. Note that a subjunctive form is used in (16) but not in (17): (16)

tre tfizha yome xmol resl,' ~atta xsawl ?olinne.' 'Give me two or three days until I think/for me to think'. (S:23)

(17)

sbqla bäql ta-tf!Jha-yome xet,' ~atta-ana i!en taplen b-iyya kabra w'-tapJen b-misplitid bab1-s.' 'Leave it to me for three more days until I know what to do with this man and what to do about my father's judgement'. (S:107)

(18)

waxt ttti,' xa Siita, 1 tre Sinne xet, 1 ~atta noSi gazlnna.' 'I have time, one or two more years, until/in order that I become established Oiterally: I see myself)'. (L:192)

The purposive interpretation in ambiguous structures such as these has been grammaticalized and is used in other contexts: (19)

la-gben hawltta xa mindtx' ~atta Ia naxpen,' dwa?e eza baqra min-nase.' 'I want you to give her something so that I won't be embarrassed afterwards by her going to ask (for things) from people'. (L:375)

(20)

baxta' sixmas losawa,' ~atta jwan maxlwya.' 'A woman wore a sleeveless jacket in order to Iook beautiful'. (Y:142)

(21)

wr-drete-lli gaw-gunya,' mindete-1/i qam tarid be hula?a,' }J.atta 1hula?e Hf-a?asimH ?oli' wl-qatlllu bsilmiine,' ?u-Hf-argisH lii-?oll ?oni lii-q{lllu-!Ji.l 'He put me in a sack and threw me before the door of a Jewish house in order to accuse the Jews so that the Muslims would kill them, in order to make it seem that they had killed me'. (Y:241)

Clauses introduced by the main clause: (22)

~atta

are also found expressing the result of the action in

?axi!i mxele-lleu,' ~atta pl!git nisameu niblale.' 'He beat him so much that he took from him half of his life. (S:13)

19.3.6. qamol The temporal clauses attested in the texts that are introduced by the conjunction qamol 'before' regularly contain qatil verb forms in the subjunctive: (1)

~aqyali ta-nawagi' qamol ?alyan.' 'I told it (the story) to my grandson before I came'. (Y:202)

(2)

?amman qamol ?ezen,' mlre baqz' 'But before I went, he said .. .' (L:492)

(3)

bas waxtit yarxit tlsri,' qamol mitra ?aJe,' gezlwa gollwiile.' 'Only

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(4)

409

in the month of Tishri, before the rain came, they went out and made it'. (L:25) waxtit ?ilyelan liuxa, 1 qamol Jatex liixxa, 1 Jitwa hulale 1 dur minJArbel,1 ga-Ruwimdiz, 1 min-Blitiis, 1 Jaskai w-anwaf, 1 La-ke m-biill 1 Janne miilawe. 1 'When we came here- before we came here, there were Jews far from Arbel, in Ruwandiz, Bara~ - many places, I do not remernher those places'. (L:480)

In one case the qamol clause contains the negator, without any difference in meaning: (5)

Jilyelu liijine 1 b-qamol la-Jalex ta-J/ sraJel. 1 'Refugees arrived before we came to Israel'. (Y:113)

19.3.7. Asyndetic temporal clauses Occasionally a clause without any subordinating particle is functionally equivalent to a temporal clause. The Situation referred to in these clauses either precedes or overlaps with that of the adjacent clause. For the verbal forms used in these clauses see §15.1.5.2 vi, §15.1.5.3:

(1)

fimr{ Jitfii Sinne-wele, 1 Jisra, 1 Jitfa, 1 biib{ mtiwle-lli gebeu, 1 xatir yalpena 1 ziringrl. 1 'When I was nine years old - ten or nine -, my father placed me with him in order that I might learn the trade of goldsmith'. (L:151)

(2)

magurilu gebiin, 1 briita La gazlxwiila. 1 'When they married people in our community, we did not see the girl'. (L:194)

(3)

biibz lii-gez $lolii, dwtqle-lleu 'When my father was going to the synagogue, he grabbed him'. (L:434) Jo lii-npille res Jara, 1 qlmle, 1 ba-faqte lii-maxele. 1 'When he had fallenon the ground, he started to strike him with his feet'. (L:455) baxta Jäsurile Jalya ta-$lola, 1 lä-ydllla. 1 'A woman is forbidden to go to a synagogue, when she has given birth'. (Y:29)

(4) (5)

1

In (6) the intensifying particle har is added to an asyndetic temporal clause, giving it the sense of 'as soon as': (6)

har-qtmle min-Sindeu, 1 Jlla drele xel sawilii. 1 'As soon as he arose from his sleep, he placed his hand under the pillow'. (S:29)

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19.4. Conditional constructions 19.4.1. Constructions with the particle ?agar Conditional constructions are complex sentences consisting of a subordinate clause (protasis) and a main clause (apodosis). The protasis clause is, in the majority of cases, introduced by the particle ?agar. The ?agar clause is generally placed before the apodosis clause, though in some case it is tagged on after the apodosis. When the ?agar clause precedes the apodosis, a referent in the ?agar clause is sometimes extraposed or fronted before the conditional particle: (1)

geban yiila lagar-reSeu marewa, xa ximma gadirwiile, xa faya gadirwiile, xalii~, 1 zllle. 'In our community, if a child had a pain in his head or had a fever or an illness, that was the end, he expired'. (L:346) 1

1

1

1

1

(2)

lafillu baxta-s ?agar gal briita, gal baxtiz, xalwiz lii-xillu, gebu magon xaluntiz-wela, 1 ?asurila gor gal/aw. 1 'Even if a woman had sucked milk with a woman, in their opinion they were like sisters. It was forbidden to marry her'. (L:355)

(3)

historya ?agar l}aqlnnox lele yomiz,' plska /a-go/. 1 'If I told you about history night and day, it would not be enough. (L:477)

1

1

1

19.4.1.1. Form of verb in the ?agar clause There are several varieties of conditional construction with ?agar clauses. These are classified below according to the form of verb that appears in the ?agar clause. (i) ?agar qa{il (indicative) This is found where the protasis contains a verb referring to a real observable state in the present: (4)

?agar-gbh ?iiniz l}aqen,' ?iina' lewen faqir, 1 mlre biiqeu, 1 ?ana lizgben minnox. 1 '"lf you want me to speak, I am not poor", he said to him, "I do not want (anything) from you'". (L:119)

(5)

?agar liz-gbet, 1 palten.' 'lf you don't want (me to do this), I shall leave'. (L:385)

(6)

?agar piSele 1 ?ilhiz Soqte.' 'lf he is alive (at this moment), may God preserve him'. (L:341)

(ii) ?agar qa{il (subjunctive) In most cases where this is found, the verb has a future time reference and so the occurrence of the event or state is less certain than those in the examples of the previous category:

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

411

(7)

?agar-xa huLa?a, 1 ••• xa-mindix ?oliLe, 1 slmun, 1 torun, 1 ?ilamun gebl. 1 'lf people ... do anything to a Jew, go, search around and come back to me'. (L:125)

(8)

?amman ?agar ?aLet 1 Atal}qiqiitA ?otet, 1 lit xa ?amrex So?a, 1 So?a dawrid didu ga-?ArbeL,' Lake m-bäll. 1 'But if you go and make investigations, there would not been let's say seven generations of theirs in Arbel, I do not remember (any such person)'. (L:40)

(9)

?agar ?ätl qurtar La-?olittan,' kulla huLa?e qatllLu.' 'lf you do not save us, they will kill all the Jews'. (Y:210)

(10)

?agar-?amlrrüxun dabl qemetun mardixetun, 1 Lä-gbe Sakar b-eLa HL-arblyya]JH_JoL, 1 La zon. 1 'If he teils you that you must boil up (tea), he wants to profit from sugar during the festival, do not buy it'. (Y:65)

(11)

?ana l}asta goLen,' ?agar ?ilha qiwta hawulli.' 'I shall work, if God gives me strength'. (L:559)

It is found in one example where the verb refers to the present:

(12)

?agar ?atxa ?amret, 1 l}asta La-?oL.' 'If you (will continue to) say this, don't work!' (Y:268)

(iii) ?agar qa{il (unspecified) This refers to qa{il forms of verbs that make no formal distinction between the indicative and the subjunctive. The attested ?agar clauses in this category refer to the future: (13)

?agar l;aqqt la-saqlttte minmEu,' ?ana ya kiibra dabl;inne hawa.' 'If you do not exact my due from him, I will slaughter this man'. (S:15)

(14)

?agar La marpltte,' qatLinnox.' 'If you do not Iet him go, I shall kill you'. (L:281)

(15)

?agar-broneu maxunne-llox, ma kawltti? 1 'If I were to show you his son, what would you give me?' (L:549)

(16)

?agar maxftte, 1 torltta fitrlna dideu, 1 Hbera]JH maxeLox. 1 'If you strike him and break his window, of course he will beat you'. (L:327)

(17)

?agar maxele bSilmäna,' hu/a?a maxe 1-bSi/mäna,' qa{liLe.' 'If ever he beats the Muslim, the Jew beats the Muslim, they will kill him'. (L:297)

(iv) ?agar Lä-qa{il The form /ä-qa{il is found in ?agar clauses with a verb referring to an observable state that exists in the actual present.

412 (18)

SECTION NINETEEN

?agar ?o lä-qabll,' ?o lä-dt kulla Hdinzm.H' 'If he (now) gives permission, (so be it) he knows all the religious laws'. (Y:62)

(v) ?agar q(ille

The past form q(ille can be used in the sense of a present perfect in the ?agar clause referring to a present situation (19). In most cases, however, it is found in clauses referring to the future (21-24). Its usage, therefore, is parallel to that of the qatil subjunctive: (a) Present perfect (19)

?agar ruwwäne zlllu,' ?inna zore kulla ?lte w-aqtelu,' ?inna lama$eni nas qa(li.' 'If the senior men have gone, the young ones are all hands and legs (i.e. they ha ve no head to guide them), they cannot kill anybody'. (Y:194)

Note also the similar use of the past copula in (20): (20)

pallxxu,' ?agar liti raza-willox.' 'Let's divide, if you request that'. (S:89)

(b) Future (21)

?agar Ia qbllle,' ?ila gebl,' ?äna kawlnnox.' 'If he does not accept, come to me afterwards and I shall give (the things) to you'. (L:395)

(22)

xa-jar xet,' ?agar ?ilyelox,' ... HJazH-I;taqena bäqox.' 'If you come another time, ... I shall speak to you'. (L:568)

(23)

?agar mire hula?e lä-qtillu-lli,' ?atxan dimman' res-?llxun,' qtolunnan.' wa-?agar mire Ia hula?e,' mlre:' dlmmid didxun' ?atxan' goll.xxe.' 'If he says "The Jews have killed me", you can have our blood, kill us. But if he says "It was not the Jews", we shall have your blood'. (Y:227)

(24)

?agar mtre bSilmäne q#llu-lli,' tittuxun reSan ta-~aq.' wi-mlre' hula?C qtillu,' dirnman reS-?ilxun.' 'If he says "The Muslims killed me", you have no case against us. But if he says "The Jews killed (him)", you can have our blood'". (Y:230)

(vi) ?agar lä-qtille The lä-qtille form is used in the same way as q{ille, i.e. in the sense of the present perfect or with a future time reference: (25)

?agar' xalwa' lä-xille galll' yan lä-xilli galleu,' ?anne ?axawäte,' ?asurile 'If he has sucked milk tagether with me or I have sucked milk tagether with him - they are brothers, it is forbidden (to marry). (L:354)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(26)

413

?ati bq(uta 1 ?agar iyya kabra har-xos la-gdlre, 1 tre nase fazom. 1 'In the morning, if that man will agree, summon two men'. (S:35)

(vii) ?agar qa{ilwa (indicative) The indicative of qa{ilwa, in those verbs that distinguish indicative and subjunctive, is used to refer to a past habitual event that actually occurred, i.e. the speaker is committed to the truth that it occurred. The same also applies to cases where the past copula is used rather than a subjunctive form derived from the base haw-: (27)

?agar xa 1 gezwa 1 ?!Ieu paslrwäla, 1 kimrlwäle, 1 bqartox xlimtela, 1 sl l}asta ?o/. 'lf someone came and stretched out his hand, they would say to him "You are a strong man (literally: Your neck is thick), go and work'". (Y:147) 1

(28)

?agar ruwwa-wele, 1 xa dinlir kawlwale. 1 'lf it (the quilt) was big, they would give him one dinar (for it)'. (L:427)

Corresponding constructions are sometimes found where the ?agar clause has a qa{il form that takes a past time reference from a past tense verb in the apodosis: (29)

gebU ?atxa-wela. 1 ?agar gbz 1 xa niiSa 1 mindtx ?o/lle. 1 'lt was like that, if they wanted to do something to someone'. (L:458)

(viii) ?agar qa{ilwa (subjunctive) The subjunctive of qa{ilwa is used where the event did not actually occur, i.e. it is counterfactual: (30)

?agar ... Ia ?oliwa atxa, 1 qatliwa anne biSilmane. 1 'If they had not done that, the Muslims would have killed (them)'. (L:555)

(31)

?agar ?atxa Ia ?ollxwa, 1 Ia ma~ixwa xa?ex gallu. 1 'lf we had not done this, we could not have lived with them'. (L:343)

(32)

?agar ga?enatl ?ollnwa, 1 atta-la kimrlnwa biiqox, 1 klibra/ 1 'lf I had acted perfidiously, I would not now be telling you (about all of these things), man!' (S:97)

The same usage is found also with the qa{il subjunctive form when the apodosis has a past tense verb form. In such cases, the qa{il verb of the protasis takes the time reference of the verb in the apodosis: (33)

?agar Ia ?ollte 1 mafake koswa, 1 koswa ga-biite. 1 'lf they had not done it, the water would have run down, it would have rundown into the houses'. (L:24)

The qa{ilwa form is found in one case where the ?agar clause has a generic subject and refers to a generic situation rather than a counterfactual one:

414 (34)

SECTION NINETEEN

lamman 1 lagar ya?llwa 1 }J.aSta lolwa, 1 moxa hawewiile, 1 lltwiile maJ;.~{U raba, ma~ewa gadlrwa ... har-mat labet gadlrwa. 'But if (someone) knew how to work and had a brain, he had a good livelihood, he could become anything you like'. (L:335) 1

1

We should include here also (35), where a qa{il subjunctive takes a past time reference due to the qa{ilwa verb in the apodosis: (35)

lagar xa niiSa biiba hawele, 1 biiba lixtiyar hawe, 1 mafin go/lwiile. 1 'If a man had a father, an old father, they used to arrange for him to have a helper'. (L:491)

(ix) ?agar qa{ilwa (unspecified) The qa{ilwa form is found used with verbs that do not distinguish between indicative and subjunctive in a past habitual sense referring to events that actually occurred: (36)

?agar-xa niiSa napllwa, 1 qemiwa b-wiijlbit dideu. 1 'If someone feil, they took care of his needs'. (L:570)

(37)

?agar gebl peswa, 1 ?ana zonlnwiile, 1 piirake kawunwiilu. 1 'If it remained with me, I bought it and gave the money'. (L:204)

(38)

?agar xa niiSa qemwa xa-mind[x lo/ 1 rjtddit lot jamaftid didan, 1 HJ;.eremH matwlwiile. 1 'If a person did Oiterally: got up to do) anything against somebody in our community, they placed a ban on him'. (L:32)

(x) ?agar q{ilwiile

The q{ilwiile form is used in a pluperfect sense and refers to a state in the past resulting from a prior action. Its usage, therefore, is parallel to that of qa{ilwa: (39)

bi-dwale, 1 briita 1 ?agar Ia ?ebewiila l- 1brona, 1 b-llit nosaw-wela, 1 b-kefi nosaw-wela. 1 HJazH 1 ?agar ?ebewiila-S, 1 bang gollwa. 1 But later on, if the girl did not like the boy, her wishes were respected (iiterally: it was according to her wish). If she liked him, they sent out an invitation'. (B:78-79)

(40)

?agar xa-J;.aywan tiiref gdlrwiile, 1 nabllwiile, 1 zabnlwiile biiqu. 1 'If an animal became impure, they took it and solditto them'. (B:104)

19.4.1.2. Form of verbin the apodosis In most cases the verb form occurring in the apodosis is the one that would be expected in an independent clause with the same tense, aspect and mood. A few examples, however, are worthy of note. In counterfactual conditional constructions, the qa{ilwa indicative form is found in an apodosis with the sense of a counterfactual present:

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

(41)

415

?agar ga?enäti ?o!lnwa,' atta-J'a kimrinwa bäqox,' kabra!' 'If I had acted perfidiously, I would not now be telling you (about all of these things), man!'. (S:97)

The qa{il subjunctive is found in an apodosis with a past habitual sense: (42)

?o-dukka,' ?agar lltwiile niiSa ?axl/, 1 nase ta-xa qruSa hawile.' 'In that place, if somebody did not have anything to eat, people there would give to their last piastre'. (Y:111)

19.4.1.3. ?agar clause in indirect 'yes-no' questions An ?agar clause may be used as a complement of a verb to express an indirect 'yes-no' question: (43)

slmun,' xorun' ?agar ?iyya-yala lä-qlmlel yan-la.' 'Go and see whether the child has got up or not'. (Y:97)

(44)

gazlxwa xa miSilmäna agar doqwäle 1-hula?a märe dqinta.' 'We used to see whether a Muslim was beating a Jew with a beard'. (L:280)

19.4.2. Asyndetic conditional constructions In a few cases, the protasis of a conditional is not introduced by a conditional particle. The verb forms of the protasis in such asyndetic constructions correspond to those that are found in ?agar clauses: (1)

gdlrox msilmäna,' m(it ?ebelox' l;.äzfrile.' la-gadret msilmäna,' qatllnnox.' 'If you become a Muslim, whatever you want will be available (for you). If you do not become a Muslim, I shall kill you'. (B:150)

(2)

broni ?ez,' ?ana laxxa pesen?' 'If my son goes, shall I stay here? (Y:264)

(3)

naxos hawewa,' tari~wa.' xa-mrad hawewäle,' mrädeu l;.a~llwa.' 'If he was ill, he would be cured. If he had a wish, his wish would be fulfilled'. (B:161)

(4)

bas ?atltwa gebt,' bis harzan kawunwälox.' 'If only you had come to me, I would have given (them) to you cheaper'. (L:390)

(5)

Ia qablet,' ?Cina qemen zonen m-ger dukka.' 'If you do not accept, I shall go and buy from another place'. (L:398)

19.4.3. Conditional functioning as topic In some cases, the semantic relation between the protasis and the apodosis of a conditional construction is not that of condition and consequent but rather the protasis sets the topical frame for what follows. This applies to examples such as

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the following: (1)

(2)

(3)

?agar baqret 1 mato xa?eniwa, 1 ?ana xaSwen, 1 yarxa xa-jar, 1 ?orfflha yarxe xa-jar, 1 ?o-tre yarxe xa-jar, 1 mafllm gezliwa baqu, 1 J:zaywan dabif:zwalu-(ha)wa. 1 'If you ask how they used to live (= As

for a request you may have as to how they used to live), I think once a month, once every three months or once every two months, a rabbi would go to them and slaughter an animal for them'. (B:33) ?agar baqrer res-?ixiila, 1 ?ixalit ? Arbenne 1 min-kulla bis-basimawele.1 'If you ask concerning food, the food of the people of Arbel was the finest'. (B:94) ?aga, 1 ?agar-gber ralben minnox, 1 ?tdyo tre-?alpa Sinne, 1 ?atxan gebxun-wex, 1 ga-galut, 1 ?atxun 1 lazim pal{etun min-xasan. 1 'Agha, if you want me to ask something from you (= As for your wish for me to ask for something), for two thousand years we have been with you, in exile and you must protect us. (L:117)

19.4.4. Conditionals used in a concessive sense A condition construction is sometimes used in a concessive sense. In such cases the protasis may have the particle -is: (1) (2)

?ana 1 dinl 1 la-maxilplnne 1 ?agar meler-iS. 1 'I shall not change my religion, even if you were to die'. (B:148) kud daqiq d-laxxa-wen ga-?ere~ yisra?el 1 la maxilpinna kulla ? Arbel hawila baqi 1 'I would not exchange any minute that I am

here in the Land of Israel, even if they were to give me the whole of Arbel'. (L:573)

19.5. Complement clauses Subordinate clauses that function as complements of verbs or expressions have been treated already in the discussion of the uses of the subjunctive (§15.1.1.2 iii). W e shall restriet our remarks here to a few additional details concerning the syntax of complement clauses. 19.5.1. Complement clauses after the verb gzy ('to see') The verb gzy may take a clause as its object complement. In the overwhelming majority of cases, the complement clause is not introduced by a complementizer particle. The absence of a complementizer is the norm in object complement clauses, as can be seen from the examples discussed in §15.1.1.2 iii. (1) ?iyya bSilmana gzele 1 ?ana xa mindtx d la-Sawe, 1 d mindtx 1 hlwli baqeu. 1 'That Muslim saw that I had given him something costing nothing, nothing at all'. (L:221)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

417

(2)

?ilyelu /a-gazeni' d nizs ltt ga-mizgaft didu.' 'They saw that there was nobody in their mosque'. (L:510)

(3)

gzele lit.' 'He saw that there was no (choice)'. (L:403)

In many cases where the object of gzy is an event or Situation, however, the main topical referent in this event or situation is raised into the main clause as the object of the verb gzy and the predicate concerning this topic may be interpreted as a circumstantial clause. This is seen unambiguously when the raised referent is an object pronominal suffix or a noun that is marked explicitly as a direct object. In the majority of the attested cases, however, there is no explicit morphological marking of the topic and so the syntactic structure remains ambiguous: (4)

gazltwa!e xanti kirya-we/e,' ?ilha manixle.' 'You saw that he was rather short, may God grant him rest'. (L:554)

(5)

gazltwa/u' qondäre lltwälu /osl.' 'You would see them without any shoes to wear'. (L:51)

(6)

gzele niiSe /a-J:taqeni gal/eu,' lii-gbl doqlle qatlile,' firqiile.' 'He saw that people were speaking (unpleasantly) to him and that they wanted to seize him and kill him, so he fled'. (L:519)

(7)

gazer kulla-anne biSilmiine' meliwa m-kipnu.' 'You would see all the Muslims dying of hunger'. (L:334)

(8)

gze/an xiz mal/a lye/e.' 'We saw a mullah come'. (B:109)

(9)

har-qtmle min-Sindeu, 1 ?lla dre/e xe/ sawila,' /ä-gaze Hbe-?emerH' kaxlta !tamila.' 'As soon as he arose from his sleep, he placed his hand under the pillow and sees that the Ietter is really there'. (S:29)

(10)

lä-gazex' baxteu' xa tfang lä-mxe/e-1/aw il-laxxa,' ?il-bäskaw.' 'We see his wife has been been hit by a bullet here, on her arm'. (B:135)

(11)

gzelan xiz misken hula?a mi-!tam la-gez.' 'We saw a poor Jew coming out from there'. (L:285)

When the subject of a non-verbal predicate is raised in this way, the copula of the complement clause may be omitted, e.g. (12)

?lla qadome,' gazltta xli~ta.' 'Come tomorrow and you will see it finished'. (L)

In a few isolated occasions the complement clause after gzy is introduced by an explicit complementizer. In all cases the particle that is used is in origin a temporal expression: (13)

gzelu ?anne bsilmane ga-suqa' ka-?ii xa-nasa,' ?it min-xa#t babl lä-pallt.' 'The Muslims in the market saw that there was a man who protected my father'. (L:464)

(14)

zllle,' gzele ?6-dammid bäbl ?itiwele mis/:taf b-iteu Hfalizw ha-

418

SECTION NINETEEN

Sa/omH magon mal?iu. 'He went and saw my father, upon him be peace, sitting with a book in his hand, like an angel'. (L:24 7)3 1

1

19.5.2. Speech introduced by the verb ?mr ('to say') The complement of the verb ?mr ('to say') is in the vast majority of cases direct speech rather than a subordinate clause. The direct speech is frequently presented in a separate intonation group: (1)

mlre: ?ana sxet la-gezen. 'He said "I shall not go again"'. (Y:152)

(2)

mlru: bronim hula?a lä-qtllle-lleu. 'They said "A Jew has killed our son"'. (Y:209)

(3)

mlri: ken gallax. 'I said "I shall come with you"'. (L:371)

(4)

mlru ta-käbra: lila i/a 'They said to the man "Come, come!'" (S:9)

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

A few cases of indirect speech are attested in the form of an object complement clause with the expected adaptation of person. As is generally the case with object complement clauses, there is no introductory complementizer. These clauses are usually in the same intonation group as the main verb: (5)

mlra xaluntl malpa/a. 'My sister said that she will teach her'. (Y:262-263)

(6)

bäbl mlre $arxanne Nlsan. 'My father said that I should call him Nisan'. (Y:90)

1

1

Example (7) exhibits a mixed construction, in which there has been only partial adaptation of the person of the referential elements in the complement clause: (7)

mlrox bäqeu qatlinne. 1 'You said to him that you would kill him Oiterally: that I would kill him)'. (L:453)

19.5.3. Complement clauses after an imperative If the main verb is an imperative and the verb of the complement clause also has second person reference, an imperative form is often used in the complement clause as weil, e.g. jrob marimle 'Try to lift it'. (literally: Try! Lift it!). 19.5.4. Extraposition from complement clauses When a clause is the complement of an impersonal expression, the topic of the complement clause is sometimes extraposed in front of this item. In most cases, this is the grammatical subject of the clause: (1)

hu/a?e dabi paltl mln flrllq Afawran fawran.A 'The Jews must leave Iraq immediately'. (B:40) 1

1

1

1

3 Cf. constructions such as xizyäli kad klitä '! saw her (while ) standing' in the Christian NENA dialects described by Maclean (1895: 147).

SYNT ACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

419

(2)

$iwe-s dabi-Saqllwa min päyez. 'They had to lay in also wood in autumn'. (B:123)

(3)

?atxun 1 Üizim paltetun min-xiisiin. 1 'You must protect us'. (L:117)

(4)

?iitl gbe Saket illeu. 'You should complain to him'. (S:92)

(5)

baxta ?äsitrile ?alya ta-$lola, 1 lä-ydilla. 1 'A woman - it is forbidden for her to enter a synagogue, when she has given birth'. (Y:29)

(6)

?iyya hula?a 1 miiyle ?ätl La-}Jaqet galleu. 1 'This Jew - why is it you speak (harshly) with him?' (L:454)

(7)

}Jaywli.n täref 1 yan-dabi partfile, 1 yan-dabi xa-iliij ?oli-lleu. 1 'An impure animal must either be thrown away or treated'. (B:105)

1

1

The extraposition in these constructions is motivated by the discourse factors that have been identified for other types of extrapositional clause (see §17.6.2). 19.5.5. Position of complement clauses In the overwhelming number of cases the complement clause is placed after the main clause. Occasionally, however, it is placed before the main verb to give it an enhanced degree of prominence. In the attested examples, the subject nominal or pronoun remains at the front of the whole construction: (1)

?li.na pa{wen gben. 1 'I wanttobe compensated'. (S:98)

19.5.6. Complementizers As has been remarked, a clause that is a subject or object complement of a verb is not normally introduced by a complementizer particle. In the description of the complement clauses dependent on the verb gzy, it was shown that a temporal conjunction acts as a complementizer in a few isolated instances. Elsewhere, sporadic cases are found where a complement clause stands in apposition to a demonstrative particle: (1)

min-iyya litwa geban, 1 ?ezex gebiiw, 1 gazlxxa, 1 ?ezex HkolnowwafH,' cerex gallaw. 1 'We did not have this (custom), that we went with her, saw her, went to the cinema or walked about with her'. (L:197)

TEXTS

INFORMANTS The story of the missing heifer (1) ?ltwa 1 xa Hben-adizmHI faqlr, 1 HmiskenHI xa H~af!r,HI Si?a, 1 ?u-sluxa, 1 kpina. 1 (2) naS HJav6daH la-kulwale, 1 naS #llma la-kulwale, 1 ?u-gezwa tarane teru, 1 ?iyya-la?a w-?6-la?a xa-partit Lixma kxtlwa. 1 (3) xa-yoma rlxit plsra lyele baqeu. 1 mlre: ?ax! 1 ?6-naSa Ia melwa, 1 xa-jimmit pisra ?axilwa biswateu,1 m6la

~aq

wele 1 yan-~aq la-wele. 1

(4) xa yoma min-yomaJe 1 tara plixa swlqle-lle iyya kabra. 1 xa-g6lka wlra L6?a. 1(5) xa-g6Lka wlra L6?a, 1 ?iyya kabra qlmle, 1 tara gllqle-lleu. 1 ?iyya golka dwiq(ile, 1 dibÜile b-ara, 1 golkake dib~lile hawa. 1 (6) golkake dib~lile hawa. 1 bma-lawnit hawe 1 xanti plsra xllle. 1 (7) ?iyya kabra d-marit golka w-torta 1 miila kulla tirlile, 1 ?iyya-la?a w-?o-la?a, 1 g6lka gnlzla-lleu. 1 (8) xa-waxit ya!e b-qam-tarid iyya bela da-fltlu, 1 ?od-iyya Siyona, 1 kulla reSa w-faqliileu, 1 gilda ma-gilda mitwlwiile l- 1xa la?a. 1 boganl gdlru, 1 didwe la-qardi ql:im tara. 1 (9) zlllu, 1 mtru ta-klibra: 1 lila i/a, 1 bei klibra Si?a didwe lli-qardt u-rtxit pisanula boganz. 1 (10) ?iyya waxtit-zllle, 1 Ia-gaze ma? 1 Hb-emet naxonHiJe. 1 (11) mxele l-tara. 1 kabra Ia-mire tara palixle reS noSeu. 1 xa-pe/ak imxele ltara,1 tarake twlre-lleu. 1 (12) tarake twlre-lleu, 1 Ia-gaze ma? 1 gilda w- 1pisra w1garme u-ma garmit g6lka 1 kulla {tamilu. 1(13) ?iyya kabra d-marid golka 1 1-ya yiila faqzr dbllle b-ara. 1 ?axti mxele-l/eu, 1 ?axti mxele-lleu, 1 ?axti mxele-lleu, 1 ~atta pllgit nisameu niblale. 1

( 14) bar pllgit niSameu nibllile, 1 zille geb-David Hha-melex.H 1 skele reseu. 1

(15) mlre: ?iyya sl?a golklla-dib~lile hawa. 1 ?agar ~aqqlla-Saqlltte minneu, 1 ?ana ya kabra dab~!nne hawa. 1 (16) David misdlrre bar ya-kl:ibra. 1 ya kabra ?ilyele. 1 David la-xer-ibbeu iyya kabra, 1la eil ma ?ol-illeu. 1(17) ~aqqlt HqnasH tltti reSeu. 1 ~aqqlt jaza lltti reSeu, 1 ~aqqlt ~pasa zltti reSeu. 1 la y?zlle ma ?6/.

1

(18) mlre ta-ml:irit g6lka, 1 mlre: ?iyya kabra 1 ?ana-libblla la-gez reseu, 1 hlt olen-illeu. 1 (19) mlre: ?ati mato HmelexH-wet. 1 mlre ta-David: 1 ?ati mato HmelexKwet? 1 mato ~aqqe Saqilttu? 1

INFORMANTS

The story of the missing heifer

(1) There was once a poor, wretched man, a foolish, naked, hungry youth. (2) Nobody gave him work, nobody talked to him.l He used to go from door to

door and, here and there, eat a slice of bread. (3) One day the smell of meat came to him. He said 'Ah, that man, it seems, is not dying but is eating his fill of a portion of meat, whether he deserves death or not'. (4) One day the man left the door open. A heifer came inside. (5) A heifer came inside and the man arose and closed the door. He seized the heifer, threw it on the ground and slaughtered it. (6) He slaughtered the heifer. In some way or other he ate a little meat. (7) The man who was the owner of the heifer and the cow searched the whole town, this side and that. His heifer had disappeared. (8) When some children were passing by the door of that hause, of that fool, he had put on one side everything, the head, its legs, !arge amounts of skin, and they were creating a stench and flies were gathering in front of the door (9) they went and said to the man 'Come, come. At the hause of the madman flies are gathering and there is a smell of putrefaction and a stench'. (10) When he went, what does he see? It is rea!!}' true! (11) He struck the door. The man did not dare to open the door and expose himself. In an instant, he struck the door and broke the door down. (12) He broke the door down. What does he see? Skin, flesh, bones upon bones of the heifer were all there. (13) The man, who was the owner of the heifer, threw the poor youth on the ground. He beat him, he beat him, he beat him to the extent that he took from him half of his life. (14) After he had taken away half of his life, he went to King David. He made a complaint against him. (15) He said 'This madman has slaughtered my heifer. If you do not exact my due from him, I will slaughter this man'. (16) David sent for the man and the man came. David Iooks at the man. He does not know what to do to him. (17) 'I cannot impose upon him a punishment of a fine. I cannot impose upon him a punishment of paying compensation. I cannot impose upon him a punishment of incarceration'. He did not know what to do. (18) He said to the owner of the heifer, he said 'I have not the heart to punish this man.2 I shall do nothing to him'. (19) He said 'What kind of king are you?' He said to David 'What kind of king are you? I thought you are supposed to redress wrongs!

1 Literally: 'Nobody gave him face'. 2 Literally: 'That man, I, my heart does not go against him'.

424

TEXTS

(20) ?agar-liti J;.aqqi Ia Saqlltte, 1 ?tina dabl;.lnne hawa min-qf:tbil golki.i(21) David /a-y?llle ma ?o/. 1 bliba, 1 J;.aqqit go/kake tikme/e? 1 ?lina kunn6x-illa. 1 (22) /a, 1 miito ?o golka axllla 1 w-liti J;.aqql hotte. 1 ?titi HmelexH_ wet, 1 miito jaza d-niise ?iitl hotte. 1(23) mlre: bliba, 1 miidam atxele, 1 sl bela, 1 tre tl~ha yome xmol resl, 1 l;.atta xsawl ?o!lnne. 1 (24) kiibra mlirid golka zille hawa

bela. 1 kut safata lii-gez il-kiibra lii-kul qiim-slipe, xanti nal lii-maxe-l/eu. 1 (25) lii-ke hawa bela, lii-xmille res-David-iS, 1 David J;.aqqeu saqille. 1 (26) David lele 1 J;.atta bqatta Sinda litte. 1 xa-waxit tuta nimle, 1 mal?axe lyelu b-xilmeu. 1 (27) mlru: David, 1 David, 1 kaxlttd misplitid iyya kiibra xel sawi16xi!a. 1 (28) David Ia

tl! ?iyya xilmele 1 yan-HnaxonHi!a. 1 (29) har-qimle

min-Sindeu, 1 ?lla drele xel sawila, 1 Ia-gaze Hbe-?emerHI kaxrta !tamila. 1 (30) hayya, 1 hayya, 1 Sriita mliqle, 1 kaxta qiryiile hawa. 1 Ia-gaze gaw-kaxta kliwele min-llid mal?axe. 1 (31) hii hli, 1 David, 1 ?agar atl ya?et 1 ?iyya kiibra, 1 xadlimit blibit ?iyya faqir-wele. 1 ?iyya bekas-wele, 1 ?iyya kiibra. 1 ?iyya xizmitklirid bei d-zyya we/e. 1 (32) xa-yoma qtmle. 1 ma wtlle? 1 ztlle Suqa, xa skita zwinne. 1(33) lele 11-iyya kiibra 1 dbtl;.le hawa. 1 skitake tiqylile 1 gaw kaseu, 1 har-gaw J;.awseu 1 tse/e-hawa l/eu. 1 (34) min-dlmmid ya kabra 1 ?iyya ~lwit zetunta /ii-irzq{a gliwit l;.awiS. 1 (35) Jiitz bqatta 1 Jagar iyya kiibra har-XOS /{igdzre,1 tre niiSe fazom, 1 tre metere b-/a?ad HyamzniH 1 ?ara xaprz/a 1 maytit blibid ya faqir iftamile. 1(36) ?iyya bela

W 1-dolta

w-?iyya binylinit 1 ?iyya kiibra

d-mlirit golka /ii-ytlwle reseu, 1 kulla ?ot-blibit d-iyya faqlrile, 1 ?od-iyya-Si?a. 1 (37) gbe siip ta-re ?o!et il-iyya, 1 tardltte min-res bela, 1 ya matwltte-hawa resbeteu,1 b-mlira ?olltte. 1 (38) ?iyya qimle, 1 bqatta kiibra 1 zllle geb-David. 1 ma w1llox? 1 (39) mlre: btiba, wilfi.i ?tdyo miSplifox gollnne. 1 ( 40) ?ilyele galleu, 1 David ilyele galleu 1 be kabra. 1 (41) mlre baqeu: 1 tre HpofeteH mill. 1 (42) bliba, 1 ?tina miSpa(llagblnne,1 ma /ii-gbet min-Hpofe[H? 1 (43) mzre: ?atl/a-ma-tina miSpii(oX goflnne. 1 (44) tre ntiSe me/e, 1 tre metere b-/a?at HyaminzHI ?ara xpzru 1 btibid iyya kiibra paltl-lleu. 1 (45) min-qora plifle-l/eu, 1 ?amret sinda pllla te-?eneu. 1 skitld iyya kabra-s hestan gaw-kasew-wele. 1 ( 46) mlre baqeu: 1 ?atl biibid lyya gora laqtillox,1 har-gaw-IJ.awSid iyya-gora, 1 gaw-J;.awSid noSeu, 1 /a-tSelox hawa. 1 ( 47) la-itlwlox res-beleu, 1 u-binyaneu, 1 u-dolteu. 1 ta-xa-golka liti /ii-gbet iyya kabra qatlltte? 1

INFORMANTS

425

(20) If you do not exact my due from him I shall kill him (as punishment) for (his killing) my heifer'. (21) David did not know what to do. 'My man, what is the value of the heifer? I shall give it to you'. (22) 'No, why is it that he eats the heifer and you give me its price?3 You are a king. Why is it that you yourself pay the penalty for other people?' (23) He said 'My man, if it is so, go home, give me two or three days, forme tothink things through'. (24) The man who was the owner of the heifer went home. Every hour he goes and gives that man a kick with his boot. (25) He goes home again and waits for David, in orderthat David redress the wrong done to him. (26) David did not sleep until morning. When he somehow managed to doze off, angels appeared in his dream. (27) They said 'David, David. The Ietter of judgment of this man is under your pillow'. (28) David does not know whether this is a dream or whether it is real. (29) As soon as he arose from his sleep he placed his hand under the pillow and sees that the Ietter is really there. (30) Quickly he lit a lamp and read the Ietter. He sees the contents of the Ietter are written by the hand of angels: (31) David, if only you knew! This man was the servant of this poor man's father. He was an orphan, this man. He was the servant in his house. (32) One day, what did he do? He went to the market and bought a knife. (33) In the night he slew that man. He stabbed the knife into his stomach, then buried him right in his own yard. (34) From the blood of this man this olive tree has grown in the yard. (35) In the morning, as soon as that man has left, summon two men to dig the ground two metres on the right side. The corpse of the father of this poor man is there. (36) This house and property, this building that this man, the owner of the heifer, has settled in, all of it belongs to the father of this poor man, of this crazed man. (37) You must kick him out and drive him out of the house and (you must) reinstate this man back in his house and make him the owner'. (38) He rose in the morning. The man went to David. 'What have you decided?'4 (39) He said 'My man I have decided.5 Today I shall make a judgment for you'. (40) He came with him, David came with him to the house of the man. (41) He said 'Bring me two workers'. (42) 'But I want my judgment, what do you want with workmen?'6 (43) He said 'I am indeed making your judgment'. (44) He brought two people, they dug the ground two metres on the right side in order to disinter the father of this man. (45) He took him out of the grave. It seemed as if sleep had fallen on his eyes. The knife of that man was still in his stomach. (46) He said to him 'You have killed the father of this man, then you buried him in the yard of this man, in his own yard. (47) You have appropriated his house, his building and his property. For one heifer you want to kill this man?

3 4 5 6

Literally: 'You give me my due'. Literally: 'What have you done?' Literally: 'I have done'. Literally: 'Workman'.

426

TEXTS

(48) ?attline gbe 1 b-~idrit qlimox 1 paltet min-ya bela. 1 xa ?ana la-palth- 1 (49) ?attlineha 1 ta-xa-safta xet qam ?enl, 1 min-bela la-paltet tara, 1 tlrnu ?enox palr{nnu. 1 b-H~edeqH tallnnox. 1 (50) nase ~rlxle, 1 kiibra sap ta-re willu-lteu. 1 min-belid d-iyya faqzr plltlu-lleu. 1 ?iyya Siyona mtlwle-hawa lleu reS beteu. 1 bmiira wille-lleu. 1 (51) nase hiwlu tapll-bbeu, 1 mimtele-lleu hawa fasrat, 1 gdtre hawa niiSa. 1

The story of two eggs (52) xa niiSa zille, I belit xa niiSa mewiina gd{re. 1 (53) ?iyya Hben-adamH HpofezH-wele. 1 zille xa-bela mewana gdire. 1 (54) ?iyya Hpofe[H 1 lixmit pilgldyom La xilwale. 1 HtikHake mitwate {tarn LeW (55) bqatta tltle, 1 ?ixlila xllle u 1Sta?a hiwlu biiqeu. 1 (56) bqatta fitte ?iyya kiibra, 1 HtikHake minSylile. 1 Htikad avodaH minSyale ?iyya. 1(57) marid bela, 1 baxtake ?ibqatta lii-xera ma? 1 ?iyya kiibra HtikHeu minsylile. 1 (58) xlra gaw-HtikHake, 1 tre-be?e ?ibba. 1 tre be?e bSile-it 1 gaw-ya-Htik.H 1(59) mlra ta-goraw: 1 gora, 1 gora, 1 ?iyya kabra 1 HtikHeu minsylile, 1 tre be?e ?ibba. 1 (60) ?{yya mlre: 1 baxta, 1 sl batlt jiriine swawe, 1 ?anne tre-be?e 1 maxliplu hawa 1 bi-be?e d-la-bsile. 1(61) ?anne tre-be?e d-xaw 1 matuxxu xel klelta 1 reS mazzlilid iyya kiibra, I xerex ma palta. 1 ( 62) ?iyya baxta zilla xa-bela, 1 be?ake mrxilplla hawa 1 b-tre be?e t-xaw la-bSile. 1 (63) menila, 1 ?iyya tre be?e mitwlla, 1 res-mazzlilit kiibra. 1 mitwila xel kleltu. 1 (64) niSlin willlla be?ake. 1 ?iyya tre ~u~ka plltlu. 1 tre-~u~ka plftlu, 1 tlrnu plftlu Hneqeva.H 1 (65) ?anne kiibraJe 1 ?iyya be[a anne-~u~ke baxe willl/u, 1 baxe willilu. 1 (66) xa-waxit ~u~kake be?e wlllu, 1 kiibra 11-?anne be?e zibntle u 1smlrre reS-piirake. 1 (67) be?e zblnne, 1 smlrre reS-piirake. 1 (68) dwa?e kliilake "Kurrld npillu, 1 gdlru rliba klaW (69) ?iyya kabra qtmle, 1 ma wille? bdele bikliile zabln, 1 xanti ?izze zwinne. 1 (70) gez mazzal d-iyya-kiibra. 1 xanti ?izze zwlnne, 1 ?izze ?idtllu. 1 (71) kud-xa ?izza yadlliwa, 1 t{(lha ?o ?arba kimyliwa. 1 (72) qemwa fizz{d HzaxiirzmH zabtnwii/u, 1 bdele b!-?irbe zwiina. 1(73) xa-waxit gd{riile xa megalit ?irbe, 1 xa megalit fizze, 1 nezi"Kit xa ?lmma k/iile. 1 (74) xa-yoma min-yomiite, 1 bar-tikma Sinne ?iyya kiibra 1 ?ilyele hawa mewan d-?o-be/a gdlre. 1 (75) ?anne xlru bbeu, 1 ?o xlre bbu, 1 baxtake y?illa(ha)wa-lleu.1 (76) mlra ta-goraw: 1 gora, 1 mlre: mayle? 1

INFORMANT$

427

(48) You must leave this hause with only the shirt that is on you, right now. You

will not remove a penny. (49) Right now, (if you stay) for one hour Ionger in my sight and do not leave the hause, I shall remove both of your eyes and hang you in the way that you deserve. (50) He called people and they kicked that man out. They ejected him from the hause of this poor man. He reinstated this crazed man back in his hause and made him its owner. (51) People were appointed to Iook after him. They helped him to regain a position in society and so he became a man again. The story of two eggs

(52) A man went and became a guest in somebody's hause. (53) This man was a labourer. He went and became a guest in a hause. (54) This labourer had not eaten any lunch. He put his bag down there at night. (55) In the morning he left, he ate food and they gave him a drink. (56) In the morning the man left and forgot the bag. He forgot the work-bag. (57) The owner of the hause- the wife, what does she see in the morning? The man had forgotten his bag. (58) She looked into the bag, there are two eggs in it. There are two cooked eggs in the bag. (59) She said to her husband 'Husband, husband, the man forgot his bag. There are two eggs in it'. (60) He said 'Wife, go to the hause of the neighbours and exchange these two eggs for uncooked eggs. (61) Let's put these two raw eggs under the chicken for the sake of the man's good fortune, and let's see what comes out'. (62) The woman went to a house. She exchanged the eggs for two raw, uncooked eggs. (63) She brought the two eggs and put them under their chicken for the sake of the good fortune of the man. (64) She marked the eggs. Behold! Two chicks hatched out. Two chicks hatched out. Both were female. (65) These people (in) the house looked after the chicks. (66) When the chickens laid eggs, the man sold the eggs and kept the money. (67) He sold (other) eggs and kept the money. (68) Then the chickens gave birth to young and they turned into many chickens. (69) What did this man do? He began selling the chickens and bought a few goats. (70) Fortune was favouring the man. He bought a few goats and the goats gave birth. (71) Each goat gave birth and brought forth three or four (young). (72) He sold the billy-goats and began buying sheep. (73) In no time he came to have a flock of sheep, a herd of goats and almost a hundred chickens. (74) One day, after a few years, the (other) man came back and stayed at that house. (75) They looked at him and he looked at them. The woman recognized him. (76) She said to her husband 'Husband!' He said 'What is it?'

428

TEXTS

(77) mira ?iitl ya-kabra tltte hawa? 1 mire: Ia w-illla baxta, 1 mannile? 1 (78) mira: ?iyya kiibra marit HtikHakele. 1 (79) ~ay-ilha 1 ?o-mlre, 1 ?e w-alla. 1 ?iyya-s mlre biiqeu: 1 kabra, 1 ?iiti qamol cikma sinne ?ilyelox, 1 mewiinan gdlrox? 1(80) mlre: ?e wal/a. 1 ?amman, mlre, simanox mayle? 1 mlre: wal/a, 1 liinaxpen ?amren, 1 HtiklH /axxa minsyawiill. 1 (81) mire: maflum, 1 HtikoxH minSyawii/ox. 1 Hnaxon,H 1 tre bele bsi/e-?itwa gaw. 1(82) mzre: b-xa?ox, 1 Cet ma wllli? mlre: ma willox? 1 (83) mlre ?anne be?e mixilplli biiqox 1 bi-be?e d-/absi/e.1 ta-kullu lii-wtlfi,i mardiirlla-willi biiqox. 1(84) ?atta anne ?irbe, u 1-?anne klii/e, u 1-?anne ?izze, 1 kulla did/Jxilu. 1 (85) kabra mlre: xor-ana /ii-naxpen yaxabra Samen. 1 (86) mire: b-xa?ox kulla did/Jxilu. 1 mire: baba, 1 w-al/a ana Cididile, u 1-b-karxun yii-?iiza. 1 (87) ?6-s mlre: Ia, Ia, did6xilu, 1 gben nablittu hawa. 1 (88) mlre: baba, 1 madam mar nabilnnu hawa, 1 pallxxu. 1 ?ati lii-glslox, 1 pallxxu. 1 (89) mlre: HtavH, 1 b-lznid didox hawe, 1 pailxxu, 1 pailxxu, 1 ?agar ati raza-willox. 1 (90) ?iyya kiibra plttle tara. 1 Swiiweu ga?en-wele 1 gal-iyya swawit marit

be/a. 1 (91) ?il-iyya kiibra dwlqle, 1 mire: Cet mayle? 1 ?ati Ia Cet 1 Cikma la-xllle minnu, 1 cikma lii-birbhle minnu, 1 tikma ma$rufat /a-wille. 1 (92) ?ati ... tama pz/ga kutte 1 be faqif.i ?iitl gbe Saket il/eu, 1 ?amritte: 1 (93) lila mori Hha?emet.H 1 Cikma ga?eniitl /a-willox? 1 Cikma /a-xlllox minnu? 1 Cikma lii$rlflox?1 tama pilga kutte? 1 (94) qtmle kiibra Hf-saxneafH wille-l/eu. 1 mis?e/elleu.1 (95) kiibra qimle qllble reSeu. 1 mire: baba, 1 ?tla mori, 1 ?iitl Cikma /iixlllox minnu? 1 cikma lii-zblnnox? 1 tikma ga?enatlla-willox? 1 (96) plsle ?iyya kiibra, 1 ?amir ?iyya Spiriitu/l, 1 ?iyya mamnuniitufi, 1 min-qublid anne axta Sinne. 1 (97) ?agar ga?eniitl ?olinwa, 1 atta-la kimrlnwa biiqox, 1 kabra/ 1 (98) mlre: /a/ 1 gbe ?amrltti. 1 ?ana patwen gben 1Cikma lii-birblzlox. 1 (99) qlmle, 1 zl//e, 1 skele geb-Davtd. 1 ske/e geb-David Hha-melex.H 1 ( 100) Davtd Hha-melexH ?il-kiibra grlsle, 1 mlre: HkenH gbe ?iitl yamet 1 cikma lä-birbizlox, 1 Cikma ga?enatl /a-willox, 1 gbe bayan ?olltta ta-ya gora. 1 ( 101) ?iyya gora qlmle, 1 b-baxi/e lyele hawa, 1 kud dimfe 1 lii-makus ruwwe 1

?atxa mg/5 kaSke. 1 (102) ?il-urxa 1 ?ilha r~lmle b-~ii/eu, 1 libbeu $ipya-wele, 1 ya gora. 1 (103) Slomo mtele-lleu. 1 Slomo mtele-l/eu, 1 mlre: ?a kiibra, 1 tama liibaxet?1 ( 104) mlre: sl bqor min-David biibox. 1 tama minnl /ii-baqret. 1 ( 105) mlre: kabra, 1 ~aql, 1 ~aql, 1 masalox mori-lla. 1

INFORMANTS

429

(77) She said 'Do you recognize this man?' He said 'No, by God, wife, who is he?' (78) She said 'This man is the owner of the bag'. (79) He said 'By the living God, you're right!' and said to him 'My man, did you come and stay with us a few years ago?' (80) He said 'Yes'. 'But' he said 'what is your proof?' He said 'By God, I am embarrassed to say I have left my bag here'. (81) He said 'We know, you did forget your bag. That's right, there were two cooked eggs in it'. (82) He said 'By your life, do you know what I did?' He said 'What did you do?' (83) He said 'I exchanged for you those eggs for uncooked eggs. I have done good housekeeping for you with regard to both of them. (84) Now these sheep, these chickens, these goats are all yours'. (85) The man said 'Look, I am embarrassed to hear this news.' (86) He said 'By your life, they are all yours.' He said 'By God, my friend, none of them are mine. They are the product of your labour, my good man'. (87) He said again 'No, no, they are yours, I want you to take them back'. (88) He said 'My friend, if I must take them back, let's divide them. You have worked hard, let's divide them'. (89) He said 'All right, with your permission, Iet it be so. Let's divide, if you request that'. (90) The man went outside. His neighbour was malevalent towards the owner of the house. (91) He took hold of the man and said 'Do you know what? You do not know how many of them he has eaten, how much of it (the money) he has squandered, how much money he has wasted away. (92) Why are you giving him half, you fool.You should complain to him and say to him (93) "Come, teil me the truth, how much malpractice have you committed? How many of them have you eaten? How much have you spent?". Why are you giving him a half?' (94) The man convinced him. He made him go out of his mind. (95) The man turned against him and said 'My friend, come, teil me, how many of them have you eaten? How many have you sold? How perfidious have you been?' (96) The other man remained (stunned) and said 'This is the kindness and gratitude shown mein exchange for these many years (of labour)! (97) If I had acted perfidiously, I would not now be telling you (about ail of these things), man!'. (98) He said 'No. You must teil me. I want to be compensated for the amount that you have spent'. (99) He went and complained to David. He complained to King David. (100) King David dragged in the man and said 'Yes, you must swear how much you have spent, how much malpractice you have committed. You must make it known to this man'. (101) The man got up and went back weeping, shedding tears as big as kaske.1 (102) On the way, God had compassion for what had happened to him. This man was innocent.S (103) Solomon came to him. Solomon came to him and said 'My man, why are you crying?' (104) He said 'Go and ask David your father, why do you ask me?' (105) He said 'My man, teil me, teil me! Tell me your story'.

7 Cakes made from dried curds and burghul. 8 Literally: 'His heart was pure'.

430

TEXTS

(106) ?itlwle masilla ~aqylile bäqeu 1 min-resa ~atta ?aq/a. 1 (107) masa/ake ~aqylile baqeu. 1 ?lyya mlre: Soqla baql ta-tff!.ha-yome xet. 1 Soqla baql ta-t!fl.ha-

yome xet, 1 ~atta-ana ten taplen b-iyya kabra w 1-taplen b-miSplitid bab1-s. 1 (108) qimle, zille geb-babeu, 1 mlre: bliba. 1 mlre ?a baba. 1 (109) mlre: xa baruxl

la-fazimle-lli. 1 xa baruxlla-fazimle-llz, 1 xa-safoda ta-g0/. 1 ~az golen qadome bqatta La ?axlh, 1 ?ezh res-safodid iyya kabra. 1 (110) baruxl safoda ta-wille, 1 /a-faztm/e-lli, 1 noSox u-tikma barux/;x-iS mtlu. 1 (111) mlre: broni, reS enz, 1 näSe HkavodH haw{ bäqox, 1 safoda ?oli,' broni reS en{. 1 ( 112) ?iyya qtmle, 1 ma wille. 1 ~rixle l-kabra. 1 (113) zillu xa-ezt-ilka dbi~lu hawa. 1 zlllu, xa faqrlt ~iwa rumanta rumanta ?ltwa. 1 satla nselu res-ya faqrlt ~iwa. 1 ( 114) xela la?a, 1 xel iyya ?ilanta 1 bdelu nura ?oli.' ( 115) David mitlwle-lleu gal-anne baruxe, 1 har min-bqatta 1 wa-~atta bar pilgid-yom. 1 ( 116) fli$ir gdira. 1 mlre: broni, 1 ?atl qtlllox-illi min-kipnz, 1 ?{yya mlito safode/a? 1 (117) mlre: bliba, 1 ?iyya safoda mg/; mispatid didlJxiia. 1 ?ati mlito miSpat willox ta-ya gora? 1( 118) ?iyya-gora mewan d-iyya käbra-wele. 1 tre be?e sliqe minSele laxxa. 1 ( 119) ?iyya-gora mi~wa wille bäqeu, 1 nasula wille. 1 tre be?e 1 zille mixilpile, 1 res-mazzal d-iyya

mitwile. 1 ( 120) ?lyya mlito ?atl maymltte res-ga?enatula. 1 ( 121) ?iyya, Kqa~ba­ bab,K1 pet la-peläle, 1 bas tre-be?e sliqe hawlte. 1 tre-be?e sliqe lä-minsele taxxa. 1 ~aqqeu tre-be?e sliqele. 1 ( 122) klibra, 1 sl tre-be?e sloq u-mile, 1 holle. 1 (123) zllle, 1 ?llit Stoma nisqlite, 1 tre be?e sliqe mele, 1 drele b-ltit käbra, 1 käbra

mxele xa-sarpike min-Sirmeu, 1 zille hawa b-tre-be?e sliqe. 1 (124) Htason-harafH ?atxela gal-dinye, 1 ~ablbi. 1 jiräna gal-jiräna ga?en-

wele.1 (125) Hb-sofH käbra libbeu $ipya-wele. 1 ?ilha milylile galleu bi-Spira. 1 Hbi-sofH njt~le. 1 kulla '!l?i!ake ta-noseu plste, 1 bas tre-be?e sliqe hlwle takäbra.1

mim~ele-lleu. 1

INFORMANTS

431

(106) He sat and told him the story from the beginning to the end. (107) He told

him the story. He said 'Leave it to me for three more days. Leave it to me for three more days until I know what to do with this man and what to do about my father's judgment'. (108) He went to his father and said 'Father'. He said 'Yes'. (109) He said 'A friend has invited me. A friend has invited me. He is preparing a meal. I would like you not to eat tomorrow morning and go to the meal of this man. (110) My friend has made a meal and has invited me. Go yourself and also take some of your friends'.9 (111) He said 'My son, of course. Let them honour you. Let them have the meal, my son, of course'. (112) He got up and what did he do? He called to the man. (113) They went and slaughtered a chicken. They went to a very high tree trunk. They hung a pot on this tree trunk. (114) At the bottom, under the tree they began to make a fire. (115) He made David sit with his friends all the time, from morning until after midday. (116) Afternoon came and he said 'My son you have killed me with starvation. What kind of meal is this?' (117) He said 'Father, this meal is like your judgment. What kind of judgment have you given to this man? (118) This man was the guest of this fellow. He left two cooked eggs here. (119) This man did him a good deed, he did a virtuous deed. He went and exchanged the two eggs and made them prosper for this person.lO (120) How can you make him swear against malpractice. (121) He, the father of a whore, he is not owed the slightest thing. Let him have only two cooked eggs. He left two cooked eggs here. He is owed two cooked eggs. (122) My man, go and cook two eggs, then bring them and give them to him. (123) He went and kissed the hand of Solomon. He brought two cooked eggs, put them in the hand of the man, he kicked the man in the buttocks and he went away with two cooked eggs. (124) Slander like this is found among people. My friend, a neighbour was treacherous with his neighbour. (125) In the end the man proved to be innocent.ll God made him prosper. In the end he was successful. All the goods became his. He gave the man only two cooked eggs, and sent him packing.

9 Literally: 'Take yourself and also some of your friends'. 10 Literally: 'He placed them to the good fortune of this person'. 11 Literally: 'His heart was pure'.

INFORMANTL The town of Arbe! (1) ma ?amrinnox ?axoni? 1 malid didan 1 ?Arblt 1 jwan-we/a raba rliba. 1

?itwäliin 1 xa-$folii, 1 ga-qalfii, 1 kimriwa/a qalfii, 1 mafnatiiw 1 dukkit rumanta kimrila qalfii, 1 ?itwalan xa-knistii ?iftam, 1 babi ?iftam 1 ~azziin-wele, 1 riiv-wele. 1 ?agar yasqitwa 1 ?il-?o qalfii, 1 gazitwäla kulla ?Arbi/. 11 cikma jwlin-wela, 1 raba raba jwlin-we/a. 1 (2) batu 1 /a-welu magon ?attii, 1 binyiin 1 raba raba fatuqe-we/u. 1 bar dwa?e, 1 qamo/ cikma Sinne, 1 t{(lhZ, ?arbi Sinne, 1 xamSi Sinne, 1 bne/u 1 HbinyantmH 1 raba jwlin, 1 magon ?Awropii. 1 (3) ?Arbi/ 1 ?itwäla 1 raba Simme. 1 b-kurdi kimriwäla Haw/er. 1 ba-HfarabitH

kimriwa 1 ?Arbi/. 1 b-kirmanji kimriwa 1 ?Arbe/. 1 b-liSanit targum kimriwa ?Arbef.i (4) H?avi:z[H ?agar gbet ta-HnofH ?amrinnox, 1 ta-jwanu/a, 1 ?ltwa xa mä/a, 1

dur lewa 1 min-?Arbe/, 1 tre safte, 1 Saqlliwa kimrlwala. 1 ?afillu 1 sultana ?ot flrliq, 1 malik Glizi, 1 ?o babeu, 1 - ?ana babtiu b-waxti la-we!e 1 -

?o-kewa, 1 ga-

Saqlliwa.1 Saqlliwa, 1 lekid gazet, 1 ... lekid gbet, 1 min-ture 1 mafe koswa, 1 ?itwa ?i/ane, 1 ?itwa te?ene. 1 mad gbet ba-folam ?itwii-{tam. 1 raba jwlin-wela. 1 waxtit qeta gezixwa {tiim, 1 xii yarxa, 1 tre yarxe, 1 mii ?amrinnox?

The history of Arbe! (5) min-xanjil mzri baqox 1 mat kliwlox, 1 ?o qali 1 qlttlox il/eu, 1 ?ebelox minnl 1 xant!i Hhistoria 1 fatiqat yomtn.H 1 ?amrlnnox 1 mlito we/a 1 ?Arbi/. 1

1 This is the form of the place name that is used in the Arabic dialect of the Jews. Informant L, whose first language is Arabic, frequently uses this form in bis Aramaie speech.

INFORMANTL The town of Arbe/ (1) What should I say to you, my brother. Our town, Arbe!, was very beautiful.

We had a synagogue in the citadel. It was called 'qa/'a', which means ..., a high place is called a qa/'a. We had a synagogue there. My father was a /:lazzan there. He was a Rabbi. If you went up to that citadel, you would see all of Arbe!. How beautiful it was! It was very beautiful. (2) Their houses were not like (they are) now. They were very old buildings. Later, several years ago, thirty, forty, fifty years ago, they built very beautiful buildings, like (those in) Europe. (3) Arbe! had many names. In Kurdish it was called Hawler. In Arabic it was called Arbii. In Turkish it was called Arbe!. In Aramaie it was called Arbe!. (4) But if you want me to tell you about scenery, about beauty, there was a town that was not far from Arbe!, two hours away, called Saqlawa. Even the ruler of Iraq, king Öäzi or his father - his father was not in my time- he used to come to Saqlawa. Saqlawa - wherever you looked, wherever you cared (to Iook), water flowed down from the mountains. There were trees. There were figs. Whatever you care (to think of) in the whole world was there. It was very beautiful. In summertime we used to go there, for a month, two months, or so. The history of Arbe/

(5) Last time I said to you something, which you wrote down, or you recorded my voice. You requested from me some early history. 1'11 tell you how Arbe! was.

434

TEXTS

(6) ?Arbil 1 kliwele 1 ga-t2max 1 Hbereslt, 1 sefer berdlt, 1 Resen 1 ben-Ninwe u-ben Kala~. 1 Resen, 1 zeH ?Arblt. 1 kimrlla ?Arbil bi-HzmanHan, 1 HzmanH didim. 1 WlKala~1 Karkukila, 1dukkit Hneft,H 1- raba

?it

1 -

?ot flraq. 1 (7) H?Assar, 1 ben-

Nznwe u-ben-?Assar, 1 Nlnwe 1 zeH Mu~il 1 ?ot-waxtit didim. 1 miila rubta wela, 1 jwan wela. 1 (8) Hlefi masoret,H 1 Nowwa~, 1 ?itwiile brona kimriwiile - kliwele ga-mi~~{if, 1 Hsefer beresltH 1 -

kimriwiile Sem. 1 kliwele 1 qorid dideu 1 ga-

?Arbel-wele. 1 (9) ga-?Arbel, 1~aqeniwa 1 ?anne HzeqenimH didan, 1 biibz 1 sonl, 1 ~aqeniwa ma

?itwa, 1 ma /ltwa 1 min-?awwal. 1 (10) ?ltwa ... raba mi~~afe. 1 ?itwalu 1 Hkitve yad.H 1 kalwzwa ba-?awwal bz-?ila. 1 kalwzwa Hktav-raSi.H 1 ?Ztti raba minnu. 1

The professions of the Jews (11) ?amrinnox ma? 1 ?Arbi/ 1 miila rubta wela. 1 hula?e raba ?itwa, 1 {!(lhl

?al pa, 1 ?arbl ?al pa. 1 ( 12) ?ltwa minnu 1 mare-$infata welu, 1 zeringre welu, 1 dukandiire ?itwa, 1 raba ?itwa, 1 bazirgan welu. 1 ( 13) ?itwa minnu 1 tujiire ruwwe-welu. 1 geziwa I-Bagdad, 1 geziwa dukklt ruwwe, 1 ?il-Mu~i/, 1 kmeniwa. 1 kmeniwa raba rrz~!, 1 ?u-zabnlwiile. 1 (14) titwa gaw ~aStawaliine. 1 yzmkin bimma,1 ba-?alpa xa !ltwa. 1 ( 15) ?itwa dwa baneniwa, 1 biite baneniwa, 1 ?ltwa minnu. 1 H?avaiH ~astawaliina magon-laxxa, 1 xarkanas ?61, 1 ?ez xlpiira ?61, 1 ?o?ez jiide tarl~, 1 !ltwa min-?anne, 1 geban !ltwa. 1 ( 16) kulla le~efe xeriwa, 1 kurtalle xetiwa. 1 goliwa julle ta-kirmanje, 1 keniwa, 1 xetlwa biiqu. 1 (17) tama? 1 bsilmiine ?od-geban 1 Ia dwa, 1 ~infata Ia la-dwa ?o!l. 1 le~efe la-dwa xetiwa, 1 kurtalle la-dwa xetiwa. 1 (18) H?i.zzH hula?zd didan, 1 ?ot-?Arbel, 1 xetiwa raba le~efe, 1 raba kurtalle goziwa, 1 Sarwiile, 1 kurtall, Sarwal, 1 gozlwiilu, 1 matwiwiilu

gaw dukiina, 1 zabnlwiilu. 1 ( 19) magon laxxa, 1 magon, 1 ke ?el!u 1 Hsufirmarke?lmH 1 lltwa magon ?atta, 1 dukane ?atxa matwllu. 1 tabqe gebiln litwa, 1 xa res-xa matwlwiilu. 1 (20) hula?e, 1 ?iyya ~astu wela. 1 keniwa ?anne bsilmiine, 1 min-dar keniwa, 1 min Ruwandiz, 1 min Saqlawa, 1 min-Batas, 1 min?anne dukkit kirmanje ?itwa-!tam. 1 min-Barzan keniwa. 1 (21) Saqliwa minhula?e, 1 kud-waxt b-waxteu. 1 ta-sltwa 1 keniwa kurtalle Saqliwa, 1 mindixe saqliwa, 1le~efe saqliwa. 1 ta-qefa 1 ger mindlx 1Saqtlwa. 1

INFORMANTL

435

(6) Arbe! is mentioned in the Bible, in the book of Genesis (10:12): 'Resen

between Nineveh and Kalal;l'. Resen is Arbe!, it is called Arbe! in our time. Kalal;l is Kirkuk, the place of oil - there was a Iot of oil, belanging to Iraq. (7) 'Assur, between Nineveh and ASSur': Nineveh is Mu~il of our time. It was a big town. It was beautiful. (8) According to tradition Noah had a son called Shem - it is written in the book of Genesis. It is written that his grave was in Arbel. (9) In Arbe! our old folk, my father, my grandfather, used to talk about former times. 1 (10) They had many books, manuscripts- formerly they wrote by hand, they wrote in Rashi script - I have many of them. The professions of the Jews

(11) What should I say to you? Arbe! was a !arge town. There were many Jews, thirty thousand, forty thousand.2 (12) There were some among them who were

craftsmen, who were goldsmiths. There were many shopkeepers. There were many who were clothiers. (13) There were some among them who were great merchants. They used to go to Baghdad and !arge places, to Mu~il. They would bring a Iot of merchandise and sell it. (14) There were no labourers among them, perhaps there was not even one in a hundred or in a thousand. There were those who knew how to build. (15) There were some such people, but a labourer like (we have) here, a labourer who works with a shovel, who goes and does digging, who goes and repairs the roads, there were none of these; we had none in our community. (16) Everyone sewed quilts, sewed jackets, made clothes for the Kurds. They used to come and they sewed for them. (17) Why? The Muslims in our community did not know how, they did not know how to practise a craft. They did not know how to sew quilts. They did not know how to sew jackets. (18) So the Jews of our community, of Arbe!, used to sew many quilts. They used to make many jackets and trousers. They would make a jacket and a pair of trousers, put them in a shop and sell them. (19) There were noshops like the supermarkets that are here. They did not lay things out like they do now. We had no shelves. They used to put one thing on top of the other. (20) This was the work of the Jews. The Muslims used to come. They used to come from afar, from Ruwandiz, from Saqlawa, from Baras, from the places where there were Kurds. They would come from Barzan. (21) Each time they would buy from the Jews. For the winter they would come and buy jackets and what not, quilts. For the summer they bought something eise.

1 Literally: 'What was and what was not formerly'. 2 This is clearly an exaggeration. The Jewish population of the town at the beginning of this century numbered around 2,000 (see introduction).

436

TEXTS

(22) H?azH hula?it ?Arbe/, b-imma ?ii!fl w-it'!fa, litwa ~astawaläna, 1 ?itwa' 1

1

tf(lha ?arbiz' swax gollwa.' swax,' geban ga-?Arbel,' bna?a ?ot-?awwa/, 1 lawele magon ?atta, Sbinto, lttwa Sbinto. (23) ?itwa qärye. reS qärye 1

1

1

1

1

matwiwa Hma~a~a/ot 1 H reS ?oni matwlwa ~iwe zore zore, reS ?oni #we, reS 1

1

1

1

?oni Hma~a~elet 1 H- ~a~ira kimrlie' - kmeniwa tina matwlwa, tina, fipra, 1

1

1

mafe, tuna, swax go/lwä/e, muqdtir ?isra santlm. (24) H?azH_kud Sat, swax 1

1

1

1

1

gollwäle' min-xäla. tama?' mitra kewa, ?o talga kewa. ?agar Ia ?oille 1

1

1

1

mafake koswa, koswa ga-bäte. (25) kud säta ?ltwa c'!ikma min-hula?e, ?isra, 1

1

1

1

?isrz HbeJerexH, bas waxtit yarxit ttsri, qamo/ mi{ra ?afe, gezzwa go/iwä/e. 1

1

1

1

(26) yoxsan min-iyya bi-zoda litwa hula?e. baqälula gollwa, bazirgäni 1

1

gollwäla, le~ete tar~lwa, 1 kurtake xetlwa, Sata yzmkin tre-mma, t{{lhiz-mma. 1

1

1

1

(27) kud mare-dukäna,' kmewa,' kawulwälu ta-?inse ?ot ga-bela,

~asta

1

lä-

gollwa,' ?o bläne, ?ot-?itwäle, tre bläne, t{{lha bläne, ?arbiz bläne, xamsa 1

1

1

1

1

bläne. (28) kmeniwa ?anne bazirgäne, fa$fiwäle, kmeniwa, kawlwälu ta-anne 1

1

1

1

bäte, H?azH xe{twä[u bäqu, bz-?ila, bi-xma?e. (29) dwa?e, bar c'!ikma Sinne,

1

makine plt{lu, qlmlu xanc'!i xanti, ~atta y?illu, milpilu mtito gaw makine

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

~asta ?otl, 1 mtito gotlla, 1 mtito Ia gotila. 1 (30) H?azH hula?iu ?Arbe!' b-lyya skll

xa?eniwa. ?ltwa gawu dawlamand raba, ?itwtilu päre rfiba, min-?awwa/, 1

1

qamol c'!ikma Sinne, bäbu, sonu, babit sonu. 1

1

1

1

1

1

The Jewish community

(31) ?itwalan kiniSye, kiniSye ruwwe-welu. kulla geban Sabbat doqiwa 1

1

1

1

1

magon laxxa n{ore qarta bi-zoda. manni ~add ?ltwäle u-ma~e Sabbat ~alz/? 1 1

1

(32) b-lyya skit,' ?anne ruwwld didan,' ?ot-ga-?Arbet,' doqlwäle.' ?agar xa näsa qemwa xa-mindlx ?o/ r.Jlddit ?ot jamaftid didan,' H~eremH matwlwäle.' 1

pisra Ia zabnlwäle, broneu Ia gazrlwäle, mindlx Ia zabnlwäle. käbra ?atxa 1

1

1

1

gadirwa, gbewa melwa bas-?zyya H~eremH la-napz/. (33) b-zyya Skil dwiqlu, 1

1

1

1

1

tärlx t'!ikma sinne,' ?imma sinne,' f{(lha-mma sinne,' ?alpa sinne,' tre ?alpa sinne, 1 kud-waxtit ga-galut welan,' b-lyya stkil' hulale' HdatH dwzqlu.' (34) ?arbinne rtiba rtiba la-welu. ?Arbe[ ?ot-?a~ll ?a~li, 1 ?ot-bäbu, sonu, 1

1

xanc'!i, yafni, ?tina ke m-bälz 1

1 •••

(35) xa minnu bäbt, ?ilha manlxte, min-Koy 1

1

Sinjak-wele, bäbeu, soneu. bar da?eu mllla, ?o yäla-wele, ?ilyele. 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

INFORMANTL

437

(22) So, among ninety-nine percent of the Jews there was no labourer. There

were three or four who used to work with mud, mud- in our community in Arbel an old building was not like now (made with) cement. There was no cement. (23) There were beams. Upon the beams they placed mats. On those they placed small strips of wood. They brought mud and placed it on those strips, on those mats, - they were called ~a~ira - mud, earth and water, straw - they made it into a mud covering ten centimetres thick. (24) Now, each year they renewed the mud cover. Why? Rain or snow used to come. If they had not done this, the water would have run down, it would have run down into the houses. (25) Every year there were some Jews, about ten or twenty, who went out to do this, but only in the month of Tishri before the rain came. (26) Apart from that there were no other Jews (who were labourers). They worked in the grocery trade, they worked as clothiers, they repaired quilts, they sewed jackets, in a year perhaps two hundred, three hundred. (27) Each shopkeeper would bring them and give them to the women who were in the house, and they used to work, or (he would give them to) his daughters, two, three, four, five daughters. (28) The clothiers used to bring it (i.e the material) and cut it. They used to bring them and give them to (the people in the) houses, then they sewed them for them, by hand, with needles. (29) Then, after a few years they installed machines. Gradually they taught them how to work with the machines until they knew how to do things and how not to do things. (30) So, the Jews of Arbel lived in this way. There were many wealthy people among them, they had a lot of money, from times of old, several years previously, (the time of) their father, their grandfather, their great-grandfather.

The Jewish community (31) We had synagogues. The synagogues were large. Everyone in our

community observed the Sabbath, like the 'Guardians of the City•3 here, and more. Who was impetuous enough to permit hirnself to profane the Sabbath? (32) Our leaders who were in Arbel observed it (strictly) in this way. (Moreover,) if a person did anything against our community they placed a ban on him. They did not sell him meat, they did not circumcise his son, they did not sell him anything. The man would rather die than have this ban fall (on him). (33) In this way they observed (the law), for so many years of history, a hundred years, three hundred years, a thousand years, two thousand years - all the time that we were in exile the Jews observed the religious law. (34) (Jews who were true) Arbelis were not very many. Those who were of an original Arbeli family, whose father and grandfather (were from Arbel) were few, I remernher ... (35) One of them (was) my father, he was from Koy Sanjak, (as were) his father and his grandfather. After his mother died, while he was (still) a child, he came (to Arbel).

3 An ultra-orthodox Jewish group.

438

TEXTS

(36) mispal}a ?ltwii!an, 1 ?ltwiilan ga-?Arbe/, 1 yiillt ?amawii/eu, 1 be Cawdn

kimrlwiilu, 1 fEzra Cawdn. 1 (37) ?ilyele, 1 ?iilple tora, 1 dwa?e gwlre, 1 y(i/e gdtriile. 1 (38) HJazH ?ltwa raba minnu 1 ga-?Arbe/ 1 la-welu ?arbinne ?a~/l ?a#t. 1 ?ilyelu min-dukkit dur. 1 ?ilyelu mi-Ruwimdiz, 1 ?ilyelu mln kulla dukka, 1 min-mii/e zore zore, 1 mln ?atrafit Arbe/. 1(39) ?ilyelu ?itlwlu Siita, 1 ?isra Sinne, 1 ?isrl Sinne, 1 dwa?e gdlru ?arbinne ?arbinne. 1 (40) ?ltwa ga-minnu 1, xalqlt ?Arbe/ 1 biibu sonu, 1 ?amman ?agar ?alet 1 Atal}qiqatA ?o/et, 1 ltt xa ?amrex so?a, 1 so?a dawrid didu ga-?Arbe/, 1 Ia ke m-bail. 1 (41) ?iina 1 ... l}aqeniwa biiban, 1 sonan, 1 ?atxa kimriwa, 1 kimrlwa ?iyya soneu 1 ?o-babit soneu 1 mln fAjam lii-lyele, 1 mln HParasH lii-lyele, 1 ?b min-Bagdad lii-lyele. 1 bagdiidne raba ?ilyelu ga-? Arbe/, 1 ?itiwlu 1 raba raba. 1

Trade with the Muslims

(42) ga-?Arbe/ 1 ?ltwa rfsiq raba, 1 ?itwa. 1 bsilmiine 1 ?ot-?Arbe/ 1 la-welu ?atxa, 1 huwa?a w-sqiila 1... ?anne l}astanye 1 kulla b-llit hula?e welu. 1 (43) bsilmiine 1 gamiite-welu,1 gezlwa l}aSta goflwa, 1 yan zareniwa 1, xit(e, 1 safiire. 1 (44) mat ?abet 1 ... ?ltwiilu. 1 kulla skll kmeniwa. 1 (45) ?irbe 1 ... zoniwa, 1 ?o kmeniwa mindlx kawuxwiilu piire. 1 (46) kimrlxwiilu 1 xitte b-kut qaznag qaznag, 1 yafni qaznag 1 HbeJerexH 1 ... ?isra qazniige xa-farda weHt, 1 piire kawuxwiilu. 1 (47) ?agar b-waxtit xitte 1 gdlriilox, 1 ?axta w-axta ?amltti kut farda, 1 kutfarda kawuxwiilu tikma Sawewa yafni 1 ?o Sat 1 Sawewa rfbif lira 1 HJazH xa min-?isra kawuxwiilu. 1 (48) dwa?e kmeniwa, 1 ?bt kmewa 1 kmewa, 1 ?ot-la kmewa 1 Ia kmewa. 1 (49) har-mat hawewa 1 l}a~llxwa minnu. 1 la-bas res xit(e, 1 res ?irbe. 1 ?askal wa-?anwaf kmeniwa biiqan. 1 kawuxwiilu piire xanti. 1 (50) Siita tre-sar yarxa l}aSta gollwa anne bSilmiine 1 min-male zore zore. 1 (51) gazitwiilu 1 qondiire lltwiilu losl, 1 kurtaku ?bt ?isri sinne, 1 mila b-kipna

?atxa la-loS. 1 (52) keniwa geban, 1 La gebl ?ana, 1 lltwiili gal-anne, 1 ?amman?ltwa niiSe geban, 1 raba raba keniwa 1 ?itwalu bela. 1 (53) keniwa damxiwa gebU, 1 kixliwa gebU, 1 xa yoma, 1 tre yome, 1 xa So?a, 1 tre So?e. 1 (54) yatwiwa, 1 piire kawlwiilu. 1 gezlwa saqllwa hor-mad gbl. 1 (55) dwa?e 1 bar xit(e pltfla, 1 ?b mindixiine 1 ?anne hor-ma lii-zwlnnu minnu 1kmeniwiilu biiqu. 1

INFORMANTL

439

(36) We had tamily in Arbel, who were his cousins. They were called the tamily

ot Cawcin,4 Ezra Cawcin. (37) He came and learnt Torah. Then he got married and children were born to him. (38) So, there were many people in Arbel who were not trom original Arbeli tamilies. They came trom distant places. They came trom Ruwandiz, they came from everywhere, trom very small villages in the environs ot Arbel. (39) They came and settled, tor a year, for ten years, then they became complete Arbelis. (40) There were some among them whose tather and grandtather were natives ot Arbel, but it you were to make investigations, there would not have been anyone whose tamily had been in Arbel tor let's say seven generations. I do not remernher (any such person). (41) Our tather and grandtather used to talk about this and say 'This one, his grandtather or his great-grandfather came from Persia' or 'He came from Baghdad'. A great many Baghdadis came to Arbel and settled there. Trade with the Muslims (42) In Arbel one could make a good livelihood. This was not the case, however, with the Muslims.s As tor business, all the trades werein the hands ot the Jews. (43) The Muslims were in the villages, they went and did labouring, or they would sow (on the land) with wheat and barley. (44) They had whatever you care to think of.6 They would bring every kind of thing. (45) They would buy sheep or would bring something and we would give them money. (46) We would say to them 'For every qaznäg measure ot wheat (we shall give you money)' - qaznäg, ten qaznägs were about one sack. We used to give them money. (47) If in the wheat season it happened that you bring me goods with such-and-such an amount in each sack, we would give to them according to the value ot each sack, that is (if) that year it was worth a quarter ot a lira we would give them a tenth. (48) Then they would bring (more), some brought (things) and others did not.7 (49) Whatever it was, we made a profit from them, not only on wheat and sheep. They would bring all sorts ot things to us. We would give them some money. (50) The Muslims trom the small villages would work tor a year, twelve months. (51) You would see them without any shoes to wear. Their jackets (were) twenty years old. A man dying ot hunger would not dress like that. (52) They came to us, not to me, I did not have business with them, but there were people among us who took many into (their) hause. (53) They would come and sleep and eat in their homes, tor one day, two days, one week, two weeks. (54) They would stay and they would give them money. They would go and buy whatever they wanted. (55) Then when the time of the wheat harvest came, they (the Jews) brought to them all the things that they had bought from them.

4 5 6 7

Kurdish: 'Green eyes'. Literally: 'The Muslims were not like that'. Literally: 'Everything you like'. Literally: 'The one who brought brought, the one who did not bring did not bring'.

440

TEXTS

Miraculous eure of a child by the informant's father

(56) ?ilha manlxle babl, 1 raba keniwa gebeu, 1 ?afillu bsilmane keniwa gebeu, 1 tarl~walu.' (57) ke m-balz 1 Satit ?arbi u-tre,' ?itwa xa ga-qalfa,' bSilmana,'

Hsone yisra?e[H wele, 1 dawlamand-wele raba. 1 (58) ?itwiile xa brona, 1 fimreu' tf!lha Sinne,' ?arba Sinne,' joreu Ia kenlwa. 1(59) ?itwale kepe zore ga-joreu,' Ia ma~ewa' joreu ?olwa,' (60) dixtore mlru baqeu:' dabl ?amalyat ?ol' ta-xarrlt'

palti ... ?anne kepe zore paltllu minneu. 1 (61) ?itwa xa gebu, 1 J:tasta golawa, 1 tayanid didu wela. 1 (62) mira baqeu: ?it xa hula?a 1 Simmeu ?atxele, 1 HhakawanaH reS-babz, 1 ?ilha manlxle, 1 ?o mafallfmile, 1 J:taxam ruwwele, 1 naSa qadosile.' sl mlle,' ?6 tarl#e yalox,' bronox tari#e.' (63) ?o-waxt, 1 raba zdula ?ttwa, 1 bSilmane raba' xriwatula gollwa gallan, 1 yafni qamol Rasid fÄll,' qamol iyya.' (64) ?ilyelu b-lele,' nzblllu l-babl.' (65) jirane,' ?o kuta didan' kulla qlmlu b-Iete,' mlru: ?a,' ?ilyelu,' xa-J:taxam hula?a, 1 rab hula?a la-nabllle qa{llle?. 1 dwa?e keni ?illan qa{lllan. 1 (66) babl mire-baqu: la-zdimun bronz.' ?ana, 1 Hbe-fezrat ha-SemH ?atta da?ren. 1 lazdimun,1 ?ituwun.' (67) ?ana' yiila-weli,' zllli galteu.' mlre: ?ila galli.' (68) zlllan,' ?islqlan qalfa.' ?ltwate bela,' yafni ?o-waxt' ma~en ?amrlnnox,'

d

maflk,' d Sul{iina litte latxa bela.' (69) larbi xamSi lode.' kud loda gorltwa gawaw, 1 Ia dtwa ?il-ma xeret.' ?arba, xamSa, ?ista, So?a ?ode' J:tatta m{elan gebeu. 1(70) ?itlwlan, 1 melu tay, 1 melu mafe. 1 (71) H?azH babl, 1 ?ilha manixle, 1 mire baqeu: ?aga, 1 ma gbet? 1 ma xidmrta ?ittox?' ?ana xmila-wen biiqox, 1Hbefezrat ha-Sem.H 1 (72) mzre biiqeu: 1 xwaja mafallim, 1 yafni xwaja mafalllm, 1 matot kimret Hkvod ha-rab,H 1b-liSanid didan. 1 (73) xa-yiila litte,' fimreu tfizha arba Sinne,' la-ten tikma wete.' joreu Ia lakeni.' (74) ?o la-zade' nakun famalyat ?ol,' dwa?e Ia tari~.' (75) ki ?o waxt,' dixtorit ?ot-?o-waxt' la-welu magon ?atta,' gollwa famalyat,' dwa?e bar-xa yoma, 1tre yome, 1 xa yarxa, 1xa So?a, 1 metlwa ga-?ilu, 1bar minnan. 1 (76) H?azH zdele.' babl jwabeu hiwle,' mire:' Hbe-fezrat ha-sem,H' mlle yalake' ?ana tar~lnne, 1 /a-zdi. 1 (77) yiilake baxewa, 1 Ia ma~ewa 1 , marewiile. 1 (78) ~rixle l-

da?eu,' da?it yiilake.' mlre biiqaw:' brati, 1 ?ila xanti xlli xalwa, 1 ?ot-yala lakxl/,1 xalwit noSeu, 1 ga xa-piyiila, 1 mlle baqt. 1 (79) zilla, wira xa-?oda.' meta xanti xa/wa d-noSaw 1 ?od-ya/ake /a-xa/wale. 1(80) klzw/e xa Hsem,H' /a-ten ma kllwle. 1

INFORMANTL

441

Miraculous eure of a child by the informant's father (56) Many people came to my father- may God grant him rest. Even Muslims came to him for him to eure them. (57) I remember, in the year (19)42, there was a Muslim in the citadel. He was a hater of Jews. He was very rich. (58) He had a son, who was three or four years old. Hisurine did not come. (59) He had small stones in his urine. He could not pass urine. (60) The doctors said to him that he must have an operation in order that they might extract from him those small stones. (61) There was a person who worked in their house, she was their servant. (62) She said to him 'There is a Jews called so-and-so - meaning my father. He is a Rabbi, a great scholar, a holy man. Go and fetch him, he will eure your child, he will eure your son'. (63) At that time there was a Iot of fear. The Muslims did a Iot of bad to us, this was before Rashid 'Ali, before his time.8 (64) They came in the night and took my father. (65) The neighbours, all our street got up in the night. They said 'Oh, have they come to take a Jewish sage, a Jewish Rabbi and kill him? Afterwards they will come and kill us'. (66) My father said to them 'Do not fear, my sons. I will return soon, with God's help. Do not fear. Sit down'. (67) I was a child. I went with him. He said 'Come with me'. (68) We left and went up to the citadel. He had a hause - I can teil you that at that time no king, no ruler had such a hause. (69) Ot had) forty or fifty rooms. When you entered any room you did not know what to Iook at. (We passed through) four, five, six, seven rooms before we reached him. (70) We sat down. They brought tea and brought water. (71) Then my father said to him 'Agha, what do you want? What job have you got for me? I am standing (ready) for you, God willing'. (72) He said to him 'Honourable teacher'- the expression 'honourable teacher' (xwaja ma'allim) is the same as your saying kvod ha-rav in our language. (73) He had a son, who was three or four years old - I don't know what (his age) was. His urine could not flow. (74) He was afraid for him to have an operation and afterwards not recover. (75) Since the doctors of that time were not like (they are) now. They would perform an operation then after a day, two days, a month, a week, they would die in their hands- may that not happen to us!9 (76) So, he was afraid. My father replied and said 'Bring the child and, with God's help, I shall eure him. Do not fear'. (77) The child was crying, (since) he could not (pass urine) and was in pain. (78) He (my father) called to his mother, the mother of the child, and said to her 'My daughter, come, express a little milk, which the child drinks, his own milk, and bring it tomein a cup'. (79) She went and entered a room. She brought some of her own milk, with which she suckled the child. (80) He wrote a name, 10 I do not know what he wrote.

8 Literally: 'Before him'. 9 Literally: 'Away from us' (a Rabbinie Aramaie expression). 10 The informant uses here the Hebrew word Jem, whieh has the eonnotation of the divine name used for magieal purposes.

442

TEXTS

(81) mlre ta-da?eu,' ta-da?it ylzlake,' ?iyya 1 b-xalwid didax x/olle.' ?iyyaSimma t-kllwli,' ?atxa ?olle' ga-xalwake, 1 yafni lä-xallatte, 1 simmake läxallatte,' }J.atta Simmake ma}J.iq. 1 (82) ?o xalwit noSaxile, 1 halle ta-yälake, 1 baSate/e,1 tari$. 1 (83) ?atxa wz/la. 1 bar mSzqla 1 Simmake ga-xalwit noSaw, 1 hzwla ta-yälake b-maf/aqa zora, xant!i xant!i. 1 (84) yälake 1 dmlxle. 1 xa safa, 1 pilglt safa, 1 xa-waxt yälake qlmle, 1 xa hawar mxe/e, 1 kulla näse t 1-?i{tam weUt 1 zdelu.' (85) qlmlu,' zWu 1-yä/ake, lä-palxlle jilloke dideu, 1 lä-gazeni' ?anne kepe zore zore, 1 ?atxa kome, 1 magon Sxa{a mato malqltta, 1 ?atxa kawe. 1 ?arba, 1 xamSa, 1 ?iSta, 1 So?a min-?anne kepe zore zore. 1 (86) bar xamSa, ?iSta daqiqe,' dimma mindele, 1 m-qublid jore 1dimma mindele.' (87) telefon wlllu ta-dixtor didu.' mixwelu I/eu,' ?iyya yälake, 1 ?iyya mindenile' gal-joreu. 1 (88) ?6 dixtor' mlre:' la-zdimun sxet.' ?ana ?ebeli ?otlnne famalyat,' ?amman ?atta la-gbe famalyat. 1 (89) tama? 1 ?anne mindenile. 1 la-gbe palxixxa, 1 kliseu palxlxxa.' (90) mlru: w-iyya dimma?' mlre: dimma Ci-/ewe. 1(91) qzm[e, 1 mxe/e-/leu xa-Hzriqa.H 1 ?ana ke m-bazl, 1 kimriwa/a pinsilln,' ?o-waxt. 1 (92) bar cikma daqiqe, 1 dzmmake xmllle.' yälake' sxh labxele,' ?itlwle, 1 xant!i dmlxle, 1 xant!i qlmle. 1 (93) mato ?amret t!i-!ltte, 1 blfimreu Ci-lli la-gdlräle.' (94) safata gdira' tre, 1 tre u-pltge.' bäbl mlre baqeu:' ?liga,' ?atta yälake zadeni, 1 gben ezen bela. 1 farmin, ma-?it Sxet gbet 1 ?äna xizmlta-wen. 1 (95) mzre bäqeu:' lli,' ?ätlla gezer bela, 1 gebl yatwet. 1 (96) mlre: ?ax!r yälake zadeni,' ?atta-kimrl baban 1 tama Ia /yele? 1 manni eil mli la-wzl/u-l/eu. 1 (97) HJ;.as weSalomH mlre bäqeu.' }J.aqeniwa b-turkl, 1 gal-bäbl }J.aqewa b-turkl. 1 (98) bar xanjl/, 1 bar dwa?e, 1 mlre bäqeu: 1 mafallim, 1 ma hawinnox? 1 ma gbet hawlnnox? 1 ?ati yiilake' mix?elöx-illeu.' (99) HrofeH kmir:' sxh iyya-yalake sligile.' yäla,' ke?ellu bz-fimreu' ?lyya litwäle galteu, 1 ?anne kepe. 1 yäla spirele.' Ia la-baxe,' lä-kxil, lä-sate.' (100) ?itiwe-wex 1 xa sfata, 1 tre safate, 1 matot kimret ?ilye/e xa HmaStya}J.,H 1 yälake mix?ele-lleu. 1 (101) dwa?e bäbl mlre bäqeu, 1 mlre: Ia, ?aga, 1 ?äna gben minnox Hbe?emet,H' ci-la gben.' gezen, bas nbolli bela, 1 ?axca gben minnox.' (102) xa-jar xet mlre ta-bäbl,' mlre: mafallim, 1 hor-mat gbet bö-HfolamH kawunnox.'

INFORMANTL

443

(81) He said to his mother, to the mother of the child, 'Wash this with your milk, this name, which I have written, do this with the milk, so that you wash it, you wash the name, until the name is erased. (82) It is your milk, give it to the child, Iet him drink it and he will be cured'. (83) She did this. After she had erased the name with her own milk she gave it to the child with a small spoon, little by little. (84) The child went to sleep, for an hour, or half an hour. When the child got up and Iet out a scream, all the people who were there became afraid. (85) They got up and went to the child. They operred his nappies and saw some very small stones, black, like a match - when you light it, (the result) is like that. Four, five, six, seven very small stones. (86) After five or six minutes, he passed blood, instead of urine he passed blood. (87) They telephorred their doctor. They showed him the things that the child had cast out with his urine. (88) The doctor said 'Don't be afraid any more. I wanted to perform an operation on him, but now an operation is not necessary. (89) Why? (Because) he has cast them out. We do not need to open it, to open his stomach'. (90) They said 'And (what about) this blood?' He said 'The blood is nothing'. (91) Then he gave him an injection. I remernher it was called penicillin at that time. (92) After a few minutes the blood stopped. The child did not cry any more. He sat down. He slept a little and got up a little. (93) It was as if nothing was wrang with him, nothing had ever been wrang with him. (94) An hour went by, two, two and a half. My father said to him 'Agha, now the children will be afraid, I want to go home. Please, I am at your service for anything eise you want'. (95) He said to him 'No, you are not going home. You shall sit with me'. (96) He said 'But the children will be afraid and will now be saying "Why has our father not come. Who knows what they have done to him"'. (97) 'God forbid!' he said to him. They were speaking in Turkish, he was speaking with my father in Turkish. (98) After that he said to him 'Sir, what shall I give you? What do you want me to give you? You have saved the life of the child. (99) The doctor says that the child is healthy again. It is as if the child never had those stones. The child is fine. He is not crying. He is eating, he is drinking'. (100) We sit for an hour, two hours. It was as if a Messiah had come and revived the child. (101) Then my father said to him 'I don't want anything from you, Agha, truly. I don't want anything. Let me go - only take me home. That is what I want from you'. (102) Again he said to my father, he said 'Sir, I shall give you whatever you want'.

444

TEXTS

(103) babl, lilha manlxle, mlre: b-qorid babox, yizfni b-qorid babeu Jod 1

1

1

bSilmanake, bis mahminlwa bi-babu, bi-qorid babu, mln la-Cen ma 1

1

1

lamrlnnox, xala:j. (104) mlre bi-qorid babeu HgamarnuH, klU/lu xiz mindlx 1

1

1

ruwwele gebu. 1 (105) :jrlxle-lli,' lana yala-weJi.l turki IJ,qele galll. 1 mlre: ma littüxun ga-bela? (106) mlri baqeu: laga, Ci-Ilttan ga-bela. (107) mire: tama, 1

1

1

1

bronl? mlri baqeu: babl ti-IJ,aSta la-go/, ti-Sula la-go/, hizl la-qare, lele u1

1

1

1

1

yomiz Ia-qare. (108) ?aniz yala-weJi.l babl, ?ilha manixle, tmanya ya/e, Jistiz 1

1

1

?axawalt, lana iyyiz So?a, lo marwewa/an. 1

1

favodaH. har babl wille, lilhiz manlxle. 1

1

1 (

1

1

109) gebizn lltwa HJiskizt

(

110) jarubar, keniwa gebeu lanne 1

lagawate, lel},ete xe{wa baqu. bas-ltyya wille. (111) jamaftan, H:jibbitrH 1

1

1

1

didan, liz kawlwale. mi-Sata kulla rf~ha dinare litwale. 1

1

1

1 (

112) IJ,qele, IJ,qele 1

baql, mlri baqeu, lo bqlrre mlnni. HJazH_mlri baqeu: ti-llttan ga-bela.

1

(113) qlmle, xa-not hlwle baql, lot-lisra dinare. ?isriz dinare lot-?o-waxt,

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

ma:j{twa xa Satiz piSkox gollwa. (114) mele xa-H?otoH ruwwa, zmt{le-/leu 1

1

1

mindixane, goze, qaspe, xi{{e, ?amren ma? mizt lltwa ga-lo bela mitlwle 1

1

1

1

1

1

ga-mindlx, qamxa, tre-farde qizmxa bi-zoda. mlre: nbolle. 1

1

1

1

( 115) HJizzH, 1 plltle bablla-gbe ?ez, Jo-la y?ille pare hlwle baql yizn 1

1

1

1,

mindixane Ia-masdir baqeu ta-be/eu, liz ylzlle babl, haga Iltwale.

1

( 116) HJizzH bqzrre minneu xa-jar xet, mlre: mafallam, xiz mindlx ?ibl minnl.

1

xiz mindlx tölob minnl. (117) mire baqeu: laga, ?agar-gbet ralben minnox,

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

?zdyo tre-lalpa sinne, latxizn gebxun-wex, ga-galii.t. ?atxun lazim paltetun 1

1

1

1

min-xasan yizn latxun ma-la-goletun? lametune lil-Hltler qa{lllan?

1

( 118) ?iyya-jwanile baqxun? babxitn u-sonxun ?atxiz la-welu magonxitn.

1

(119) mlre baqeu: ?agar-gbet lana l},aqen, ?ana /ewen faqir, mlre baqeu,

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

lana la-gben minnox. (120) ?agar-llttox xizmita, res-lenl, res-xa?l, har-mat 1

1

1

1

littox, la-zdi, lila gebl. (121) ?ammizn ?atxa xet latxizn magon xolame-wex 1

1

1

1

gebxun. ga-galut gebxun. ?ilhiz miSdirre-llan gebxun. dabi liztxun mqayyadan 1

1

1

gadretun yizn dabl kawetunan b-llit Hit/er qa{tllan. ?lyya /a-gben minnox. 1

1

1

( 122) HJizzH mlre baqeu: mafallim, AJastaxfar allah,A lana l},attiz lattiz 1

1

1

1

Ia la-ylllli miz littox miz littox. (123) :jrlx!e lanne xolamid dideu ga-beliz, 1

mlre baqu, b-liSanid didu: 1

1

(

124) slmun kud-yoma mal},alllt hula?e. ?od

l},aqele gal-xiz hu/a?a ?eneu plotmun. 1

1

1

1

1

1

INFORMANTL

445

(103) My father, may God grant him rest, said 'By the grave of your father' ...

That is the grave of the father of the Muslim. They believed more in their father, the grave of their father than in I don't know what. This was the ultimate oath.ll (104) He said "By the grave of his father" and that was the end.12 This was, it seems, something great for them. (lOS) He called me. I was a child. He spoke Turkish to me. He said 'What have you got at home?' (106) I said to him 'Agha, we have nothing at home'. (107) He said 'Why, my brother?' I said 'My father does not work, he has no job. He only reads, night and day he reads'. (108) I was a child. My father, may God grant him peace, (had) eight children. He brought up my six siblings and myself, the seventh. (109) We did not have an employment bureau. Yet my father, may God grant him peace, nevertheless worked. (110) Sometimes the Aghas came to him and he sewed quilts for them. That is all he did. (111) Our community, our people, did not give him (work). In the whole year he had (no more than) three dinars. (112) He (the Muslim) spoke to me and I said to him- he asked me, so I said to him 'We have nothing in the house'. (113) Then he gave me a ten-dinar note. Ten dinars in those days sufficed you for a year. (114) He brought a large car. He filled it with various things - nuts, dates, wheat, what should I say, whatever was in that house he put it in the thing (i.e. the car), flour, more than two sacks of flour. He said 'Take it!' (115) Shortly afterwards my father went out (the room), intending to go. He did not know that he had given me money or that he was sending him things to his house. My father did not know, he was not aware. (116) Then he asked him again, he said 'Sir, ask me for something, ask me for something'. (117) He said to him 'Agha, if you want me to request something from you - for two thousand years we have been with you, in exile and so you must protect us. Otherwise what will you do to us? Would you bring Hilter to kill us? (118) Is it good for you (to act in this way)? Your father and your grandfather were not like you'. (119) He said to him 'If you want me to speak, I am not poor', he said to him, 'I do not want (anything) from you. (120) If, however, I can be of service to you, I shall do it by all means.13 Whatever (service) you have (forme), don't be afraid to come to me. (121) (You must protect us), otherwise we would be like slaves to you, in exile among you. God sent us to you. You must Iook after us, otherwise you will give us into the hands of Hitler and he will kill us. This is what I want from you'. (122) Then he said to him 'Sir, its remarkable, until now I have not known what you have been suffering•.14 (123) He called his house servants and said to them in their language (124) 'Go every day to the Jewish quarter. Whoever speaks (harshly) to a Jew, knockout his eye.

11 Literally: 'Finished'. 12 Literally: 'We have finished'. 13 Literally: 'If you have a service, (I swear) on my eye, on my life (that I shall do it)'.

14 Literally: 'What you have, what you have not'.

446

TEXTS

( 125) H?oy-va-v6yH ?agar-xa hula?f.l, 1 xa dukkeu 1 torlla 1 yan xa 1 kepa maxenile, 1 ?6 xa-mindix ?otlle, 1 slmun, 1 torun, 1 ?ilamun gebl. 1 ?iina 1, ta-ten ma gollnna. 1 ( 126) tama? 1 ?iyya 1 ?ltwiile, 1 mlta~arrlf, br6n ?amonew-wele, 1 mrta~arrlt ?ot-?Arbe/. 1 (127) kulla, kulla ?Arbe/ b-ilu-welu. 1 }Jakim minnu wele, 1 mrta~arrlf, 1

?iyya Hmosel-haflr,H 1 kulla b-ilu-welu. 1 ( 128) H?azH min-?o xanjl/, 1

}Jatta ?ilyelan, 1 ?o-kewa, 1 jar-wa-jar, 1 b-so?a tre

t/(lhlz

giire 1 masdlrwa niise,

?arba xamsa niiSe, 1 teriwa ga-ma}Jalllt hula?e. 1 (129) ?ilha manixle biibl 1 xa min-rab-wele 1 ?ot-miila. 1 ( 130) ?ltwa magiJneu 1 H?ava[H magöneu la-welu ?atxa 1 ... m-kul/a /ibbeu. 1 ( 131) keniwa, 1 waxtit biib[ gezwa ga-suqa 1 kulla qemiwa m-qiimeu. 1 ?ileu nasqiwiile. 1 (132) kimrlwiile: 1 ?iiti ?awliya 1 ?awliya b-liscmit turki matot kimrex niibl. 1 ( 133) H?azH ma ?amrlnnox? 1 ?ltwa H~addiqzmH raba geban. 1 kliwye goliwa, 1 mindl goliwa. 1 (134) ?ltwa xa niiSa ruwwa didan-wele, 1 ?ilha manlxle 1 $ali}J Yosef kimriwale. 1 br6n ?am6nid da?l-wele. 1 ?o HnaslH ?od-didan wete. 1 (135) bSilmiine raba gblwiile. 1 ?o-waxtit ?ilyelan ta-?ere~ yisra?e/ 1 bSilmiinlt ?Arbe/ kulla bxelu, 1 La kullu, 1 ?6t xa?eniwa gallan, 1 ?6d be minnan !ltwiilu rfsiq, 1 titwiilu }Jasta. 1 (136) keniwa geblzn, 1 gezixwa gebu. 1 ( 137) ?Arbe/ raba fatuqtela, 1 ?ot-waxtit Nowwa}J Hha-~addzqH 1 min-?6-waxt binycilu. 1 min-tarafit ?iyya, ?agar }Jaqlnnox yzmkin tikma yomiile 1 har mat }Jaqinnox 1 piSka la go/. 1 (138) }Jatta ?atta 1 ma~en ?amrlnnox 1 xanti masale ?ot-?Arbe/. 1 ( 139) ?Arbe/ ?itwa gawaw Hmqubbalim.H 1 }Jaxam Netanyel, 1 Hfalaw ha-salom,H 1 da?i minnu/a, 1 br6n xa/teu, 1 ?o-?Ztwiile Hruwwa}J ha-qodeS.H 1 ?o mfip/e /-biibz 1 fa/aw ha-salom. 1 ( 140) ?6 niisa gazewiile 1 kmirwiile ?iitl ?atxa-wet 1 ?atxa-wet. 1 kmirwa ati ?axta xa?et, 1 ?axta ?atxa gadret. 1 (141) biibi dwa?e laxxa, 1 ?ilha manlxle, 1 mato }Jaxam Netanyel ?6-waxt ?atxa-wele ga-?Arbe/ 1 -

?6 ?imslqle 1

bi-zoda. 1 (142) keniwa gebeu raba niiSe. 1 Hxatam sofer, 1 r6S yeSivaH laxxa gaKatem6n kewa gebeu. 1 (143) tikma anne neture qarta keniwa gebeu. 1 tikma anne yalit yeSiva, 1 ?anne d-yalpi ga-yeSiva, 1 keniwa gebeu. 1 (144) kimirwiilu: broni, 1 ?ati goret ga-flan dukka. 1 ?iiti gezet flan dukka. 1 ?axta yiite kawelox. 1 ?atxa ?atxa gazewiilu 1 kmlrwiilu. 1

INFORMANTL

447

(125) My God, if people break a place that belongs to a Jew or strike him with a stone or do anything, go, search araund (for them) and come back (with them) to me. I don't know what 1'11 do (to them)!' (126) Why (could he do this)? He had a cousin who was a mutasarrif (governor), the mutasarrif of Arbe!. (127) Everything, all of Arbe! was in their hands. The judge was one of them, the mutasarrif - he is the governor of the town - everything was in their hands. (128) So, from this time until we came (to Israel) he would come every so often. Two or three times a week he would send men, four or five men, who patrolled the quarter of the Jews. (129) My father, may God grant him rest, was one of the Rabbis of the town. (130) There were those who were like him, but they were not like him completely.15 (131) (People) used to come. When my father went to the market everyone used to rise before him. They used to kiss his hand. (132) They would say 'You are an awliya (awliya in Turkish is what we call a 'prophet'). (133) So, what should I say to you? There were many pious people in our community. They would make amulets, and make (other) things. (134) There was a great man of ours, may God grant him rest, called Säli)}. Yoseph. He was the son of the uncle of my mother. He was our Ieader. (135) The Muslims liked him a Iot. When we came to Israel, the Muslims of Arbe! all wept - not all of them, those who lived with us, those who did not have a livelihood or work without us. (136) They used to come to us and we used to go to them. (137) Arbe! is very old, belanging to the time of Noah the Just - at that time they built it. On account of this, if I were to speak to you for, let's say, several days, what I would say would not be enough. (138) For the time being, I can tell you some of the history of Arbe!. (139) In Arbe! there were qabbalists. The sage Nataniel, peace be upon him, my mother is related to them, 16 (through) the son of his matemal uncle - he had the holy spirit. He taught my father, peace be upon him. (140) He used to see someone and say to him 'You are like this and like that'. He used to say 'You willlive for such-and-such a time, you will become such-and-such'. (141) My father, may God grant him peace, afterwards acted here as the sage Nataniel was at that time in Arbe!. He surpassed him. (142) Many people used to come to him. The Sofer, the head of the Yeshiva here in Katemon used to come to him. (143) How many of those 'Guardians of the City' came to him! How many of those Y eshiva students, those who learnt in a Y eshiva, used to come to him! (144) He used to say to them 'My son, you will get married in such-and-such a place. You will go to such-and-such a place. You will have such-and-such a number of children'. He would see them and tell them these things.

15 Literally: 'In all bis heart'. 16 I.e. of the same family.

448

TEXTS

(145) ?Arbe/ ?atxa-wela. 1niiSe pakku la-we/e. 1 ?ittu ?ixiila, 1lZttu ?ixii/a. 1 bas

qareniwa 1 /ete wl-yoma. 1(146) HqedusaH ?ltwa, 1 Hruwwa~ ha-qodesH ?ltwii!u. 1 (147) kimrixwa: ?Iman alex ?ere:J yisra?e/ 1 kulla betan, l?'l?i!an, har-mlid 1

gadir, 1 bas matex laxxa, 1 gazlxxa ?ere:J yisra?e/. 1 (148) blibid biiban 1 mlllu bö?o Hni~aH zurta 1 ~atta laxxa gazenila. 1 (149) ?fina xaSwen 1 ?zdyo 1 ma[e 1 mat ~aqe/i biiqoX. 1 Hbe-fezrat ha-SemH 1 xa

waxt xet, 1 So?it ke, 1 yomit f!(lhUSabit ke 1 ~aqex bi-zoda. 1

Life as a goldsmith in Arbel ( 150) gzl ?amrlnnox. 1 ?iina ?iltpli zeringrl, 1 zeringriitula min-gorit xaltl, 1 ?ilha

manlxle, 1 ?Aser kimriwfile. 1 (151) fimri ?itfa Sinne-wele, 1 ?isra, 1 ?itfa, 1 biibl mtlwle-lli gebeu, 1 xatir yalpena 1 zeringrz. 1 (152) koyne kimrl qayna?a, 1 ba?Arbella kimrl qayna?a, 1 kimrlwa geban sayyig, 1 ?o zeringzr. 1 ?anne kirmanje keniwa gebizn, 1 kimrlwa zeringir. 1 (153) fimrl ?arba-sar, xamsa-sar Sinne gdlre, 1 ?illpli jwlin, 1 gdlri ?usta, 1 yafni tamlim gdlri, 1 yi?lili kulla mindix ?o!en. 1 (154) qtm/i 1 dukiina plixfi.i ?itwa geban bimk, 1 piire mefi,i xamsl diniire. 1 (155) geban Ia kawlwa be mindix 1 ... ?o ?ot gezl ~atml biiqan 1 Hhafarebim.H 1

geban dehwa matwlwa, 1rahin matwlwa, 1 geb bilnk 1 dwa?e kawulwa piire. 1 ham rahzn min-dehwa 1 wa-ham ... ?o damma kawlwa piire. 1 ( 156) HJazH meli xamS{ diniire, 1 dehwa f!(lhiz-axta mtlwli gebeu. 1 (157) sqllli dukiina, 1 bz -kre dwiqW tre sinne, 1 kud yarxa tre diniire, 1 ?ot-tre sinne, 1 ?ot-tre sinne, 1 kud-sat 1 ?isrl u?arba,1 ?isrl u-?arba. 1 ?arbl u-tmanya ?ot-tre Sinne xa-jar hlwli. 1 (158) dukiinake 1 ?ot-xa bsi/miina-wele, 1 kimriwale lfajji Qlidir. 1 ?od galleu

sirika-wele, 1 ?Eliyahu Nino kimriwale, 1 ?i/ha manlxle. 1 (159) HJazH ?o la-we/e 1 ?o-waxtit piire htwli biiqeu. 1 ?o-waxtit ?ilyele smele, 1 :Jrlxle-lli, 1 mlre tabsi/miina ?o sirikeu, mlre: lflijji Qadir, 1 tama axta piire sqlllox min ?iyya hula?a, 1miskena ?atta dukiina lii-plixle. 1(160) mlre biiqeu: ma hawlnne? 1 ballis hawlnne biiqeu? 1 mlre: la, 1 halle ~asta ?o/, 1 hO/le dehwa ba-~asta ?o/, 1 ?iyya usta/ tamlimile. 1 mlre: Spira, 1 mlre: biiql fariq

!lt.

1 (

161) piirake mid?Zrl!e hawa

biiql. 1 qtm/e 1 dehwa htwle biiql, 1 xa sabika rubta, 1 pilglt-ki!o bi-zoda wela. 1 ( 162) mlre: qu/be ?olll, 1kulla mindix ?ot ta-suqa. 1

INFORMANTL

449

(145) Arbel was like that. The people did not mind whether they had food or not. They just read night and day. (146) They had a certain holiness, they had the holy spirit in them. (147) We used to say 'When we emigrate to the land of Israel, (we shall give up) all our house, our possessions, everything there is, only Iet us come here and see the land of Israel!' (148) Our ancestors died with the small comfort that they would see this land.l7 (149) I think that what I have told you is enough for today. With God's help, another time, next week, next Tuesday we shall talk more.

Life as a goldsmith in Arbe! (150) Now Iisten, I'll teil you. I learnt the trade of goldsmith from the husband of my aunt, may God grant him rest, who was called Asher. (151) When I was nine years old - ten or nine -, my father placed me with him in order that I might learn the trade of goldsmith. (152) The people of Koy Sanjak say qayna'a but in Arbel they do not say qayna'a. In our community people used to say either sayyig or ziringir. When the Kurds used to come to us, they would say ziringir. (153) I was fourteen or fifteen years old. I learnt weiL I became a skilled craftsman, that is I became very good (at the trade). I knew how to do everything. (154) I opened a shop. We had a bank. I borrowed18 money- fifty dinars. (155) In our community they did not give without ...,19 without people who went to sign for us as guarantors. It was our custom for them to deposit gold, deposit a pledge in the bank, then it would give money. Both (when there was) a pledge of gold and also .... then they would give money. (156) So I borrowed fifty dinars. I deposited in it three times as much gold. (157) I took a shop, I rented it for two years, two dinars every month for two years, twenty-four every year. I gave forty-eight for the two years in one payment.20 (158) The shop belonged to a Muslim called J:Iajji Qadir. The man who was hispartnerwas called Eliyahu Nino, may God grant him rest. (159) He (i.e. Eliyahu) was not there when I gave him the money. When he came and heard (about this), he called me. That partner of his said to the Muslim, he said 'J:Iajji Qadir, why did you take so much money from that Jew? The poor man has just opened a shop'. (160) He said to him 'What? Should I give it to him free of charge?'. He said 'No, give him work to do. Give him gold so that he can work. He is a fine craftsman'. He said 'All right, it makes no difference to me'. (161) He returned the money to me. He gave me gold, a big ingot, which (weighed) more than half a kilo. (162) He said 'Make me bracelets, everything which we make for the market.21

1? Literally: 'Here'. 18 Literally: 'I brought'. 19 The word mindix is used here as a filler substituting for a nominal that the speaker cannot remember. 20 Literally: 'At one time'. 21 Literally: 'Everything that is for the market'.

450

TEXTS

( 163) mat Jit ta-Suqa. 1 xizme Jollz, 1 mindixane Jo/lz, 1 ku/la Sikte Jot ... ta-zbana,

ta-fitrlna matwl. 1 (164) gebizn 1 Jltwa fadrta Jatxa-wela, 1 Jod dukana pallx, 1 zeringlr 1 xii/a 1

palix dukana, keni kulla gebeu, barxlle, mabruk mabruk kimrlle. (165) kud 1

1

1

xa minnu xa IJ.lij!ta kawu/le. kud mat Jlt ta-mindixane, karasta Jot zeringre. 1

1

1

(166) kud xa baqrl minneu, 1 ma gbet? 1 kawulle. 1 xa kmlr baqeu: Jltti takut, 1 Jo

kmlr: Jltti sindii.n, 1 Jo kmlr: Jatxa Jltti, 1 Jo kmlr: Jatxa 11tti. 1 (167) ta-kud minnu xa mindlx kmlr. kullu Janne IJ.ajltanye kawlle, Ju-keni gebeu, barxlle, 1

1

1

1

mafini/e. 1 (168) HJazH_gzelu pilgi.t kilo bi-zoda dehwa gebi.. 1 HJazH bqlrru minni., ma lii-gbet Jolet. (169) mi.ri lä-gben golen ximti dehwa ta-fliin näSa,

1

ta-lfajji Qiidir. mi.ru: Jatxan mafinixxox.

1

1

1

1

1

(

170) Jilyelu, kud-lele keniwa, 1

IJ.atta safata tre-sar min-lele. färaq sateniwa, pisra taweniwa. kawuxwälu 1

1

1

färaq Ju-Sateniwa. (171) tre, tlfzha Sole Ia zi.lle bbaw, Hbe-JerexH xa yarxa 1

1

1

Ia zille-bbaw, Jot gwäre Jot Janne ta-kurdne rii.ba, Jisri. t{{lhi zo?e wlllan 1

1

1

baqeu. kul/a Sikle, mat Jebele.

1

1

172) HazH xa yarxa Ia zi.lle-bbaw, Jilyele,

1

qlm/i ku/la anne-mindixäne nibilli bäqeu. Jo Ia y?llle, Jo mal plsle.

1

1

1

1 (

1

1

1

1

(173) mi.re: manni wltle? 1 manni wille gallox IJ.aSta? (174) mi.ri: ma wajjoxile? 1

ma gbet Jati.? 1 hiwlox bäqi. pilgi.t kilo dehwa, 1 IJ.aqqox Sqol/e.l ( 175) gwii.re meli bäqox, Jod mii.t mlrox baqi., bazne wi.lli biiqox, har mat mirox, kulla la-wi.lli 1

1

bäqox.

1 (

1

1

176) doq Jiyya dehwa, 1 Jiyya mindixänox Jot-mi.rox bäqi., 1 qablet 1 Ia

qablet? (177) gbet kawi.nnox dehwa mü-qub!eu. pare-s kawi.nnox, wl-xalli$ 1

1

1

1

ma gbet. (178) Ia, mi.re, AmaSallah,A mii.to! (179) mi.ri: Ia Jana batane, kullu 1

1

1

1

Janne zeringre Ji/yelu galli b-Iete, b-yoma mafinlwa/i, xll$fi. 1

1

(180) plsle gebl xamsl dinäre, 1 xamsl dinäre rii.ba welu.

ma will!? 1

1

(181) keniwa 1 dagmawda/lä/l, keniwa, 1 dehwa kawlwäle b-llit xa näSa, 1

mazblnwäle. 1 terwa ga-suqit zeringre. 1 (182) kud mitqala - geban gramme 11twa, mitqiil J1twa, mitqiil. dehwa harzan-wele raba 1

1

1

Jana mazidlnwäle.

1 -

1

(183) Jo kmlrwa, 1 matalan, 1 mitqal Jisra filse, 1 Jisrl filse, 1 f{{lhi filse, 1 xamsl

filse,

1

Jana mandlnwa xa mindlx bassor res-Jiyya. 1

1

(

184) HJazH-Janne

zeringre Jilye/u gebi., mlru: tama Mordexay? tama Jätl mazidet? HIJ.aba[.H

1

gadrex Sirike gallox, Ia mazld Sxet. (185) Jamren ma? xa yarxa, tre yarxe,

1

1

1

1

1

xa Säta, tre Sinne, dukänake zimtali dehwa. 1

1

1

1

1 (

186) fitrzna wil/{, 1 tf!zha qii.t, 1

Jarba qii.t, sehma, dehwa, har mat Jlt 1 ta bi-Suqa, Jana mtlwfi.l 1

1

1

1

INFORMANTL

451

(163) Whatever is (suitable) for the market. Make me nose-rings, make me such-and-such things, all manner of things for sale, to put in the window display'. (164) Among us there was a custom that was as follows: Whenever someone opens a shop, whenever a new goldsmith opens a shop, everyone comes to him, blesses him and says 'Congratulations, congratulations!' (165) Every one of them gives him a tool, all manner of things,22 implements of goldsmiths. (166) Everyone asks him 'What do you want?' and gives it to him. One says to him 'I have a hammer'. He says 'I have an anvil'. He says 'I have such-and-such a thing' and 'I have not got such-and-such a thing'. (167) From everyone he asks for something.23 They give him all those tools and they come to him to wish him well and help him. (168) So, they saw that I had more than half a kilo of gold and they asked me 'What do you want to do?' (169) I said 'I have to work on some gold for so-and-so, for I:Iajji Qadir'. They said 'We shall help you'. (170) They came, they would come every night until twelve o'clock at night. They would drink araq. They would roast meat. We would give them araq and they would drink. (171) After two or three weeks, after about a month,24 we had made for him many earrings for the Kurds, twenty or thirty pairs, all different types, whatever he wanted. (172) So, after a month, he came and I brought him the things. He did not know (that I had had help). He was astounded. (173) He said 'Who made (them)? Who worked with you?' (174) I said 'What does it matter to you? What do you want? You gave me half a kilo of gold. Take what is owed to you. (175) I have brought you earrings, everything you requested from me, I have made you bracelets, I have made you everything that you requested from me. (176) Take this gold, here are the things of yours that you requested from me. Will you accept them or not? (177) Do you want me to give you gold in place of it (i.e. the gold that I used). I shall give you also the money, and that's it, all right?'25 (178) 'No!' he said 'It is marvellous! But how did you do it?' (179) I said 'I did not do it alone. All the goldsmiths came to me, night and day, to help me and so I (was able to) finish'. (180) I kept fifty dinars. Fifty dinars were a lot. What did I do? (181) Brokers would come and give the gold to someone and he would sell it. He went around the market of the goldsmiths. (182) Every mitqiil - we did not have grams, we used the measure mitqä/, gold was very cheap- for every mitqäl I used to add something for him. (183) He would say, for example, 'a mitqäl costs ten, twenty, thirty, fifty fils' and I would add a little on top of this. (184) So, the goldsmiths came to me and said 'Why, Mordechai? Why do you add (to the price asked)? It's a pity. We shall become partners with you. Do not add any more'. (185) What should I say? For one month, two months, one year, two years, I filled the shop with gold. (186) I made a display on three or four levels, silver, gold, I placed there every thing that was saleable in the market.

22 23 24 25

Literally: Literally: Literally: Literally:

'Everything that there was with regard to things'. 'To everyone he says something'. 'Two or three weeks had not gone by, about a month had not gone by'. 'What do you want?'

452

TEXTS

(187) kulla niise xslwlu ?iina milyoner-wen. 1 mlru: ?iyya dawlamandile. 1 piire

?itte. 1bO-?o xamsl diniire 1 ?ilha miSdlrre raba biiql. 1 (188) geban hayya gorlwa. 1 biibl ?ebele ?ana goren. 1 (189) mlri: ?atta waxt

lewe, 1 ?iina tiiza dukana lii-pilxali. 1 waxt lewe ?atta, 1 ?ltti waxt. 1(190) mire: La, ?asurile. 1 (191) baruxid biibz, 1 ?ilha manixlu, 1 kul/u H~axamlmH ruwwe-welu, 1 $rlx/u-l/i. 1 xa dwiqle-lli min-?iyya ?i/{, 1 xa min-?iyya ?i/{, 1 xa-S /ii-gbe maxeli,' yafni b-gamme. 1 (192) miru: tama La la-goret? 1 mlri: ?atta tiiza dukiina liipilxali.' ma gbetun mlnni? 1 waxt ttti, 1 xa Siita, 1 tre Sinne xet, 1 ~atta noSi gazlnna. 1 (193) miru: la/, 1 La gadir. 1 geban Lit mln ?iyya. 1 dabi hayya goret. 1 ?iiti xa-brona wet. 1 biibOx lii-gbe 1 magurox, 1 yiilox gazelu. 1 xa tiikana-wet, 1 dabl goret. 1 (194) magurilu geban, 1 briita La gazixwiila, 1 H?im-klH maxwlwiilan, 1 H[e-fi-dln toraH dabl ba~ar gazela, 1 b-za~amta gazlxwiila. 1 ( 195) naxpixwa, 1 ?amrex, gazixxa, 1 yan-gezex gallaw. 1 geban Litwa min-iyya

ba-?Arbe/. 1 la-bas ba-?Arbe/, 1 kul/a ?o mantiqa, 1 Karkük, 1 Mu$il. 1 (196) biiba w-da?a ?oni goilwa, 1 ?oni kimrlwa manni Saqil, 1 Rzbqa Saqla l-ls~iiq, 1 Ra~e/ 1 saqla 1-Yaf qov. 1 (197) min-iyya Litwa geban, 1 ?ezex gebaw, 1 gazixxa, 1 ?ezh HkolnowwafH, 1 t:erex gal/aw, 1 Litwa min-iyya. 1 ( 198) goliwa H?arusin,H 1 ~atta /eilt H~uppaH 1 La gazewiila. 1 ( 199) ?agar tflqle 1 yan ?o gazewiila, 1 yan ?o gazyawiile, 1 farqawa, 1 farqawa. 1 (200) jarubar 1 babit ba~urake 1 fazimwiile 1 Hfat!dH ?ot briiteu. 1 kewa, 1 gal baruxiileu kmeniwa, 1 sateniwa, 1 ?ixiila

goilwiile. 1 ?iyya-wela geban. 1 (201) bar gwzri, 1 ?ilha milyale, 1 Ia y?llli noSi leka piire daren. 1 niiSe

xaswlwa ...

1

zadeniwa. 1 (202) kimriwa: Mordexay, 1 tama mazidet piire res-

mindlx.1 H?azH go/ixwa bar, 1 ?iina piire Ia kawunwa. 1 (203) matalan, 1 ?iyya dehwa zabznwii/e, I Xa ki/0, I pi/glt ki/0, I Xa-rfbif ki/0, I (;ikmat Wele, I yan gebl peSwa, 1 yan geb ... xa min-?anne ... Sirikid didi 1 peSwa. 1 (204) ?agar gebl peswa, 1 ?ana zonlnwiile, 1 piirake kawunwiilu. 1 (205) gollxwiilu xamsa dukke, 1 ?o ?arba dukke, 1t:ikmat sirike welan. 1 kud-xa ~aqqeu saqliwa, 1 ?o 1 ?iina ~aqqlt didu kulla 1 ?ana saqllnwa, 1 kawunwiilu 1 bi-zoda piire 1 min-tarafit ma~$fU hawelu. 1 (206) ?o 1 ?oni 1 saqllwa, 1 piire kawiwa, 1 dehwake. 1 (207) dwa?e kimrlwiili: Mordexay, 1 ?axt:a w-?axt:a gzl dehwa ?it, 1 gbh ma~$ul 1 pilglt dinar, 1 Xa dinar, 1 ?0 1 gbet ~aqqid didOX 1 t:ikme/e? hOl/an piirake, dehwa 1 Jaxf:a w-?axt:a didlixile. 1

INFORMANTL

453

(187) Everyone thought I was a millionaire. They said 'He is rich. He has money'. Through that sum of fifty dinars God sent me a Iot. (188) In our community, people married early. My father wanted me to marry. (189) I said 'It is not the right time. I have just opened the shop. It is not the right time now. I have time (to wait to get married). (190) He said 'No! That is not allowed'. (191) The friends of my father, God grant him peace, all of whom were great scholars, called to me. One took me by one of my hands, one by the other band, one wants to hit me. This was only in fun. (192) They said 'Why do you not marry?' I said 'I have just opened the shop. What do you want from me. I have time, it will be one or two more years before I become established•.26 (193) They said 'No! That won't do. That is not our way. You must marry quickly. You are an only son. Your father wants to marry you off and see your children. You are an only son. You must get married'. (194) When they married people in our community, we did not see the girl. Although they showed her to us - according to the law of the Torah the young man had to see her - we hardly looked at her. (195) We were shy, to see her, for example, or to walk with her. There was nothing like that in Arbe!, not only in Arbe!, all that region, Kirkuk, Mu~il. (196) The father and mother used to make (all the arrangements). They used to say who would take (whom in marriage). Rivqa marries Yi~l,laq, Ral,lel marries Ya'aqov. (197) It was not customary for us to go with her, to see her, to go to the cinema, to walk with her. There was never anything like that. (198) So, (when) a betrothal was made, he (the groom) did not seeher until the night of the marriage. (199) If, by chance, it happened that he saw her or she say him, she would run away. (200) Sometimes the father of the young woman would invite the future busband of his daughter. He would come. They would welcome him with his friends. They would drink and they would make him food. This was our custom. (201) After I married, God brought (me wealth). I myself did not know where to put the money. People thought ... , they were afraid. (202) They used to say 'Mordechai, why do you give more money than (you are asked)?' So, after (this) we worked (together) and I did not give money. (203) For instance, (when) someone sold the gold - one kilo, half a kilo, a quarter kilo, however much it was- it remained either with me or with one of my partners. (204) If it remained with me, I bought it and gave the money. (205) We would divide it into five parts or four parts, however many partners we were. Everyone took his share or I would take the shares of all of them. I would give them more money, so that they would have a profit. (206) Alternatively, they would take the gold and pay money. (207) Then they would say to me 'Mordechai, there is such-and-such an amount of gold, do you want a profit of half a dinar, a dinar, or do you want your share (of the gold), however much it is? Give us the money and such-and-such an amount of gold is yours'.

26 Literally: 'Until I see myself'.

454

TEXTS

(208) noSi la y?illt, 1 noSi Ia y?il/l 1min-leka ?iyya päre kewa. 1mzn ?ilha-wela. (209) ?amrena ma? 1 lä-taxren, 1 xa bSilmäna xa yoma ?ilyele gebl. 1 Sqllle

minni xa ~qilta zurta, 1 ta-yäle. 1 xa-sinnit dzb kimrlwäle, 1 kaka ?od-dzb. 1 (210) slnnit dzb, 1 ?iyya gebu 1 min-tarafit ?ena. 1 saqllwa ta-yäle. 1 (211) sqi/le

minnl, 1 t!ikma mindixane zore xet 1 Sqllle mlnni, So?{ u-xamSa filse, 1 {{{lha rblif lire. 1 la y?llli mannile, manni tewe. 1 (212) fttle 1 xa ?isra daqiqe, 1 xamsa daqiqe, 1 di?lre hawa. 1 ?ana xsiwli 1 ?iyya lä-d?lre 1 min-tarafit lli la-gbele dehwake. 1 (213) ba-lli ?olte, 1 ?äna-axt!a lä-la-l:z~illi minneu, 1 yzmkin xamsi filse litti gaw iyya. 1(214) ?a, mlri, ma gbet? 1 mlri bäqeu. 1 mlre: lä-gben xa-~qilta xet zurta ta-yalid zora. 1 (215) mlri: res-?enl. 1 ?o zurta yafni pllgit gram-wela, 1 pllgit gram bis bassor. 1 t!i-la-wela, 1 ?isrl filse, 1 ?isra filse. 1(216) mlre: t!ikmela l:zaqqox? 1 mlri: Ia gben päre, 1 mlri bäqeu: Ia gben. 1 (217) mlre: tama Ia gbet? 1 balliSila -llox? 1 (218) mlri: lli/, 1 ?äna la-l:z$tlli mlnnox. 1 t!ikmat mlre, mlri: bSarafox,1 Ia Saqten minnox. 1 xalli~, 1 ztlle. 1(219) t!ikma-anne naSit ruwwe ruwwe 1 kulla menile gebz. 1 /:zaSta gollxwa, 1 lete wi-yoma. 1 (220) t!ikma näSe bäqz/:zaSta gozlwa. 1 kawunwa ta-näSe l:zaSta ?oll bäqt. 1 ?anne zore zore, 1 mindixäne zore la ma~inwa, 1 waxt !ltwäli ?olen. 1 (221) HJazH ?iyya bSilmana gzele 1 ?ana xa

mindtx

d

la-sawe, 1 d mindtx 1 htwli bäqeu, 1 yafni Hi:zinnlim,H 1 be päre. 1

(222) HJazH qtmle, 1 ?ana Ia y?illl mannile, manni lewe ?iyya gora, 1 Ia y?llli-

l/eu.1 (223) xa yoma baxteu ?i/yela gebz, 1 Ia y?zlli mannila. 1 (224) geban 1 posl loslwa, 1 ~almu la gazlxwäle. 1 (225) ?itiwla gebl dukäna. 1 (226) dukäna zurtawela,1 la-wela rubta. 1 ?amman 1 res-dukka, 1 reS-mendtx-wela, 1 ga-Suqa-wela. 1 min-?arba, xamSa dukke 1 keniwa, 1 ?awwal gazeniwa dukänt. 1 (227) HJazH ?itiwla. 1 dukänake la-wela rubta. 1 ?itiwla, mlri bäqaw: xaluntl, ma gbat? 1 (228) mzra: ?ana baxtit fllin-wan, 1 ?ot gebox Saqll dehwa. 1 mlri: reS-?enl, 1 ma

gbat, xaluntl. 1 (229) geban ?atxa, 1 geban, 1 ?ot-kewa xa-tay kmixwäle, 1 xaqahwa kmlxwäle. 1 (230) mlri bäqaw: gbat xa-t!ay? 1 mlra: la. 1 gban 1 ... ?itti xa mindtx, 1 fistlin 1 lä-gban xa baxta gora, 1 xa näSa minnuxun hula?a 1 tari~ bäqi. 1 (231) ?ilha manixla baxtl, 1 ?ot ?awwall, 1 ?ltwäla makina. 1 tawa xeta. 1 (232) mlri bäqaw: res-?enl. 1 ?lla gallz. 1 ?ana nablinnax geb-baxtl. 1(233) dukana

gilqlili, 1 zilli gallaw. 1

INFORMANTL

455

(208) I did not know, I did not know from where this money came. It was from God. (209) What should I say? I remember, a Muslim came to me one day and bought from me a small ring for children. It was called 'the tooth of a wolf'. (210) 'The tooth of a wolf'. It was their custom to have this27 on account of the evil eye. They would buy them for the children. (211) He bought (it) from me. He also bought fromme a few other small things. (He spent) seventy-five filsthree-quarters of a lira. I had no idea who he was.28 (212) Five or ten minutes went by and he came back. I thought he had returned because he had not liked the gold. (213) Let him do so (if he wishes, since) I had not made such a profit from him. Perhaps I had (a profit of) fifty fils in that (transaction). (214) 'Yes' I said, 'What do you want' I said to him. He said 'I want another small ring for a small child'. (215) I said 'Certainly!•29 Now, that small (ring) was half a gram, less than half a gram. It was nothing, twenty fils, ten fils'. (216) He said 'How much do I owe you?' I said 'I do not want money'. I said to him 'I do not want (any)'. (217) He said 'Why don't you want any? Did it cost you nothingT (218) I said 'No!, I made a profit from you'. However much he asked, I said 'By your honour, I will not take (anything) from you'. That was the end of the matter and he went away. (219) So many of those great men! - he brought them all to me! We worked night and day. (220) So many people worked for me! I gave people work to do for me. I could not (make) those very small things, I did not have time to make them. (221) So, that Muslim saw that I had given him something costing nothing, nothing at all, that is to say free, for no money and he got up (and left). (222) I did not know who on earth that man was.30 I did not know him. (223) One day his wife came to me. I did not know who she was. (224) In our community they (the women) wore veils and we did not see their face. (225) She sat down with me in the shop. (226) The shop was small, it was not big. But it looked over a place - it was in the market. People came from four or five places and they saw my shop first. (227) So she sat down. The shop was not !arge. She sat and I said to her 'My sister what do you want?' (228) She said 'I am the wife of so-and-so, who buys gold from you'. I said 'I am at your service.31 What do you want my sister?' (229) It was like that in our community. We would bring tea for anyone who came or we would bring coffee for him. (230) I said to her 'Would you like some tea?'. She said 'No! I want ... I have something. I want a woman or a man, a Jewish person from among you, torepair a dress for me'. (231) My wife, may God grant her rest - the first one - had a machine. She knew how to sew. (232) I said to her (the Muslim woman) 'By all means!32 Come with me. I shall take you to my wife'. (233) I closed the shop and went with her.

27 Literally: 'With them this was ...' 28 Literally: 'I did not know who he was or who he was not'. 29 Literally: 'On my eyes'. 30 Literally: 'Who that man was or was not'. 31 Literally: 'On my eyes'. 32 Literally: 'On my eyes'.

456

TEXTS

(234) ga-beU1, 1 babl, Jilha manlxle, daJl, 1 baxtl, 1 Jilha manlxlu, Janne kulla

pise-welu. 1 (235) mlri baqu: 1 pare la-sqolmun minnaw. 1 goraw 1 J:zasteu kulla gebzle, 1naSa ruwwe/e. 1(236) mlru: Spira. 1HJazH mlra baq{ baxteu: sl, Jaxonz, 1 sl Jatl, 1 sl, 1 sl dukanox, 1 Jana clnna, 1 Jurxake teren, 1 dalren. 12 (237) zilli, dukana pilxlili. 1 pilglt safata La zille-bbaw, 1 gzeli goraw, 1 Jilyele, 1 la-ter bar baxteu. 1 simmaw Xadija-wela 1, Xadija. 1 (238) HJazH mlre baql: 1 Justa, 1 Asalamu falek. 1 faLeku is-salam.A 1 (239) Jitiwle, mlre: 1 baxti La la-gzylilox, Xadlja? 1 mlri: bille, gebl-wela, 1 Jatta. 1 (240) Aastaxfar alla,A atxa, 1 simbi/eu ruwwe-welu, 1 Jatxa mlre. 1 (241) mlre: ma gdira? 1 meli-lleu xa-tizy. 1 Ia qbllle sate. 1 gzeli-lleu jgira. 1 (242) HJazH mlri biiqeu: 1 JAJ:zmad, 1 koS. 1 tama? 1 mlri: koS. 1(243) kwlsle, 1bar-minneu Jana kwisli, 1qapangake 1 gllqli-lleu. 1 mlri: lila gallz. 1(244) zdeli, 1 Jatta ma xaSu reS-baxteu, 1ma kmfr. 1(245) HJazH_m{re: Leka lii-gezex?, 1 mlre biiql, 1 mlri: gezex geban, 1 belan. 1 tama? 1 baxtox xaluntl gebanila. 1 (246) Jo la-ylllle tama, 1 Jiina-S 1 zdeu mi-libbl, 1 rliba zdefi.i (247) zllle, 1 gzele Jo-dammid babl Jitiwele mi~l:zaf b-i/eu Hfalaw ha-salomH 1 magon ma[Jax, 1 dall, 1 Jilha manlxla baxtl, 1 dalat yale. 1 (248) xa mez lamtlwlu baqaw, 1 AJaSka[ w-anwafA, 1 taraze, 1 goze, 1 qaspe. 1 (249) mat Jtt bofo[am ga-belan 1 mtiwwalu qamaw. 1 tay, 1 qahwa, 1 mat Jltwa. 1 (250) salamu falek, 1 Jatxa xlra-lleu, 1yafni ki!Jellu: tama Jatllii-lye/ox? 1(251) Jitlwlan, 1tay me[u baqan. 1 HJazH bdelan ba-l:zqaJe, 1 Jo [a-l:zaqe, 1 Jatxan [a-l:zaqex. 1 (252) HJazH mlra baqeu: leka welox? 1ta-goraw. 1baqaw jwan lewe, 1 Jo la-lyela gebl, 1 Jo ter baraw, 1 jwan lewa. 1 (253) HkenirJeH,I Jo biibaw 1 mln ruwwanewele Jot-Bagdad, 1 wazlr-wele ga-Bagdad. 1 Jo 1 biibeu la-wele Jatxa, faqlrwele.1 (254) HJazH ki!Jellu Jo rubtela, 1 Jo bis rubtela min-babeu, 1tama? 1dnki 1

babaw wazlr-wele 1 ga-Bagdad. 1 (255) Janne la-Jana la-dnnu mannilu Janne. 1 HJazH flbbi xanti Jitlwle. 1(256) mzri baqeu: 1 gbet Jezex ga-dukana, yatwex? 1 mlre: la, 1 gezex Jatta. 1 spira. 1(257) qimle Jilyele galll. 1 Jilyele galll, 1 Jitlwle, 1 xa-tay stele. 1baxtake, 1 Jo zllla l-bela 1batane. 1(258) bar-dwale, 1dwale yoma, 1 Jilyela hawa gebi 1 ga-dukana. 1 (259) mira baql: 1 Jaxonl, 1 Jila, 1 xa-mindlx J:!aqlnnox. 1mlri baqaw: /:liql xalunti. 1(260) geban Jatxa kimrlxwa. 1

2 Masculine forms of ls. verbs are used where the feminine is expected, as is the case in other cases in the ensuing text recorded from informant L.

INFORMANTL

457

(234) In the house were my father, my God grant him peace, my mother, my wife, may God grant them rest, these were all alive (at that time). (235) I said to them 'Do not take money from her. Her husband does all his business with me.33 He is an important man'. (236) They said 'All right'. Then his wife said to me 'Go, my brother, go to your shop. I know it, I'll look for the way and come back'. (237) I went and opened the shop. Before half an hour had gone by, I saw her husband. He came looking for his wife, whose name was Khadija. (238) Then he said to me 'Craftsman, greetings to you' (I said) 'And gr~etings to you too'. (239) He sat down and said 'Have you not seen my wife, Khadija?' I said 'Yes, she was at my home just now'. (240) 'My God!'34 He spoke like that. His moustache was big and he spoke like that. (241) He said 'What happened?' I brought him some tea, but he declined to drink (anything). (242) I saw that he was angry, so I said to him 'Al)mad, go down'. 'Why?' I said 'Go down'. (243) He went down. I went down after him. I closed the blind. I said 'Come with me'. (244) I was afraid. What will he think now of his wife? What will he say? (245) Then he said 'Where are we going?' He said (this) to me and I said 'We are going to our place, our house'. 'Why?' 'My sister, your wife, is in our home'. (246) He did not know why (this was), and I was afraid, I was very afraid. (247) He went (with me) and saw my father sitting with a book in his hand, peace be upon him, like an angel, also my mother, my wife, may God granther rest, the mother of the children. (248) They had set up a table for her with all kinds of things on it, sweets, nuts, dates. (249) Whatever was in our house they had put before her - tea, coffee, whatever there was. (250) (He said) 'Greetings to you'. She looked at him in such a way as if to say 'Why have you come?' (251) We sat down and they brought us tea. Then we began to talk. He spoke and we spoke. (252) Then she said to him 'Where were you?' - (this was said) to her husband. This was not good conduct on her part. She had come to me and her husband had looked for her. It was not good. (253) It seems that her father was one of the notables of Baghdad, he was a minister in Baghdad. His father was not like that, he was poor. (254) So it was as if she were more important than his father. Why? Because her father was a minister in Baghdad. (255) I do not know who they are at all. Then my fear35 settled a little. (256) I said to him 'Do you want us to go and sit in the shop? He said 'No.36 Let's go now'. 'All right'. (257) He got up and came with me. He came with me. He sat and drank tea. As for his wife, she went home by herself. (258) Afterwards, the next day, she came back to me (while I was) in the shop. (259) She said to me 'My brother, come, I shall tel! you something'. I said to her 'Speak, my sister'. (260) We used to talk like that in our community. In truth, Jews in our community were pure, they never put a (covetous) eye on anything.

33 34 35 36

Literally: 'All bis work is with me'. Literally: 'I ask forgiveness from God'. Literally: 'My heart'. It is not clear why the answer here is not 'yes'. This seems to be required by the following context.

458

TEXTS

H?u-be-?emetH, 1 gebim hu/a?a HtahorH-wele, 1 ?ena 1-d mindix /a-g0/wa. 1 (261) ?atxa, 1 posi didaw mirma/a. 1 mira: xor, ?axonl. 1 ?äti magon ?axonl, 1 /a-

IJ,aqen gal/ox. 1 mlri: IJ,qi axir-xalunti, 1 ma gbat? 1 (262) mlra: xa-yoma zilli gaqaysarl ?itwa geban 1 -

suqa 1 kimrlwäle qaysarl, 1 magon ma!J,ane yehuda

?atxa 1 - /ä-gbiz 1 zona xa mindtx 1 ?o/a/e 1 ta-xu/~a didaw. 1 (263) H?azH lttwa geban 1 HmuxiznH, 1 yafni IJ,äzir Ia goliwa. 1 gezlwa 1 xetlwa geb-näse. 1 (264) kimra: wlri gaw-?o suqa, 1 xa mugäza rubta rubta, 1 ?ot-xa-lfajji

kimrlwäle, 1 /a-cen Simmeu. 1 (265) H?azH zllla, 1 xa-tob plitla, 1 mira: min-?iyya hol/zl Cikma ?arba XamSa metre. 1 /ä-gba ?o/lz ...

I

Xa fistan ?0/a bäqaw. 1

(266) H?azH gizya/e 1 ?atxa. 1 mlre bäqaw: päre Ia saq!en minnax. 1 mlra bäqeu: 1

tama /a-saq/er minni päre? 1 tama, faqzr-wan? 1 lltti päre? 1 (267) mlre:

lii. 1 ta-

xlitir jwan-wat. 1 ?o-S 1 qlmla, 1 riqla b-~almeu. 1 (268) siyäma ?itwa, 1 qondaraw, 1 xa t{(lha arba qondare mxela-lleu, 1 riqla b-~a/meu xa-jar xet, 1 plltla. 1 zllla IJ,qela ta-goraw. 1 (269) ?tina Ia dnwa 1 goraw ga-HmiStarizH-we/e, 1 qum~er ruwwa-we/e. 1 tre t{(lha min-?anne polise misdlrre. 1 dwlqlu-l/eu, 1 mlru: ?ätl komunlst-wet. 1 (270) ?o-waxt 1 rliba kornunist zdula-wele. 1 ?o doqzwä/e, 1 nabllwäle l-Faw. 1 IJ,atta ?atta /a-gzelan il-gorake, 1 ?il-?o b!Silmlinake n!blllulleu.1 (271) H?azH mira bäqz: xa ?axonz. 1 tama kex gebxun, 1 geb-hu/a?e, 1 hu/a?e qdiSe/u, 1 Cena. 1 (272) ?axonl, ?axca /ä-mahm!nen, 1 ?ibbox 1 bis mahm!nen min?axonl,1 min-gorl bis mahm!nen ?ibb0x. 1(273) mlri bäqaw: brati, 1 ?titi xaluntlwat.1 reS ?eni, 1 ?imanit ket 1 ?iyya be/l 1 belaxile. 1 ?imanit mat gbat 1 ?ila ?tina Saq/lnne, 1 reS ?eni, 1 reS xä?l. 1 ?atxan yällt ?amawäle-wex. 1 (274) IJ,aqeli min?anne xanCi 1 ... ma ?oten gallaw? 1

Relations between Jews and Muslims (275) ?o-waxt, zdu/a ?itwa raba. 1 geziwa näSe ta-ere~ yisra?e/ b!-qaCax, 1

maSd!rtxwälu. 1 (276) ?äna ga-HtenufizH-weli.' xa ?Orz kimrlwäle, 1 ?o HmadrlxitH didan wete. 1 (277) yalplxwa tixylt be/an ga-zerzamln, 1 berliq matuxwa, 1 ma/lpwä/an. 1 (278) liSäna ma/lpwälan, 1 ma ?o/ex, 1 ma /a-?o/ex. 1 (279) hu/a?e rtiba maxeniwä/u 1 ?anne bSilmäne. 1 gazewa xa näSa mlirid dqinta 1

rliba jagrlwa. 1 maxeniwä/e, 1 doqlwä/e, 1dqinteu doqlwäla. 1

INFORMANTL

459

(261) She lifted her veillike this and said 'Look, my brother. I am talking to you like my brother'. I said 'Speak, then, my sister. What do you want?' (262) She said 'One day I went to the roofed market, which was in our town. They used to call a market a qaysari, like M a}J.ane Y ehuda. She wanted to buy something to make into a dress for herself. (263) In those days, nothing was ready (for use), things were not made ready (for use). People would go and sew (the clothes) in their houses. (264) She says 'I entered the market, a very !arge shopbelanging to someone known as I:Iajji - I do not know his name. So, she went and took out a roll of material. (265) She said 'Give me four or five metres from this'. She wants to make a dress for herself. (266) He saw her thus and said to her 'I shall not take money from you'. She said to him 'Why will you not take money from me. Why, am I poor? Have I not got any money?' (267) He said 'No, (it is ) because you are beautiful'. Oh! She got up and spat in his face.(268) There were shoes, her shoes, at hand. She hit him three or four times with the shoes, spat in his face again and left. She went and told her husband. (269) I did not know that her husband was in the police force, he was a officer of high rank. He sent two or three of his policemen. They arrested him and said 'You are a communist'. (270) At that time there was much fear of communists. They used to arrest them37 and take them to Faw. To this day we have not seen that man, that Muslim. They took him. (271) Then she said to me 'I'll tell you something.38 Why do we come to you, to the Jews? The Jews are holy. I know (this). (272) My brother, I trust you more than I trust my own brother. I trust you more than my husband'. (273) I said to her 'My daughter, you are my sister. I am at your service.3 9 Whenever you come to my hause, it is your hause. Whenever you want anything, come and I'll get it for you, I promise.40 We are cousins'. (274) I said some such things. What (eise) should I do with her?

Relations between Jews and Muslims (275) At that time there was a Iot of fear. People were smuggled into Israel. W e used to send them. (276) I was in the movement. One man called Ori was our Ieader. (277) We would have lessons in the cellar, we would set up the flag and he would teach us. (278) He taught us (the Hebrew) language and what to do or not to do. (279) The Jews were often beaten by the Muslims. They 41 would see a man with a beard and became very angry. They would hit him and seize him, seize his beard.

37 Literally 'Hirn'. 38 Literally 'One (thing)'. 39 Literally: 'On my eyes'.

40 Literally: 'On my eyes, on my life'. 41 Literally 'He'. This is continued with plural subjects, so the singular is evidently a mistake for the plural.

460

TEXTS

(280) HJazH ?äna 1 gal ?isra näSe, 1 tre-sar jwänqe, 1 ?atxa zore-welan 1 dwa?e, 1

?amran 1 mindtx gadzr 1 Sabbat geztxwa, tertxwa ga-ma~alle, 1 gaztxwa xa b!Silmäna agar doqwäle 1-hula?a märe dqinta, 1 ?ixtiylirile misken, 1 maxewäle, 1 bahdllwäle, 1 doqwäle, 1 losixwa magonu, 1 kimrlxwäle: 1(281) ?agar Ia marpltte 1 qatlinnox. 1(282) litwälan sikita, 1 sla~ lltwälan. 1 Ia dabante litwälan, 1 Ia tfange litwälan, 1 d mindlx litwälan. 1 sikita 1ltwälan. 1 (283) ?ilan, 1 boksid didan min bi-sikita biS-xrlwa-wele. 1(284) ke m-bäli xa-yoma Sabbat, 1 zlllan 1 b-jäda rubta geb nädl kimriwäle, 1 i{tam 1 ?anne ruwwäne yatwlwa {tam, 1 nadi, 1 bäqta. 1 (285) HJazH gzelan xa misken hula?a mi-{tam lä-gez, 1 dwtqle-lleu, 1 xa yala

dwlqle-lleu, 1 fimrew atxa 1 ?isra, tre-sar Sinne, 1 hawar lä-$arix, 1 hawar, 1 hawfir. 1 (286) ?ot lä-gazele 1 pakkeu lewe, 1 lä-Soqzle: 1 ba maxele. 1 (287) HJazH mlri bäqeu: ma gbet minneu, 1 ?iyya misken. 1 ?o Ia y?llle 1 ?ana hula?a-wen. 1 (288) HJazH mlre: 1 ma lä-gbet? 1 mi$wele maxlnne, 1 mi$wele. 1 (289) ?axir

?ixtiyarile, 1 fawonile, 1 soqle! 1 (290) mire: Ia la-soqlnne. 1 miri: ?agar Ia soqztte 1 ?ana maxlnnox. 1 (291) mlre: tama? bäb6xile? 1 yan-son6xile? 1 ma gbet? 1 (292) ?atxa wille ?ileu 1 ?atxa lä-golla ke?ellu yafni dabi ?ätl-s maxltte galli, 1

?äna-s max!nne. 1 (293) dwlqli-lleu, mlri bäqeu: male, 1 soqle, 1 soqle ba-?ez. 1 (294) Ia qbtlle. 1 ?ebele ?ila marim-illi. 1 ?o heStan ?ileu 1 Ia mirmale-lli 1 xa-boks

mxeli-lleu. 1 ?ana xaswen 1 Ia plsle. 1 (295) hula?ake firqlile hayya. 1 hayya, hayya, 1 plitle, 1 firq(ile. 1 ?ana Ia firqlili 1 ?amman xanti biS-hayya ztlli.' (296) ?atxa golixwa, 1 la-bas ?ana, 1 kullan, 1 jafqa ltwälan. 1 gezlxwa sabbäte, 1

?afillu bo-~ol, 1 (297) gazlxwa mannit maxeniwa, 1 ?anne ?ixtiyäre did{m maxeniwäiU, 1 HmiskenJmH 1 lä-zadeni, 1 W-oni ma$eni maxenilu. 1 ?o lä-zade 1 ?agar maxele bSilmäna, 1 hula?a maxe l-bSilmäna, 1 qatllle. 1 (298) ?amrlnnox. 1 xa yoma, 1 xa minnu ?ilyele gebi, 1 xa yäla atxa, 1 mxele, 1

tre tf(lha kepe mindele-lli. 1(299) ?ana mlri bäqeu: 1

sz,

1

Soq. 1 xa-jar xet, 1 xa-jar

Xet. 1 (300) qlmfii firqa/i bäqeU. 1 fjrqafi lleU, I dwlqfi-lleU, I Xanti Spira mxelilleU.1 (301) Ia y?{lli mannile ?iyya. 1 ?iyya yäla 1 mannile, 1 manni /ewe, 1 Ia ten. 1 HJazH Ia y?illl 1 ?iyya min-qa$$äbe-wele, 1 bäbeu HriJsH qa$$ab-wele, 1 qa$$abbäsi.1 (302) ?ilyelu ?illl. 1 ?amrlnnox ma, 1 ylmkin xamsi, ?istl qa$$äbe, 1 kulla märe-skinye-welu. 1 HJet ha-?emerH ?amrlnnox 1 zdeli, 1 ?amman Ia ?atxa zdeli ka ... 1 l/a Ia marmen. 1(303) xa min-?anne qa$$äbe 1 ~aSta gollnwa bäqeu. 1

INFORMANTL

461

(280) So, I, tagether with ten or twelve young men, - we were so young in those days - we were given instructions to go on patrol during Sabbath araund the streets and see whether a Muslim was beating a Jew with a beard, a poor old man, hitting him, chastising him, seizing him. W e used to wear the same (clothes) as them. We would say to him: (281) 'If you do not Iet him go, I shall kill you'. (282) We did not have a knife, we did not have weapons. We did not have pistols, we did not have guns. We had nothing. We did not have a knife. (283) Our hand, our punch was worse than (a hand) with a knife. (284) I remember, one Sabbath we went down a large street to what was called a club. The notables were sitting there, (it was) a club, a garden. (285) We saw a poor Jew coming out from there. A boy seized him, he was ten or twelve years old. He (the Jew) was crying 'Help, help, help'. (286) Anyone who saw him did not care but left him (and said) 'Let him beat him'. (287) So I said to him 'What do you want from that poor man?' He did not know that I was a Jew. (288) Then he said 'What do you want? It is a good deed for me to beat him, its a good deed'. (289) 'But he is an old man, its a sin, leave him'. (290) He said 'I won't leave him'. I said 'If you do not leave him I shall beat you'. (291) He said 'Why? Is he your father or grandfather? What do you want?' (292) He made a gesture against him thus, as if to say 'You also should beat him with me, tagether with me.42 (293) I grabbed him and said to him 'Enough! Leave him, Iet him go!'. (294) He did not agree to do so. He wanted to raise his hand against me. He had not yet lifted his hand against me when I struck him one blow. I think he did not live. (295) The Jew fled quickly. Quickly, he left, he fled. I did not flee but I went a little quicker. (296) We used to do this sort of thing, not only me, all of us, we had a group. We went out on Sabbath, even during the week. (297) We saw who they were beating, they used to beat our old folk . The poor people were afraid. They (the old folk) were able to beat them, mind you. He was afraid - if he beats the Muslim, the Jew beats the Muslim, they would kill him. (298) 1'11 teil you. One day, one of them (the Muslims) came to me, a boy, he struck, he threw two or three stones atme. (299) I said to him 'Go away, stop it!' (He did it) again and again. (300) I got up and ran after him. I ran after him. I seized him and gave him a good beating. (301) I did not know who that boy was.l do not know who he is.43 I did not know that he was from the family of the butchers, his father was head butcher, qassiib-biiSi. (302) They came to me. What should I say to you. Perhaps fifty, sixty butchers, all of them with knives. To teil you the truth, I was afraid, but not so afraid that I would not raise a hand. (303) I used to do work for one of those butchers.

42 Literally: 'I also should beat him'. 43 Literally: 'Who he is, who he is not'.

462

TEXTS

(304) mlre: ?ätl-wet lä-mxelox il-lyya ylila? ?ana y?illi-lleu, Rafulla Simma 1

1

kimrzwii[e. (305) mzri biiqeU." laXOnz, XOr ?amrznnOX. ?ätz ... 1

1

1

1

I

gbetUn

qatletuni, ?ana qämox-wen, lä-xmllli.l (306) mlre: La, la, A?astaxfar ?alla.A

1

mori: tama atl la-mxelox-illeu. (307) mlri baqeu: t!~ha ?arba kepe mindele,

1

1

1

1

1

1

gzl fitrlna. gzelox ?iyya? lä-twirlile? 308) mlri bäqeu: sl, bronl, 1 sl soqli,l sl 1

1

1 (

1

Soqli,lla qbllle. firqlili bäreu, mxeli-lleu. (309) H?azH ma gbet? gbet qa{litti

1

qfolli, mlri. (310) ?u-LJ:tli#l, zlllu. ?o zille, mlre: Soqmun lyya hula?a,

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

J:taqqewile. (311) ?o zille, ?oni ztllu galteu. bar ?o zilte, ?oni zlllu, pltgit 1

1

1

1

1

sizf ata La gdlre bbaw, 1 niblllu-lli.l ( 312) ?ilyelu polise, 1 dwiqlu-lli, 1 yimkin xamSa, liSta polise. (313) xamSa, liSta minnu lä-dwiqlu-lli ke?ellu ?ana lä1

1

1

q{tlli xa yä[a min-bSitmäne. (314) H?oy vavoy-liJHI liyya Suqa, liyya folam, 1

1

1

kulla nptlla bärl. 1 ?amman La la-meri maxenili.l (315) mlri: ?agar lila marml ?illi, ?agar lila marmi, ?agar maxenili, ?ana maxlnnu, J:tatta pisa-hawen 1

1

1

1

maxen. (316) ?atxa mliplu-llan. ?iyya ?Orl xa nasa tamlim-wele. ?ilyelan 1

1

laxxa, mlri: Ceren bareu. 1

1

1

1

1

?6ri, xamSi ?alpa ?6ri, mannile ?6ri. 1

1

1

( 317) H?azH mtelan ?il-qiSla, 1 zlllan, 1 AtaJ:tqiqlitA la-goli. 1 ( 318) mlru: J:tlil u-

masala atxa. xa kimrzwäle qum:jer, liyya Hqa:jznH zora-wele, ?ilyele, sahlula 1

1

1

1

sqille mlnni. (319) ?äna gal-anne xabre gazen ?o ?AJ:tmad, lä-gazeli, kmlr 1

1

1

bäql, ?usta! ?usta! ma golet laxxa? ma gotet laxxa? 1

1

1

1

1 (

1

320) mlri bäqeu: 1 J:tlil

u-masala atxa-wele. mannile iyya? mlri: lä-gazet ?anne näse? ?anne gazet? 1

1

1

1

?imma, tre-?zmma, xams-!mma, aLpa, ?isra-?alpa, lä-gazlttu? ?anne kulla 1

bärllu.

1

1 (

1

1

1

1

321) mlre: ma wtllox? 1 mlri: J:tlil u-masala. 1 ( 322) ?ilyele galll. 1 gizw

qiS/a, gizw loda, lot Hqa:jin,H ma ?amrznnox? ?ebele qafzlle l-yalake. 1

1

1

1

1

(323) mi:jflrre-lleu, 1 ?il-bäbeu, 1 ?il-soneu, 1 ?il-sonit soneu. 1 (324) plltle, 1 mlre, fl~ha, ?arba mlnnu ?anne t-xmlle welu 1 bar tara, 1 gazeni ma ?lt, 1 ma llt, 1

menile lo?a. (325) mixenile, blibit babu fpirile. (326) mire: Ia gzelxun! ?iyya 1

1

1

1

näSa tamlimile, ?iyya näSa xoS näSele. (327) ma ?agar maxztte, toritta fitrlna 1

1

1

dideu HbetaJ:tH maxelox. ?ati ma gbet? naSiqlox? (328) H?azH latxa-wela. 1

1

1

1

1

J:tatta ?ilyelan laxxa, 1 geban 1 kud hula?a ?ltwäle xiz ... I xa näSa ?atxa HmägenH ?ttwiile. (329) ?äna Ia HdavkaH ?iyya HmagenH didl-wele, ?amman ?atxa 1

1

1

dostl-wele, mindixäne zabnlnwa bäqeu, gdlre dostl. (330) tikma hula?e ?äna 1

1

1

mixli:jlli! gazitwa 1-xa hula?a doqlwäle, ?ätl ?atxa-wet, ?atxa-wet,: gezlnwa 1

1

gebeu: sl, la-zdi, sl, la-zdl. 1

1

1

1

1

INFORMANTL

463

(304) He said 'Is it you who have beaten this boy?' I knew him. He was called Rafulla. (305) I said to him 'My brother, Iook I tell you, if you want to kill me right now, I am standing ready before you'. (306) He said 'No, no, God forbid. Tell me, why have you beaten him?' (307) I said to him 'He threw three or four stones. Look at the window. Do you see that? Hasn't he broken it? (308) I said to him "Go away, my boy, go away, leave me alone, go away, leave me alone". He did not Iisten. I ran after him and beat him. (309) So, what do you want? lf you want to kill me, kill me', I said. (310) In the end they went away. He went away, he said 'Leave that Jew, he is right'. (311) He went away and they went away with him. After he went and they went, before half an hour had gone, I was arrested. (312) The police came and seized me. Perhaps five or six policemen. (313) Five or six of them seized me as if I had killed a Muslim boy. (314) Oh dear! Everyone in the market gathered behind me, but they did not dare to beat me. (315) I said (to myself) 'If they raise a hand against me, if they raise a hand, if they beat me, I shall beat them. So long as I live, I shall beat them. (316) That is how they taught us. That Ori was a really fine person. I do not know which Qibbutz (he is in) . (When) we came here, I said that I was looking for him. 'Ori! (There are) fifty thousand Oris! Which Ori are you talking about?' (317) So, we arrived at the police headquarters. We went and they made enquiries. (318) They said: 'The situation is like this'. One, who was called a commissioner - he was a young officer - came and took evidence from me. (319) While talking, I see that man Ai)mad.4 4 He sees me and says to me 'Usta, usta, what are you doing here, what are you doing here?'. (320) I said to him 'The story is like this .. .'. 'Who is he?'. I said 'You see those people? Do you see them? One hundred, two hundred, five hundred, a thousand, ten thousand, you see them - they are all after me'. (321) He said 'What did you do?'. I said 'The story is like this ...'. (322) He came with me. In the police headquarters, in the room of the officer, what should I say, he wanted to kill the boy. (323) He cursed him, his father, his grandfather, his great-grandfather. (324) He said this and brought inside for or five of the people who were standing outside the door looking at everything that happened.45 (325) He beat them and fulminated against their ancestors. (326) He said 'Don't you see! That man is fine. That man is a good man. (327) If you strike him and break his window, of course he will beat you. What do you expect? (Do you expect him) to kiss you?' (328) So, it was like that until we came here. In our community every Jew had someone to act as a protector. (329) He was not in fact my protector, but he was my friend. I sold things to him and he became my friend. (330) I saved so many Jews! You would see them seizing a Jew (and saying) 'You are such-and-such'. I used to go to him (and say) 'Go! Do not be afraid! Go! Do not be afraid!'.

44 He is mentioned in line 242 above. 45 Literally: 'What there was, what there was not'.

464

TEXTS

(331) H?azH ?äna waxtit kewa gebl, 1 dabi xa mindix hawinne. 1 ?o La qablLwa. 1 (332) yim ta-yäLeu, 1 ta-baxteu, 1 yan xa mindix zoninwäLe, 1 maSdrinwäLe bäqeu. 1 ( 333) ?atxa xa?"ixwa gallu. 1 huLa?at ?ArbeL 1 kud-xa ?ttwäLu ... maJ:z~{U rliba ?ltwa. 1 (334) gazet kulla-anne b1Silmäne 1 meliwa m-kipnu. 1 (335) ?amman huLa?e didan, Hbarli.x ha-sem,H 1 ?ltwäLu ...

1

faqzr-welu, 1 ?amman 1 ?agar

ya?ilwa 1 J:zaSta ?oLwa, 1 moxa hawewäle, 1 ?ttwäLe maJ:z~[U rliba, 1 ma~ewa gadlrwa ... har-mlit ?aber gadlrwa. 1 (336) HJazH ?o-waxt, 1 ?ttwa näSe raba ga-?ArbeL, 1 ruwwäne-welu, 1 mataLan magon ~aliJ:z Yosef, 1 kimriwäLe, 1 ?ilha manlxLe, 1 näSa ruwwa-weLe. 1 (337) bSilmäne zadeniwa minneu. 1 qadreu doqiwäLe. 1 (338) jamaftan, 1 ?ot ?amirwa, 1 ?iyya, ?iyya, ?atxeLa, ?atxeLa 1 , xaLa~. 1 lttwa xa näSa mlre La. 1 kulla zadeniwa minneu. 1 (339) La, yafni, naxpiwa minneu, 1 zadeniwa minneu. 1 (340) näSa ruwwa-weLe. 1 bäbeu, 1 soneu 1 ruwwäne-weLu, 1 ?anne Hnesi?e fedaKweLu. 1 (341) ?ttwa rliba näSe ruwwe ruwwe, 1 Nisan Kalo, 1 ?ilha manlxLe, 1 Nisim Qne, 1 ?agar piSeLe 1 ?ilha Soqfe.i ?anne näSe ruwwe-welu, 1 Dawitd Qne. 1 (342) ?anne näse dawlamand-weLu. 1 geban ?ot hawewäle ?aLpa lire, 1 ?alpa dinäre, 1 dawLamand ruwwa-weLe. 1 (343) H?azH kaw"ixwäLu, 1 bSilmäne... 1 huLa?a 1

tet mato

xa?e gallu, 1 gaL-bsilmäne. 1 ?agar ?atxa La ?olixwa 1 La ma~lxwa xa?ex gallu. 1 (344) ?ltwa 1 xa Wa/:zzd kimriwale, 1 Wa/:zzd, 1 brona bSilmäna. 1 (345) da?i, 1 ?iLha manlxla, 1 yale raba millu-llaw. 1 (346) geban yäLa 1 ?agar-reseu marewa, 1 xa ximma gadirwäte, 1 xa faya gadirwäle, 1 xaLa~, 1 zllle. 1 (347) xa dukkeu maryawa, 1 ?agar ?ilha 1 La saqllle fimreu, 1 yoxsan gezwa. 1 (348) HJazH da?l mlra 1 magon Swlin, 1 kimrzwäli Swlin, 1 Simml ?atxa, yafni magon Hrofe, 1 rofeH ?ot ?irbe. 1 (349) Cerawa ga-suqe, 1 ?atxa reSaw kasyawäLa 1 xa{ir La ya?ila. 1 ?äna zora-we/i.l (350) päre SaqLawa. 1 bO-?o päre 1 julle golawätl. 1 (351) yafni ke?ellu ?iyya 1 mindixile, 1 tewe ?äna, 1 nakun ?ilha La-?o/ 1

ä mindlx ?ateLe.

1

(352) HJazH ?o da?at ?iyya Wa/:zzd 1 xaLwa hlwLa bäqz 1 b-yäLutl. 1 ?u-da?l-S 1 xaLwa lä-hlwla bäqeu. 1 (353) ?iyya Wa/:zzd 1 rweLe. 1 rwele, kewa geban dukäna, 1 kmzrwa bäqi 1 ?axoni, 1 päre holli, 1 Lltti. 1 sl J:zasta ?6L. 1 kmlr: J:zasta Lä-goLen, 1 plski La La-goL. 1 (354) gebu, 1 geb-bsilmäne ?atxeLe, 1 ?agar 1 xalwa 1 lä-xille galli 1 yan Lä-xilli galleu, 1 ?anne ?axawäle, 1 ?asurile ...

INFORMANTL

465

(331) When he came to me, I had to give him something, but he did not accept. (332) (I would give something) for his children or his wife, or I would buy something and send it to him. (333) This is how we lived with them. Among the Jews of Arbe!, everyone had a good livelihood. (334) You would see all the Muslims dying of hunger. (335) But our Jews, praise be to God, had ..., they were poor but if (one) knew how to work and had a brain, he had a good livelihood, he could become anything.46 (336) So, at that time there were many important people in Arbe!, like, for instance, someone called Salib. Yoseph, may God grant him rest. He was a great man. (337) The Muslims feared him. They respected him. (338) In our community, whenever he said 'It is thus, it is thus', that was enough, no one said 'No'. Everyone feared him. (339) That is, they held him in awe, they feared him. (340) He was a great man. His father and grandfather were great men. They were commmunity Ieaders. (341) There were many great men, Nisan Kalo, may God grant him rest, Nisim Qne, if he is alive, may God preserve him. These were great people. Dawud Qne. (342) Those people were rich. In our community, whoever had a thousand liras or a thousand dinars was an important wealthy man. (343) So, we used to give the Muslims ... You know how a Jew Jives with Muslims. If we did not do this, we could not live with them. (344) There was someone called Wab.id, a Muslim boy. (345) My mother, may God granther rest, many of her children died. (346) In our community, if a child had a pain in his head or if he had a fever or an illness, that was the end, he passed away. (347) He suffered pain in some place if God did not take his life, otherwise he expired. (348) My mother said (I was) like a shepherd, I was called 'Swan'. This was my name, i.e. like a shepherd, a shepherd of sheep. (349) She would go araund the markets. She covered her head so that people would not recognize her. I was young. (350) She would take money. With this money she would make me clothes. (351) It was as if it was an object, not me, so that God would not cause anything to come upon him. (352) So the mother of this Wa)J.id gave me milk when I was an infant and my mother gave milk to him. (353) That Wa)J.id grew up. He grew up and would come to us in the shop and say to me 'Give me money, I haven't any'. (I say) 'Go and do some work'. He says 'I am working. It is not enough'. (354) With them, with the Muslims it was like that. If he sucked47 milk tagether with me or I sucked milked together with him, they are (considered to be) brothers, it is forbidden ...

46 Literally: 'Whatever you would want him to become'. 47 Literally: 'Ate'.

466

TEXTS

(355) ?afZllu baxta-s ?agar gili briita, 1 gal baxta, xalwa lii-xillu, 1 gebu 1 magon xalunta-wela, 1 ?asurila gor gallaw. 1 ( 356) ?o ?agar bsilmiina ?o hula?a, 1 d farq tit, ?axawiile. 1

(357) xa yoma 1

1

-

?amren ma? 1

-

?ilye/e, 1 kmlr: ?axoni, lii-gben goren, 1

pare /ltti. 1 SZ, 1 pare gbet minnl? 1 (358) kmlr: lewen ?axonox? 1 ?iitZ 1 dabi kulla mindlx ?fiti ?o!ltti, 1 ?iitl, 1 Hbarfü ha-Sem,Hr ?ittox. 1 (359) ~irxali da?eu, 1 mlri biiqaw: 1 ma gbat? kimra: ?axonox lii-gor, 1

st,

1

hor-mat gbe 1 Sqol/e. 1 ma gbe? 1

(360) klmra: ?ana cen ma-gbe, 1 ?l!a galll. 1 (361) zllli gallaw ga-Suqa, 1 /e~efe, 1 kurtake, 1 ta-be/a, 1 mfit ?lt ta-be/a, 1 geb nagiire, 1 ?lyya zonne, 1 ?o zonne, 1 ?lyya zonne. 1 ma ?amrlnnox? 1 ?isra diniire bi-zoda xrlj!i-lleu. 1 (362) ?isra diniire ?oWtlXt1

raba-we/u, 1 min-jidwZt dehwa 1 hzwfi biiqeu. 1 (363) HJazH /ltwa hu/a?a 1

ga-?Arbe/, 1 la-bas ?Arbe/, 1 kulla dukke, 1 ?atxa siyasl gallu gollxwa. 1 (364) ?anne bSilmane, 1 bSilmfina xa fUmarbak kimrlwii!e, 1 ~iikzm-wele, 1 biibeu, 1 Saqlawa, ?Umarbak, 1 ?Azlmbak. 1 ?anne, 1 kul/a 1

xa minnu 1 ra?!s

-

tajnzd-wele. 1 (365) kulla ?anne dnwii/u, 1 gezzxwa gebu. 1 sabbat 1 cay go!lwa biiqan. 1 gezlxwa gebu. 1 (366) fUmarbak, 1 be biibeu, kulla 1 dehwa 1 ?ana go!lnwiilu biiqu. 1 (367) xa yoma 1

-

be biibU ga-Saqlawa welu, 1 ?anne nase

ruwwe-welu, pilglt min-Saqlawa ~atta Ruwandiz didu-wela. mirfine Qiidlrbak 1

1

kimriwlilu, 1 ?anne niiSe raba ruwwe-we/u. 1 (368) xa yoma 1 xa baxta ?ilyela, 1 kimra baql: 1 ?atl flan naSa 1 w-hula?a? 1 kimrllox ?atxa w-?atxa? 1 swan kimrllox? 1 mlri biiqaw: 1 yii-xalunti, 1 ma gbat? 1 (369) kimra: ha-iyya kaxta 1 minmirline Qadlrbak 1, blibit fUmarbak, 1 ?ot gebxun ~iikfmile. 1 (370) H?azH mlri: ma gbat? 1 mira: la, 1 ?iina tayanid didu-wen. 1 lii-gben xand mindixiine 1 ?atet galli saqlet, 1 la-cen ?ana. 1 (371) mlri: ken gallax. 1 zll/i gallaw ga-suqa. 1 (372) xa ?ltwa Rafale/, 1 jiriinan wete, 1 ?ltwiile. 1 zll/i gebeu: 1 Sa/om. 1 (373) mira biiqz: 1 ?atxa w-atxa gben. 1 qlmfi,i ktlwfii hor-mat gba, 1 k/awit Rasi. 1 (374) mlri baqeu: Rilfa?e/, 1 ?iyya 1 la-lyela min-flan dukka. 1 (375) ?ati jiranl-wet, 1 la-gben hawitta xa mindlx 1 ~atta Ia naxpen, 1 dwa?e eza baqra min-niiSe, 1 jwan /ewe. 1 (376) mire: la! 1 mire baql: 1 Amafles,Ar la-zdi. 1 ?lyya tob mile, 1 ?o mile, 1 ?o ?axca me/e, 1 ger-xa dukiina 1 zmitla ?axca. 1 (377) ?iina mlri: 1 ma lii-gba? 1 ?iyya lii-gba 1 ~asta ?ola? 1 lii-gba zabna? 1 tujarila? 1 may/a-iyya? 1 ma ?amrlnna? 1 (378) ?ilyeli gal/aw, 1 dabi ?ezen gallaw. 1

INFORMANTL

467

(355) Even if a woman had sucked milk with a woman, in their opinion they were like sisters. It was forbidden to marry her. (356) There was no difference whether he was a Muslim or a Jew- (they were) brothers. (357) One day, - what should I say?- he came to me and says 'My brother, I want to get married. I have no money'. (I say) 'Go away, da you want money from me?' (358) He says 'Am I not your brother? You should ldo everything for me. You have (money), God be praised'. (359) I called his mdther. I said to her 'What da you want?' She says 'Your brother is getting married. Go and buy everything he wants, whatever he wants'. (360) She says 'I know what he wants, come with me'. (361) I went with her to the market, quilts, jackets, things for the hause, everything for the hause from the carpenters ... 'Buy this! Buy that! Buy this!' What should I say? I spent an him more than ten dinars. (362) Ten dinars at that time were a Iot. In addition to the gold that I gave him. (363) There was not a Jew in Arbe!, not just Arbe! but all places (who did not da this). We would play such politics with them. (364) The Muslims-one Muslim was called 'Umar. He was a judge, his father was from Saqlawa, Umarbek, Azimbek. One of them was an army officer. (365) I used to know them all. We used to go to their homes. On Sabbath they made tea for us. We went to them. (366) Umarbek, the family of his father - I used to make gold objects for all of them. (367) One day ... The family of his father were in Saqlawa, they were important people. Half of (the land) between Saqlawa and Ruwandiz belonged to them. They were called the Qadirbek 'amirs. Those people were very important. (368) One day a woman came and says to me 'Are your so-and-so the Jew? Are you called so-and-so? Are you called Swan?' I said to her 'My sister, what da you want?' (369) She says 'Here is a Ietter from the Qadirbek 'amirs, from the father of Umarbek, who is a judge among you'. (370) Then I said 'What da you want?' She said 'No (I want nothing for myself), I am their servant. I want you to come with me and get a few things, I don't know (what to da)'. (371) I said '1'11 come with you'. I went with her to the market. (372) There was a certain Rafa'el, who was our neighbour. He was in. I went to him (and said) 'Greetings'. (373) She said to me 'I want this and that'. I wrote down everything that she wanted, in Rashi script. (374) I said to him, 'Rafa'el, she has come from such-and-such a place. (375) You are my neighbour. I want you to give her something so that I won't be embarrassed afterwards by her going to ask (for things) from other people. That's not good'. (376) He said 'No, there's no problem, don't worry'. (She said) 'Bring this roll of material, bring that!' He brought so many things, that she could fill another shop. (377) I said 'What does she want? Does she want to da a job, does she want to sell? Is she a merchant? What is she? What should I say to her?' (378) I went with her. I had to go with her.

468

TEXTS

(379) HJizzH mtit Lii-kawul/a 1 Jtina Lii-kaLwen. 1 Jiyya t!ikmeLe ~aqqeu? 1 Jiyya laxt!eLa, 1 Lti kaLwlnna. 1 lo t!ikmeLe ~aqqeu? 1 lilXt!a, 1 Lti kaLwlnna. 1 (380) Zista wllli, 1 Jisra daqiqe ~atta xaL~en bas qarlnna. 1 HJazH mlri: 1 t!ikmeLe ~aqqox? 1 (381) laxd laxd Lii-xslwLan, 1 jamf laxt!a tlLse pLt{Le, 1 taqrlban 1 listl Solllire, 1 listl solllire 1 rliba wel{t 1 lo-waxt. 1 (382) mlri biiqeu: 1 RafaleL, 1 Jtina gezen baqren, 1 dwale ken piire 1 saqten minnaw 1 kawinnox. 1 (383) Lti, Lti, Lti, Lti, Lti, Lli/ 1 mlri biiqeu: 1 tama Lti. 1 mlre: Lii, 1 liina 1 harzan La-hlwli biiqox. 1 (384) mlri: harzan, 1 La harzan, 1 Jtina Lti La-t!en. 1 gezen baqren dwale. 1 (385) Lli! 1 yrtu, 1 yltu. 1 t!ikmlt mlre biiqz, 1 mlri: lagar La-gbet, 1 paL{en. 1 (386) ztlli xa xaxam NatanleL kimrzwlile, 1 HfaLaw ha-SaLom,H 1 ytilit xaLtit daJi-weLu. 1 JttwiiLu mugiize. 1 Joni ka mifrlt kimriwtiLu. 1 loni 1 kawlwa ta-dukiine. 1 (387) gzeLe-Lli,l mlre; Mordexay, 1 ma Lii-gotet Laxxa? 1 mlri: ~iiL u-masaLa, 1 mlima, 1 lamonl. 1 (388) mlre: litu. 1 listake gizyiiLe. 1 mi~flrre-lli, 1 mlre: laxir dalox 1 latxa mindlx weLa. 1 moxa L1twlila, 1 tama La-LyeLox gebl? 1 (389) Jtina mlri: 1 laxir liyya jiriinl-weLe, 1 lunxlpli, 1 ztlli gebeu. 1 ( 390) mlre: jiriine/ 1 sl, hal-atttine, maftaLox-wen? 1 bas laLltwa gebl 1 bis harzan kawitnwäLox, 1 xiitrlt Simmox hawe mindtx. 1 (391) HJazH mlre: 1 liyya laxt!a sawe, 1 liyya-axt!a sawe, 1 liyya-axt!a sawe, 1 yafni t!ikma jamf hawe, 1 pilgit-laxt!a bls bassor. 1 (392) listl, solllire, 1 larbl lire, 1 La-t!en Nkma weLa, 1 pilga, 1 pilga 1 bi-zoda. 1 Jistl b-imma bls bassor. 1 (393) mlre: lila-tina kawlnnox, wi-yomlyyit didox-is kawlnna. (394) mlri: 1

1

yomiyya

llt, Jtina La gben, bärux ha-sem, läna Lä-xaJen minnu, kulla 1

1

1

1

~astit

gebiLa läna. 1 (395) listake siqltili mlnneu, 1 mlre: Lii, 1 Jtina La-ila gebl, 1 bas liina, 1 lagar gbet 1 dwale, 1 lagar La qbllle, 1 lila gebl, 1 läna kawlnnox. 1 (396) lamman 1 lasurile, 1 sl minneu zon. 1 lagar La qb1lle, 1 lila dwale, 1 Jtina kawlnnox. 1 (397) zilli gebeu. 1 lo smeLe 1 liyya pilga, pilga 1 bis bassor, 1 seJeLe, 1 UJeLe. 1 laxt!a sefer tora, 1 liyya laxt!a laxt!a, 1 tLiin, 1 flisklin. 1 (398) mlri: 1 bäqox 1 Jlyya

d La-sawe, liyyeLe 1

~aqqeu, 1 qabLet, 1 qabLet, 1 La qabLet, 1 Jtina

qemen zonen m-ger dukka. 1 (399) La mlri bäqeu 1 Lä-zllW tLtin dukka. 1 (400) bar dwale, 1 mlre: Lli/ 1 läna 1 lisra dinäre makuslnnox, 1 xamsa dinäre makuslnnox, 1 mi-Laxxa, 1 min-i{tam. 1 (401) La imeli 1 lamman mlri bäqeu: 1 xa fllus bi-zoda 1 La kawlnnox. 1

INFORMANTL

469

(379) So, whatever he gives her I write down. 'What is the price of this?' 'It is such-and-such'. I write it down. 'What is the price of that' 'Such-and-such (a price)'. I write it down. (380) I made a Iist. It took me ten minutes to finish just reading it. Then I said 'how much do I owe you?' (381) We made a calculation and the total came to such-and-such a number of fils, about sixty or seventy liras. Sixty or seventy liras were a Iot in those days. (382) I said to him 'Rafael, l'm going to make inquiries (about the price), then I shall come and take the money from her and give it to you'. (383) 'No, no, no'. I said to him 'Why "no"?' He said 'No, I have given them to you cheaply'. (384) I said 'Cheaply or not cheaply, I don't know, 1'11 go and make inquiries, afterwards'. (385) 'No! Sit down, sit down'. However much he asked from me, I said 'if you don't want (me to do this), I shallleave'. (386) I went away. A man called I:Iakam Natan'el, upon him be peace, - they (the family) were the children of my mother's aunt. They had warehouses. They were what is called wholesalers. They used to suppJy48 the shops. (387) He saw me and said 'Mordechai, what are you doing here?' I said 'This is what happened, uncle'. (388) He said 'Sit down'. He saw the Iist. He cursed me. He said 'Your mother was such-and-such a thing. She had no brain. Why did you not come to me?' (389) I said 'But he was my neighbour. I was embarrassed (not to ask him), so I went to him'. (390) He said 'Neighbours!, Go away at once, I don't want anything to do with you.49 If only you had come to me, I would have given (the things) to you more cheaply, so that your name would be such-and-such'. (391) Then he said 'That is worth so much, that is worth so much, that is worth so much'. (He offered a price) less than the total amount by a half. (392) Sixty, seventy, forty liras, I do not know how much it was, in each case more by a half. (His price) was sixty percent less. (393) He said 'Come, I shall give (the things to you) and I shall give you your commission'. (394) I said 'There is no commission, I do not want any. God be praised, I live from them and all their trade is with me'. (395) I took the Iist from him. He said 'No, do not come to me. But if you want, if he does not accept, come to me afterwards and I shall give (the things) to you. (396) But it is not right (not to go to him). Go and buy from him. lf he does not accept, come to me afterwards and I shall give them to you'. (397) I went to him. He heard that it was in each case less by a half. He went mad. (He said) 'The Torah is such-and-such! He is suchand-such a thing, such-and-such a person!' (398) I said 'For you it is worth nothing. That is its price. (If) you accept, you accept. (If) you do not accept, I shall go and buy from another place'. (399) I did not tell him that I had gone to such-and-such a place. (400) After that he said 'No, I shall bring down (the price) for you by ten dinars, I shall bring down (the price) for you by five dinars' with regard to this one and that one•.50 (401) I did not swear but I said to him 'I shall not give you one more fils.51

48 49 50 51

Literally: 'Give to'. Literally: 'Do I need you?' Literally: 'From here, from there'. The Arabic pluralform filüs is used.

470

TEXTS

(402) ?tina zeringir-wen, 1 ?ammi.m ta-ten ?iyya tob 1 b-tikma sawe, 1 ?o b-tikma

sawe? 1 (403) ?ati lii-gber gal-iyya baxta 1 ?iina ?ezen 1 dwa?e ?eza baqra, 1 ?amra ?iina mindlx lii-goten, 1 piire lii-Saqten minnaw, 1 xawiina lii-goten gallawo 1 ?ebele baqio 1 gzele tlto 1 (404) ?iyya 1 bqatta ~asta lii-gol galli 1 ?arba xamSa safateo 1 mire: gbet xasren? 1 ?o lii-kimlr biiqzo 1 (405) mlri: Cikmele ~aqqox 1 ?arba safate, 1 xamSa safate? 1doq, 1 xa dirham hawznnox, 1 xamSz filse, 1

?iyya-imma filse, 1 si, gdor min-qiimzo 1 (406) b-llt HberiraH, 1 piire hlwli biiqeuo 1 ( 407) mlra biiql: 1 tikma hawinne, mlri biiqaw: 1 pilga, pilga bis bassoro 1 1

( 408) qlm/an, 1 me/i tre niiSe ~{l1f!Q(ite_l mindl Jiyyat ZWZnni biiqaw 1 nblllu-lteU, 1

?o rrt?i!ake kulla 1ta-garaj, 1ta-Saqlawao 1 (409) ?ilyela dukiina lii-nasqali, 1 ?iyya baxtao 1 ?tina zdeli, 1 tama lii-nasqtili? 1(410) mira: hay' kappiirox gadran, 1 gejan b-resoxo 1 ( 41 1) ?tina la y?llli 1 ?iyya jiranlt ?ot hula?e 1 ga-Saqlawao 1 gebu liirwelao1 minnl biS-tarn la-~aqyat, 1 b-listinit targum didano 1 (412) ?iina kulla liiSl 1 kulla ?ill rltlu mi-zdulio 1 (413) ?tina dwa?e xslwli, 1 mlri: Hribbano Sel-folamHo 1 min-iyya baxta H~as veSalom, 1 ~azila ?imH xa fflis didaw lii-wlre ga-kistto 1 gakistl1 ta la-wlre xa fl/i.s didawo 1 tama zaden? 1 (414) zdeli, 1 Hben-adamH liizadeo1 (415) mira: ?atta y?[lli 1 manni-wet ?iitlo 1 tama? 1 la Cer ?iina Cet1 ?iina minnox biS-tarn

~aqeno 1

000

?tina lti la-

?iina y?llli 1 mti lii-wllloxo 1 ?iitl bron ~alal­

wet,1 xalwox qliweleo 1 (416) zilla, HpirsometH wllla biiqto 1 ?amrlnnox ma? 1 ?iyya HpirsometH 1 tikma biiql spirta-welao 1 la-cen, 1 zllla, 1 tama la-?eza ~aqyat ta-?iyya fUmarbak? 1 ( 417) mlre biiqaw: 1 ?iyya hula?a 1 lii-clxxe minnax bistamo1 biiql 1 la ~ql, 1 ?iyya-hula?a 1 geban 1 ?amlnile, 1 raba geban ?aminileo 1 (418) xa?hwa

000

b-iyya-skil ~aq1xwa, 1 xa?hwa gallu, 1 gal bsilmiineo 1 ?agar

xriwa, 1 ?agar spira, 1 xa?lxwa gallu 1b-iyya skilo 1 (419) ?Arbe/ 1 niise spire-welu, 1 niise HJamidH-weluo 1 (420) ?ltwa dukiine, 1

?ltwa zeringre, 1 ?ltwa kulla ?asktil w-anwafo 1 kulla tujiirula ?ot-Suqa, 1 b-imma 1 xamsl bi-zoda b-llit hula?e-welao 1 (421) dwa?e 1 xanti xanti bsilmiine qlmlu, 1 ?illplu, 1 zeringiriitula wllluo 1 ?illplu 1 min-hula?eo 1 ?ilyelu men-Mu~il,l ?illpluo 1

INFORMANTL

471

(402) I am a goldsmith, but do you think I don't know how much this material is worth and how much that is worth?52 (403) Do you want me to go with that woman and (want) her to come afterwards and complain saying that I am doing such-and-such with her, that I am taking money from her, that I am deceiving her. It is dishonourable forme'. He saw that there was no (choice). (404) He used to work with me for four or five hours in the morning. He said 'Do you want me to make a loss?' He says to me. (405) I said 'How much are you paid for four or five hours (work)? Here,53 1'11 give you a dirham, fifty fils, here are a hundred fils. Go and leave me'. (406) Not having any alternative, I gave him the money. (407) She said to me 'How much shall I give him'. I said to her 'Less by a half'. (408) We got up. I fetched two porters. They took the things that I bought for her, a11 those goods, to the bus station, to (a bus going) out to Saqlawa. (409) That woman came to the shop and kissed me. I was afraid. Why does she kiss me. (410) She said 'Oh, l'lllay down my life for you,54 1'11 sacrifice myself for your sake•.55 (411) I did not know that she (was) a neighbour of Jews in Saqlawa. She had grown up with them. She spoke our Aramaie language better than me. (412) My whole body and my hands trembled on account of my fear. (413) Then I thought and said (to myself) 'By God, this woman, God forbid, if any of her money has come into my purse ... No money of hers has come into my purse. Why am I afraid?' (414) I was afraid (as) a man (naturally) fears. (415) She said 'Now I know who you are. How? You don't know that I speak (Aramaic) better than you. I know what you have done. You are a fine man,56 your milk is pure•.57 (416) She went away and made publicity for me. To te11 you the truth,58 that publicitywas very good for me.59 I don't know, she went ... why shouldn't she go and te11 that Umarbek? (417) He said to her 'We know that Jew better than you. You need not tell me.60 That Jew is trusted among us, he is much trusted among us'. (418) We used to live ... we used to speak in this way and live with them, with the Muslims. Whether (it was) bad or good, we lived with them in this way. (419) (In) Arbe! the people were weil off, were affluent. (420) There were shops, there were goldsmiths, there were all kinds of things. All of the business of the market, more than fifty percent, was in the hands of the Jews. (421) Afterwards, gradually, the Muslims learnt. They practiced the goldsmith's trade, they learnt from the Jews. They came from Mu~il, they learnt (the trade).

52 Literally: 'Do I not know ....?' 53 Literally: 'Take!' 54 Literally: 'I shall become your expiatory sacrifice'. A kappara is the ritual transfer of sins to a fowl which is sacrificed on the eve of the Day of Atonement. 55 Literally: 'For your head'. 56 Literally: 'Son of cleanness'. 57 I.e. the milk that you drank as a baby is pure. 58 Literally: 'What should I say?' 59 Literally: 'How fine was that publicity for me'. 60 Literally: 'Don't tell me!'

472

TEXTS

(422) bsilmane ?ot gebim, ?ot ?Arbel, ?oni-s ?illptu, 1 dukane ptlxtu, 1 mugaze

ptlxlu. 1(423) ~atta ?ilyelan laxxa, 1?ere:j yisra?e/, 1?amrlnnox ma? 1 ?ana 1... laweli xa naSa mindtx, 1 ?amman Hbarux ha-Sem,H 1 babi 1 H[e-fo[amH IJ.aSta lawille.1 (424) btlS [e~e{e xe{wa 1 jarubar. 1kimrzwale 1 K[ef-dru.K 1 (425) [ttwlile, 1 ga-jamaftan, 1 la kawiwate pare. 1 keniwa ?anne naSe ruwwe, ruwwe. 1 ?o-laxetwa ta-naSe, ta-anne zore. 1 (426) ?anne ruwwane ~eriwate, 1 le~efa xetwa baqu 1 pilglt dinar, 1 t!(lha ribfe dinar. 1 (427) ?agar ruwwa-wele 1 xa dinar kawlwale. 1xa So?a 1~atta xa maxtl:jwale, 1 jwan, 1mare-$infata-wele 1raba. 1 (428) HJazH 1 ma ~aqlnnox? 1 rfiba ?tt ~aqznnox. 1 xa-jar Xet ke gebt, 1 Hbe-

fezrat ha-SemH 1, ~aqznnox. 1 (429) ?amrznnox ma? 1 ?fina rfiba mindtx wltti 1 taHtenufiz :fiyonltH didan 1 rliba mindlx. 1 ?itwa jar 1 ?atxa zadinwa, zadlnwa, zadinwa. 1 kimrl: flan 1 ?ati misdlrrox-illeu? 1 keniwa gebi: 1 flankas 1 ?ati miSdirrox-illeu? 1 (430) ?itwa mlnni bis ruwwe 1 ga-?Arbe/, 1 ga-Htenufa :fiyonit.H 1 xaluntl HmadrixaH-wela, 1 Ra~ma kimrlwala. 1 Hmiskena,H 1 ?atta naxiHila. 1(431) HmadrixaH 1t!(lhiz yarxe 1zllla ga-Bagdad, 1?illpla, 1 HmadrixaH ~erawa ga-mindlx. 1 (432) babi 1 ?o tltwa ...

siylisa tltwa gebeu. 1 bizs Samlxwa radyo 1 waxtit HZtler, 1 Hyimma/J. Smo.H 1 Satlt ?arbi, 1 tre u-?arbt, 1 f!(lha w-?arbz, 1 waxtit Hitler, 1Hyimma~ Smo.H 1 (433) xa yoma, 1 ?ilyelu, 1 miru ta .... bSilmane: 1 ?iyya 1,

mafallim ?ot hula?e, 1 ?o ta-dafe reS bSilmane, 1 ?o la-ma:jrlr bSilmane. 1 (434) xa ?ltwa 1~ayxana ?itwlile, 1 Sabzr kimriwlile. 1bablla-gez :f[ola, 1dwiqlelleu, mlre: mafallim, 1 ?ana 1qatlinnox. 1(435) ?o-S 1mire bliqeu: tama qattltti? 1 ma ta-wtlli-llox. 1 mire: ?ati 1 Smelan 1 timmal 1 ?atxa mirox 1 res-Hitler, 1 reSbSilmane,1 ?atxa gadri, 1 ?atxa gadrl, 1 la-dafet illu. 1 ?iina hat qatlinnox. 1 ( 436) mire: ~i-lli la-wllli, I ~i-lli la-~qeli, 1 sl, 1 Soq[i.l (437) xa ?ltwa, 1 Samad, I Samada-kor, 1kimriwale, 1Sa~ab 1 ?axonew-wele, 1?anne kura~ye-welu, 1 karpi~e gollwa, 1zabniwate, 1karpi~e 1 gaw-kure, 1magon karpi~e ?ot-laxxa, 1?amman bls tam. 1(438) kure goliwa b-zibla, 1 ?ana-~en 1 b-ma-srkil gotiwatu. 1(439) zille gebu ba-fa:firta. 1 gzelu l-babi, 1 ?iina zilli galleu. 1 geban ?atxa-wela, 1 yatake 1 kud wizxt gizl babew-wele. 1 (440) Sa~ab, 1 babeu, 1 broneu, 1 ?anne kulla ?Arbel zadeniwa mlnnu. 1(441) H?azH mlre baqeu: 1mafallim, 1xera? 1turki ~qele gallu. 1 tama la-lyelox? 1mire: gazinnüxun. 1xizmrtüxun 1mi-zuna tii la-wllW

INFORMANTL

473

(422) The Muslims in our community, in Arbel, also learnt (the trade). They opened shops, they opened stores. (423) Up until we came here, to Israel, what should I say, I was not a great man, but, thank God, my father never (had to) work. (424) He would sometimes sew quilts, that is all. He was called a 'sewer of quilts'. (425) He had nothing, in our community nobody gave him money. The very important people came (to him). He did not sew for the unimportant people. (426) The notables would come round and he would sew a quilt for them for half a dinar, three quarters of a dinar. (427) If it (the quilt) was big, they would give him one dinar (for it). (It took him) a week to finish one. He was a fine craftsman. (428) So, what shall I tell you? There is much to tell you. At another time, at my home, God willing, I shall tell you. (429) What should I say? I did a lot for our Zionist movement. There were times when I was very afraid. They (the Muslims) would say 'Have you sent so and so?' They would come to me (and say) 'Have you sent so-and-so?' (430) There were greater people than I in Arbel, in the Zionist movement. My sister was an instructor. She was called Ra)J.ma. Poor woman, she is ill now. (431) (She was) an instructor. She went to Baghdad for for three months. She learnt and she went araund there as an instructor. (432) My father had no politics. We used to listen to the radio during the time of Hitler, may his name be blotted out, in the year forty, forty-two, forty-three, the time of Hitler, may his name be blotted out. (433) One day they came and said to the Muslims. This rabbi of the Jews, he is cursing Muslims, he is reviling Muslims. (434) There was a man who had a tea shop called Sabir. When my father was going to the synagogue, he seized him and said 'Rabbi, I'm going to kill you'. (435) He said 'Why are you going to kill me? What have I done to you?' He said 'You- we heard that yesterday you spoke in such-and-such a way against Hitler, against the Muslims "Let them be this! let them be that!", cursing them. For sure I shall kill you!'. (436) He said 'I have done nothing, I have said nothing, go away, leave me alone'. (437) There was a man called Samad, blind Samad. His brother was Sa)J.ab. They were makers of bricks. They would make bricks and sold them, bricks in kilns, like here, like the bricks here but better. (438) They made the kilns with dung, I know how they made them. (439) He went to them in the evening. They saw my father. I went with him. It was like that in our community. A boy was with his father all the time. (440) All of Arbel were afraid of Sa)J.ab (and also of) his father and his son. (441) Now, he said to him 'Rabbi, are things all right?'61 He spoke to them in Turkish. 'Why have you come?' He said '(I have come) to see you. For some time I have not done a service for you'.

61 Literally: '(I hope you find) goodness'.

474

TEXTS

(442) AJastaxfar al/aA 1 mlre: mafal/imo 1 kulla qlmlu m-qamit babto 1 ma

?ittox? 1 nakun xa-naSa la-l}qele galloxo 1 (443) mor, 1 ?ot l}aqe gallox 1 ?eneu pal(ixxu, 1 qatzixxe, 1 dabl}axxeo 1 (444) Cay melu, 1 qahwa wtlluo 1 hula?a 1 minqahwa w-Cayi Sxet la Sateo 1(445) mlre baqeu: 1 ?atl 1 ?atxa balaS 1 la la-lyelox, 1 mori ma la-gdlreo 1 (446) HJazH mlre: 1 l}al u-qu~ta ?atxa-weleo 1 ?iyya Sablr-i kaca/ 1 ?atxa Ia l}aqeleo 1(447) Samad 1 xrlwa wele, 1 xa naSa 1 raba raba xrlwa weleo 1 Ia gal-hula?e, 1 hula?e 1 gebu, 1 yaxslrilu gebuo 1 (448) manni gal-hula?a, 1 ?ebele bäqu l}aqeni gal-hula?ao 1 (449) maxztte, 1 Ia ma~e l}aqe galloxo 1qa{lltte, 1 hlc la ma~e 1 ?ila marzmo 1(450) ?ebele baqeu 1hallla marlm reS-hula?eo 1 gebu ?atxa-welao 1(451) bqatta, 1 ?ilyele geb-Sablro 1mlre bäqeu: 1 Sabzr, 1Sabzr, 1mlre: ?a/ 1kak Sal}ab, 1 kak 1 yafni ?axona ruwwa 1klmriwa kako 1(452) Ia gzelox 1 galnas xet l}aqet, 1gal-mafallim ?od-didan? 1Ia tet 1?iyya gebanile, 1 ?iyya 1?atxan 1 HmagenH didew-wex? 1(453) mlre: tama, ma [a-l}qeli galteu? 1 zdeleo 1 mlre: ma la-l}qelox galleu? 1mlrox bäqeu qa{llnneo 1(454) mlre: ?iyya hula?a 1mayle ?ätl la-l}aqet galteuo 1 gal-?o-mlre baqeu hula?a mayle ?atlla-l}aqet, 1 min-xä~eu lapal{et,1 xa xayzaran mxele-lleuo 1 ?atxa girilnne, 1girilnne, 1 ptllle, 1 ptllle, 1 rfflha, ?arba gäre, 1nptlle 1reS ?arao 1(455) ?o la-npllle reS ?ara, 1 qtmle, 1 ba-faqle lamaxeleo1 (456) ?atxa, 1 Ia gben ?ana 1 ma$faren matot o mi$fzrreo 1 bäbeu, 1 da?eu, 1 baxteu, 1 xalunteuo 1 (457) ?ilyelu bel ?isrl nase la-doqile, 1 kmlr: hat qarllnne, 1hat qa{llnneo 1(458) bar A~alawat, $alawat,A 1gebu ?atxa-welao 1?agar gbt 1 xa näSa 1 mindlx ?oflle, 1 yafni ma$ill}lfu xa l-dtxle, 1 A$alawat, $alawatoA 1 HJazH nblllu-lleu, 1 swlqlu-lleuo 1 (459) ?o-S 1 zille bela, 1 nblllu-lleu t{(lha arba naSe, 1 mrtmlu-lleu 1 magon mayto 1(460) ?amren 1 xa yarxa 1 Ia lyete Hbet-kateH dideuo 1?ilyele, 1 faqleu, 1reseu, 1?lleu, 1bar-minnano 1(461) babl zadewa 1 Sxet ?ez min-?o dukkao 1 kmtr: nakun bSilmäna 1 ?atxa gaze 1 maxenile min-{arafto 1HJizzH xa yoma, 1 bablta-gh, 1 dwlqle-lleu min-bareuo 1 (462) mlre bäqeu: 1 mafallim, 1 ?atxa golet ?ibbl? 1 ?atxa golet ?ibbl? 1 ?o-S 1 mi-zduleu mlre: 1 Ia babi, 1 la ?axonl, 1 la, 1 ?ana ?lla nasqlnnoxo 1 ?ana raba mit?asslf-weno 1 ?äna la la000

000

l}qeli galleuo 1(463) ma ?o/? 1dabi ?amlr Ia la-l}qeli galteu, 1 ?ana la-ztlli gebeuo 1 (464) HJazH gzelu ?anne bsilmane ga-suqa 1 ka-?ii xa-nasa, 1 ?it min-xa~it babl lä-patlr- 1 la-bas babl, 1 kud ?isrl, t!flhl hula?e, 1 kud ?isra hula?e, 1 kud xamsa hula?e, 1xa bsilmäna ?atxa ?1twao 1

INFORMANTL

475

(442) He said 'Is everything all right,62 Rabbi?' They all arose before my father. 'What is the matter with you? I hope someone has not insulted to you. (443) Tell (us). Whoever speaks (harshly) to you, weshallknockout his eyes, weshall kill him, we shall slaughter him!' (444) They brought tea, they made coffee - a Jew does not drink anything but coffee and tea. (445) He said to him 'You have not come for no reason. Tell me what has happened'. (446) So he said 'What happened is this.63 That bald Sabir has spoken thus'. (447) Samad was bad, he was a very bad man. Not (always) with Jews, (since) Jews were prisoners in their eyes. (448) Who (would speak) to a Jew? It was a disgrace for them to speak to a Jew. (449) (lf) you hit him, he cannot speak to you. (lf) you (tried to) kill him, he could not raise a hand (against you) in any way. (450) It is a disgrace for somebody just to raise a hand against a Jew. It was like that with them. (451) In the morning he came to Sabir. He said to him 'Sabir, Sabir!' He said 'Yes, brother of Sai)ab (kak - they called an older brother kak)'. (452) 'Could you not find another person to speak (harshly) to (rather than) our Rabbi. Didn't you know that he is our friend.6 4 We are his protectors'. (453) He said 'Why, what do you mean by "I have spoken (harshly) to him"'. He was afraid. He said 'What do I mean by "You have spoken (harshly) to him"?'. You said to him that you would kill him'. (454) He said 'Why is it that you speak (harshly) to this Jew?'. As he said to him 'Why is it that you are speaking to a Jew? You should protect him', he struck him with a stick. He span round, he twisted round like this, three or four times and feil on the ground. (455) When he had fallen on the ground, he started to strike him with his feet. (456) I don't want to curse as he cursed. (He cursed) his father, his mother, his wife, his sister. (457) A group of twenty people came to hold him, he says '1'11 kill him for sure, 1'11 kill him for sure'. (458) After prayers and more prayers - it was like that if they want to do something to someone, that is they made peace with one another- prayers and more prayersthey took him and left him. (459) He went home. Three or four people took him and lifted him like a dead body. (460) l'd say that he did not come to his cafe for a month. (When) he came, his leg, his head, his hands (were wounded)- far be it from us. (461) My father was afraid to go to that place again, saying 'lest the Muslim sees that they hit him for my sake'. One day, as my father was going along, he seized him from behind. (462) He said to him 'Sir, are you doing this to me? Are you doing this to me?'. He, in fear, said 'No, my brother, come Iet me kiss you. I'm very sorry. I didn't speak to him'. (463) What should he do, he had to say 'I have not spoken to him. I did not go to him'. (464) So the Muslims in the market saw that there was a man who protected my father. Not only my father, For every twenty or thirty Jews, every ten Jews, every five Jews, there was a Muslim like that.

62 Literally: 'I ask foregiveness from God'. 63 Literally: 'The state of affairs and the story was thus'. 64 Literally: 'He is with us'.

476

TEXTS

(465) xa?ixwa gal/u, 1 }J,atta ... ma ?amrlnnox? 1 b-iyya srki/, 1 nabllxwälu 1

mindixäne ta-belu, 1 be-?elawld didu, 1 HmatanotH 1 nablixwälu. 1 (466) !fZqilye dehwii nablixwälu, 1 yan le}J,efe 1 nablixwälu, 1 taräze 1 nabllxwälu. 1 b-iyya srki/ 1 xa?ixwa gallu. 1(467) ma ?amrznnox? 1 gebizn 1 raba bSilmane ?itwa 1 raba xriwewelu.1 ?ltwa Spire, 1 ?itwa lii Spire. 1 (468) ?itwäle HJinteresH gal/an. 1 gal/u xa?ixwa, 1 Saqllwa minnan, 1 yafni ?itwäle Hhana?iiH. 1 Ia ?atxa min-tarafit hula?ii lä-gbe. 1 (469) HJazH ?amrinnox mii? 1 b-iyya Sfki/ 1 ?ana xe?eli, 1 ?atxan xa?ixwa, 1 kulla hula?e ?ot-? Arbe/, 1 la-bas hula?at ?Arbe/, 1 kulla dukkii, 1 ?agar Karkilk, 1 ?agar Mu!fil,' ?agar Bagdad, 1 ?itwälan fa/wer gax-xa-l-dixle 13 raba. 1 (470) ?äna amrinnox mii? 1 ?ana dwii?e 1 dru bari 1 ?anne mindixe 1 HbalaszmH 1

?agar doqlwäli, 1 ?amrinnox mii? 1 manni di ?atta-Ieka weli. 1 manni tf/ 1 parte, parte gollwäli.' (471) Ia zadinwa ?ana minnu, 1 magon bäbz, 1 ?ilhii manixle. 1 ?6 Ia zadewa, 1 ?äna-s ?atxa litwa, 1 zdula ?ltwäli, 1 ?amman lii ?atxa 1, yafni farqlnna m-qamu. 1(472) dwälan, 1 raba näse dnwa. 1 (473) mat m!felan 1 ?atxa gollxwa, 1 ga-?Arbe/, 1raba näse misdlrran. 1 xa bron

amonit bäbz, 1 Yosef lfiiy kimriwäle, 1 misdzrran i1Ieu. 1 (474) xa Nuri kimriwa 1 min-Karkilk, 1 qtillu-lleu, 1 ga-?urxa qtillu-lleu. 1 (475) }J,atta ?attii m-bälile. 1 kud dammit Simmeu kmen, 1 yan atxa taxrznne, 1 dimfi. koSz. 1(476) mato naSa! 1 tikma dehwii, 1 tikma päre 1hiwlan bäqeu, 1ka-nablllu 1 ?i{tiim. 1 (477) HhistoryaH ?agar J;,aqinnox IeU u-yomii, 1 piska la-go/. 1 HJAvii/ 1 le?at le?iitH 1 J;,aqen 1 mäto-welan, 1 mato lii-welan. 1 (478) mat ke m-bäli 1 ?ana }J,aqen bäqox, 1 ?axonl, 1 ta-xatrit 1 ?iyya mi!j}J,afit go/itte, 1 HpirsometH 1 Simmit hula?at ?Arbe/. 1(479) hulale zarzfwelu I raba raba, I mare-mi!jWii-we/U, I mare-!jedaqa-We/U. 1 ( 480) waxtit ?ilyelan liixxa, 1 qamol ?alex liixxa 1 ?ltwa hula?e 1 dar min-

?Arbe/,1 ga-Ruwiindiz, 1 min-Batäs, 1 ?askal w-anwaf, 1 Ia-ke m-bäll 1 ?anne mälawe. 1 (481) $ali}J, Yosef Nuri, 1 ?ilhii mani.xle, 1 zllle, 1 polise nbllle gal/eu. 1 (482) päre kawlxwälu, 1 be-päre 1 d mindlx Ia gadlrwa. 1 (483) zillan, 1 ?anne

hula?e menilan, 1 ga-!j[olye, 1 mitwi.lan ga-!jlolit maktiib kimrlwäle. 1 (484) xii säta, 1 säta w-pilge, 1 yoma w-lele 1 gallu weli, 1 yoma w-le/e. 1 ?ixäle gollxwa bäqu. 1 kud yomii 1 xii miSpal}a 1 - ?äna ?zdyo willi bäqu, 1 Ia ?isrl, t{flhl näSe, 1 ?immii näSe, I tre-mma näSe. 1

3 < gal-xa-1-dixle.

INFORMANTL

477

(465) We lived with them until- what should I say? In this way, We would take things to their houses. On their festivals we would take them presents. (466) We would take them small gold rings or we would take them quilts. W e would take them sweets. We lived with them in this way. (467) What should I say. In our community there were many Muslims who were very bad. There were good ones and ones that were not good. (468) (A muslim) had an advantage in us. We lived with them and he would take from us. I mean he had a motivation. It was not because he loved the Jew. (469) Now, what should I say to you? I lived in this way, we used to live, all the Jews of Arbel, not only the Jews of Arbel but of all places, Kirkuk, Mu~il, Baghdad, we had a Iot of contact with each other. (470) What should I say to you? Afterwards those - what do call them detectives looked for me. If they had seized me - what should I say to you? who knows where I would be now. Who knows, they would have cut65 me to pieces. (471) I was not afraid of them, just like my father, may God grant him rest. He was not afraid and I also had no (fear). I had some fear, but not such that I fled from before them. (472) They used to know us. I knew many people. (473) We did whatever we could. In Arbel we sent many people (to Israel). Wesentone son of my father's uncle, called Yosef I:Iay. (474) They killed a man called Nuri from Kirkuk on the way, they killed him. (475) Even now I remember him. Every time I mention his name or I remember him, my tears flow. (476) What a man he was! Wegave him so much gold and money for him to them take there. (477) But if I told you about history night and day, it would not be enough. But, slowly I shall teil you how we lived.66 (478) I shall teil you what I remember, my brother, so that this book that you are preparing will pubHeize the good name of the Jews of Arbel. (479) The Jews were very good people. They performed good deeds and were charitable. (480) When we came here ... before we came here, there were Jews far from Arbel, in Ruwandiz, Bata~, many places, I do not remember those places. (481) Salil,l Yosef Nuriel, may God grant him peace, went and took policemen with him. (482) We used to give them money, without money nothing could be achieved. (483) We went and brought those Jews and put them in the synagogues, in the what was called the Maktab synagogue. (484) Fora year, a year and a half, I was with them day and night, day and night. We used to make food for them. Each day one family (prepared the food). On one such day I made (food) for them all, not twenty, thirty people but one hundred or two hundred people.

65 Literally: 'Made'. 66 Literally: 'How we were, how we were not'.

478

TEXTS

(485) ga-$fola 1 xa Säta, 1 Säta w-pilge. 1 raba ?ode ?itwa-ltam. 1 dukke 1 ?ltwa raba. 1 (486) ?ixala kud-yoma gollxwälu, 1 päre qarpiSixwa, 1 julle, 1 mindlx, 1 wanne1

d

/:laSta Ia go/lwa, HmiskenfmH.r (487) plitlu ?atxa 1 noSu. 1 d mindix Ia

la-m~elu palt! gallu. 1 hal ?ebelan 1 xa?e paltlxxu mi-ltam. 1

(488) xa näSa 1 be-?enit ?onit ruwwe ruwwe 1 zora-we/i ?ana. 1 H?av(z!H mat m~eli ta-?axawä!l, 1 ta-jamaftl, 1 ta-xizml. 1 (489) raba mixll~lan hula?e. 1 keniwa

gebz. 1 (490) ?äna lä-dnwa anne naSit ruwwe. 1 l:zäklm lä-Cinne, 1 ra?ls tajnld läCinne,1 raba min-faskar mixil$fi. 1 (491) ?ana noSi Amaf!nA-weli, 1 AmaffnA geban, 1 ?agar xa näSa bäba hawe/e, 1 bäba ?ixtiyar hawe, 1 AmafznA go!lwäle. 1 yan-baxta 1 lltwäla ...

1

yatumta-wela, 1 Amafzn,Ar H?avatH be-päre. 1 (492) ?ana

xamsl dinäre sqlllu minnl, 1 Amufzn, 1 mufzn.Ar yafni ke?ellu 1 bäbl nbllli-lleu, 1 Hi:zas ve-Salom,Hr bäbl naxlJsile. 1 ?amman qamol ?ezen, 1 mlre bäql: 1 Atafab ldak.A 1 (493) Hha-rofe ha-rasiH Jajzs kimriwale, 1 Hrofe ha-raslH ?ot faskarwele,1 sura?a-wele. 1 Atafab ldak.Ar (494) mlri: Cikma? 1 ?isra, ?isrz? 1 Üi! 1 kmlr xamSz. 1 xa pula biS-bassor la! 1 tama? 1 rabela 1 xams{ dinäre. 1 mzre: tama? 1 xaswet bäqlle bas? 1 ta-kulla, 1 palen bäqu. 1

(495) raba ?it J:zaqen. 1J:zatta So?it ke, 1 Hbe-fezrat ha-Sem,Hr l:zaqex xanCi xet. 1

Flight to Suleimaniyya (496) ?atta gbet 1 l:zaqen bäqox 1 xand res xalonid bäbl, 1 ?ilha manlxte, 1 kimrlwäle 1 Ral:zamlm Mamyäna. 1 (497) xalonid bäbl Ral:zamzm 1 muxtar wele, 1 muxtar, 1 matot ?amret 1 näSa ruwwa, 1 näSe keni gebeu, 1 magon l:zaxam, 1 keni gebeu 1, J:zaqe bäqu, 1 dukklt J:zukumat 1 gez m-qublu J:zaqe, 1 Htefudat zehU.tH patit bäqu, 1fimru kalule. 1 magon ?iyya w-?amtäleu. 1

(498) H?azHI xa yoma, 1 ?ilyelu gebeu, 1 mlru bäqeu: 1 xala Ral:zamlm, 1 mama Ral:zamlm, 1 xa baxta 1 jinwalu. 1 (499) malla ?itwa !tam 1 ga-?o mäla, 1 dur lawela min-Koy Sinjaq. 1 H?azHr mzru bäqeu: 1 ?iyya 1 ?ilyele 1 Siqlale ?iyya baxta, 1 niblale ta-noseu. 1 (500) baxta 1 baxtid gora, 1 yäle ?itta, 1 jwan wela. 1 ?ilyele, 1 gizyale, 1 niblale 1 kl?ellu ya 1!1~/id dideu wela. 1 (501) H?izzH Ia m~elu J:zaqeni galleu. 1 ?ilyelu geb xalonid bäbl, 1 ?ilha manlxle. 1 mlre bäqu: 1 la-zdimun, 1 ?äna 1 jebäje gollnna baqxun. 1 b-lele 1ma wilte? 1

INFORMANTL

479

(485) (They were) in the synagogue for a year, a year and a half. There were many rooms there. There were many places (to live in). (486) Wemade food for them every day, we collected money, clothes and so on, for they, poor things, had no work. (487) They left (their homes) like that, by themselves. They were not able to bring anything with them. We only wanted to bring them out alive from there. (488) In the eyes of those very great people I was a small man. But (I did) whatever I could for my brothers, for my community, for my family. P(489) We did a Iot of saving of Jews. They used to come to me. (490) I used to know the great people. I knew the judge, I knew the army officer. I saved many people from the army. (491) I myself was a helper. (The custom of) a helper in our community (was as follows): If a man had a father, an old father, they used to arrange for him to have a helper, or a woman who had no ... , who was an orphan (she had) a helper, but free of charge. (492) They took fifty dinars from me- a helper. For example, I took my father67 (to the doctor) when my father was ill, God forbid, (all weil and good) but before I went that doctor said 'Let's see the colour of your money•.68 (493) He was called Jarjis. He was the head doctor of the army. He was a Christian. 'Let's see the colour of your money'. (494) I said 'How much? Ten, twenty?' 'No!' he says 'Fifty! Not one penny less!' 'Why? Fifty dinars is a Iot'. He said 'Why, do you think it is for me alone. (It is) for everyone. I shall divide it up for them'. (495) There is a Iot to teil. We shall meet again next week,6 9 (when), God willing, we shall talk a little more.

Flight to Suleimaniyya (496) Now, you want me to speak to you a little about the matemal uncle of my father, may God grant him rest, who was called Rai).amim Mamyana.70 (497) The matemal uncle of my father was a muktär (notable)- muktär, that is 'a great man', people come to him, like a sage. They come to him and he speaks to them. He goes to govemment offices and speaks on their behalf, he acquires an identity card for them, he writes their age, and things similar to this. (498) Now, one day they came to him and said to him 'Uncle Rai).amim, uncle Rai).amim, they have stolen a woman'. (499) There was a mullah in that town, which was not far from Koy Sanjak. They said to him 'This (mullah) has come and taken away the woman, he has taken her for himself'. (500) The woman, who was a wife and had children, was beautiful. He came, saw her and took her away, as if she were his possession. (501) They could not speak to him, so they came to my father's matemal uncle, God grant him rest. He said to them 'Do not fear, 1'11 fix it for you'. What did he do in the night?

67 Literally: 'It was as if I took'. 68 Literally: 'The game of your hand'. 69 Literally: 'Until next week'. 70 Mamyana: 'Tapestry' (Kurd.).

480

TEXTS

(502) ?iyya jinwiile ?o baxtake 1 mln goraw, 1 mln yiilaw, 1 malla-wele. 1

kimrzwii/u ma/la, 1 qemf bqatta, 1 safata JarbiJ, 1 xamSa, 1 yasqf kimrf AJa/lfihu ?akbilr.A 1(503) HJazH ?itwälu mafe-!tam gezlwa, 1 kiirez kimriwiile. 1 gez ?i!tam ?i/eu xailllu, 1 faqteu xalillu. 1 (504) ?o b-le/e 1 xmllle biiqeu, 1 dukkzd gezz 1 ?ilu xallZlu 1 faqlu xallzlu. 1 dwlqle-lleu, 1 xnlqle-lleu, 1 qtllle-lleu. 1 mindele-lleu gamafake.1 (505) mafe kärez-wele, 1 gezwa, 1 zllle, 1 mafake nbzlle-lleu. 1 dwa?e, 1 dl?zre hawa, 1 dl?lre hawa ta-bela. 1 (506) jola-wele, 1 Hma-zeH jola kimrlwiile? 1 ~asta goilwa bl-?ila, 1 ba-faqla. 1 laxxa, 1 b-makine goil. 1 ?i!tam, 1 gollwa b-nasaj

kimriwiile. 1 ( 507) HbaddimH jwlin, jwlin, 1 qliwa, 1 ~asta qliwa, 1 nabllwälu Salusapik ta-gollwäle bäqu. 1 ?aflllu nabllwälu ta-?Angliya, 1 jwlin ?atxa, 1 ~asta qliwta, 1 jwlin, jwlin. 1 (508) ?ilyele ?itlwle, 1 bqatta atxa 1 ~asta lii-go/ 1 ke?ellu

d

mindix zii la-gdlre. 1 (509) HJazH ?anne bsilmäne ?ot ?o mäla 1 qtmlu, 1 ci-la Sme/u, 1 ke/a malla didu? 1 ma gdtre? 1 mllte? 1 Ia m1Ue? 1 (510) ?ilyelu lä-gazeni 1 cZ naS

/tt ga-mizgaft didu. 1 HJazH 1 cZrU, 1 cZrU, 1 cZrU. 1 (511) ?i/ye/u gaw ?o mä/a 1

xalonid bäbz 1 /ii-baqrl minneu: 1 lii /a-gzelox malla? 1 ?ay, 1 /oka malla? 1 ( 512) mlre bäqu: 1 lii /a-gzefi.i mlru: lii la-smelox? 1 mli gadlr? 1 lä-baqlr minnu: ma gdtre? 1 (513) mlru bäqeu: lii /a-cet? 1 /ä-cerex bar mal/a. 1 lii Ia-tex mli gdlräle, 1 /eka zllle, 1 manni 1 jnzwlu-lleu, 1qtillu-lleu, 1 !eka nlblllu-lleu, 1 Ia /a-cex. 1 (514) ?ay hawtir hay/ 1 noSeu williile, 1 qtmle lä-~arlx: 1 ma ?äna ~aqetuni? 1

manni qtllle-lleu? 1 manni nblile-lleu? 1 (515) tama atxa wille? 1 xlitir 1 slk Ia mandeni-lleu 1 ?o ?atxa /ii-wllle. 1 (516) dwa ?o gora-wele. 1 Ia qabllwa 1 mln bSilmiine. 1 hemat ~aqewa gal/eu I maxewäle. 1 lii /a-zadewa mln bsilmäne. 1 (517) HJazH xa yoma, 1 tre yome, 1 xa So?a, 1 tre Sole, 1 f!~ha Sole, 1 xanci xanci, 1

?ilyele min-xabre min-xabre, 1 sme/u 1 ke?el/u 1 yafni 1 ?iyya xalonid bäbl Ra~amim, 1 ?ilha manlxle, 1 ?o ?atxa lii-wllle. 1 (518) ?ilyelu bqlrru minneu: 1 ?ätl

?atxa lä-wlllox? 1 mlre: /ä-s?e/xun! 1 ?äna qatilnne 1 ?il-mal/a didxun! 1 (519) gzele näse /a-~aqeni galleu, 1lä-gbl doqlle qatllle, 1 firqlile. 1 (520) firqlile, 1 zllle geb S/emänlye, 1 geb-six Ma~mi:td ?itwa -!tam. 1 (521) sh Ma~mfld ?asqiya-wele. 1 gal ~ukumat qriiwa golwa. 1 cikma Sinne 1 cikma qtllle 1

mln faskar ?ot flrliq! 1 ga-turäne xa?ewa. 1 kud-waxt ga-tura wele. 1 (522) dwa?e 1 bar cikma Sinne, 1 ~blslu-lleu, 1 dwlqlu-lleu. 1 sonit ... ?o-btibit Sex Ma~mi:td, soneu, 1 gaw-Mu~il $flblu-lleu. 1 HJazH_bron broneu 1 ga-S/emänlya 1

niiSa ruwwa-we/e. 1

INFORMANTL

481

(502) The one who had stolen the woman from her husband, from her children was a mullah. They were called mullahs. They rise in the morning at four or five o'clock, climb up and cry 'God is very great!' (503) They had running water there, called a kiirez (canal). He (used to) go there and wash his hands and feet. (504) He waited for him at night at the place where they washed their hands and feet. He seized him, strangled him, killed him and threw him into the water. (505) The water was a canal, it was flowing. He disappeared, the water carried him away. Then he went back, he went back home. (506) He was a jo/a (weaver). What was somebody called a jola? They would work with their hands and feet. Whereas here they work on machines, there they worked on what was called a 1oom. (507) (They made) beautiful linen, fine work, (which) they (the Kurds) took in order to make themselves suits.71 They even took them to England, they were so beautiful, fine, beautiful work. (508) He came and sat down in the morning to work, as if nothing had happened. (509) Then, the Muslims of that town got up but did not hear anything. Where is their mullah? What has happened to him? Has he died?72 (510) They came to look, there is nobody in their mosque. So, they searched everywhere. (511) They came into the town and asked my father's matemal uncle 'Have you not seen the mullah? Hey, where is the mullah? (512) He said to them 'I have not seen him'. They said 'Have you not heard? What has become of him?' He asks them 'What has become of him?' (513) They said to him 'Don't you know. We are looking for the mullah. We don't know what has happened to him, where he has gone, who has kidnapped him, killed him, where they have taken him, we don't know!' (514) 'Good God!'- he worked hirnself up. He got up shouting 'What are you telling me? Who has killed him? Who has taken him?' (515) Why did he do this? So that they would not suspect that he had done it. (516) They knew that he was a (tough) man, he did not receive (any insults) from Muslims. 'He used to strike anybody who spoke (insultingly) to him. He was not afraid of Muslims. (517) Then, one day (passed), two days, a week, two weeks, three weeks. Gradually various reports circulated and they heard a rumour that it was the matemal uncle of my father Rai).amim, may God grant him peace, who had done it. (518) They came and asked him 'Have you done this?' He said 'Have you gone mad?! Me, kill your mullah!' (519) He saw that people were speaking (unpleasantly) to him and that they wanted to seize him and kill him, so he fled. (520) He fled and went to Suleimaniyya, to a certain Sheikh Mai).mud, who was there. (521) Sheikh Mal).mud was a rebel. He fought against the government. For many years (he fought) and killed many men in the army of Iraq. He lived in the mountains. He was always in the mountains. (522) Then, after a few years, they captured and incarcerated him. The grandfather or father of Sheikh Mai).mud- his grandfather was hanged in Mu~il. His grandson was an important man in Suleimaniyya.

71 Goat-hair suits of the Kurds. Literally: 'Trousers and jacket'. 72 Literally: 'Has he died? Has he not died?'

482

TEXTS

(523) zadeniwa, 1l)ukumat sxet ... qrliwa gall)ukumat Ia wille.' l)ukumat swlqlulleu.1 näSe keniwa gebeu, 1 xanti päre märe hiwlu bäqeu. 1 (524) qlmle littwie gdire xa Sex, 1 Sex ruwwa mag6n AfurbanA 1 ?6t farabne 1 anne lä-geziwa gaw mindix ... rasmäte goliwa ga 1 ... tole. 1 (525) HJizzH zllle, 1 ?ilha manixle xal6nid bäbi zllle gebeu. 1 mire: ?liga 1... hulala, 1 ma gbet? 1tama lä-lyelox? 1(526) HJizzH I

l)qele bäqeu, 1 mire: l)lil u-masala latxa lä-gdiräli. 1 mire: tama ?atxa wlllox? 1 (527) mire bäqeu: ?liga, 1 ma ?amrlnnox? 1 ?iyya baxta baxtid gora-wela. 1 yäle litta. 1 (528) yälake lä-baxeni, 1 gorake lä-baxe, 1 bäbaw, dalaw, xalunyälaw, laxawälaw, lä-baxeni. 1 (529) mlito nabilla tinki jwlin-wela. 1 mlito malla latxa g6l! (530) ?6 kmir AJallähu ?akbar,A 1 gez qare bäqu , 1 qur?lin qare bäqu, 1 ?atxa ?olun, 1 ?atxa ?olun, 1 ?u-gez ?6 ?atxa ?ol. 1 (531) l)qele bäqeu, 1 kulla mlit ?ltwäle, 1 min-lawwall)atta dwa?e l)qele bäqeu. 1 (532) HJizzH ka-smele ?atxa 1 sex Mal}mftd, 1 br6n br6n ?6t :jllblu-lleu, 1bar-minnan, 1 mire bäqeu: itu gebl. 1 ?6t })aqele gallox 1 läna tJrnu leneu paltinnu. 1 (533) HJizzH littwie })atta ... waxtit ?ilyelan laxxa. 1 waxtit ?ilyelan laxxa, 1 Sätit xamsi u-xa, 1 yarxit ?arba, ?Aprll, 1 ?äna-gzeli-lleu, 1 ?ilha manlxle, HJagataH ?itwlile, 1 Hsas ?agala,H 1 nuta mazbinwa. 1(534) terwa ga ... mal)alle 1... Yoqnefam. 1 näsa gora-wele, 1 mardänawele,1 Ia zadewa min bSilmäne. 1 (535) ?lina ke mbäli, 1 yäla-weli, 1 xa Sola 1 litiwli I-Siemänlya. 1 tama zllli Slemanlya? 1 l)asta golinwa geb ?Äser, 1 zeringlr, 1 ?ilha manixle. 1 g6rit xaltl wele. 1 (536) misdlrre-lli, 1 ?ltwa päre ga-Slemanlya, 1 geb-xa zeringir ?ltwäle, 1 Rafa?el kimriwlile. 1 HJizzH misdirre-lli ?ezen ?äna 1 ... pärake ?amlnnu. 1 (537) ztlli, ?6t nbllle 1 zllli galleu, min ?Arbel 1 l)atta ... Slemaniya - y6mit 1

1

jumfa-wele. 1 l)atta mtelan Slemänlya, 1 min-?Arbel zlllan Karkftk, 1 min-Karkak ta-Slemänlya, 1 (538) mtelan, 1 yafni, kixwe plttlu, 1 pilglt-safata, 1 xa-sfata barSabbat mtelan li!tam. 1 (539) HJizzH b-lele 1 li!tam gebeu, lfatan kimriwlile. 1 bIete ?i{tam dzmlxlan. 1 xlllan, 1 Stelan, 1 dmlxlan. 1 (540) bqatta zillan kniSta, 1 zillan #ola, li!tam ~!elan. 1 (541) ?6 l)azzan didu, 1 mafallim ?Isl)liq, 1 ?ilha manixle, 1 l)axam ruwwa-wele. 1 ?6 ?ilyele gdire l)axam bi-Slemänlya, 1 broneu Nistm 1 mztiwle-lleu dukkeu ga-Koy. 1(542) HJizzH gzele-lli,' ?6 y?ll/e-lli.' tama? baruxid bäbl-wele. 1

INFORMANTL

483

(523) They were afraid. He did not fightagairrst the government any more. The government released him. People used to come to him and gave him some money. (524) Then he became a sheikh, a great sheikh like the Arab bedouin, the people who used to go in..., who pitched tents in the desert areas (outside the town). (525) So he went, the matemal uncle of my father, may God grant him rest, went to him and he said 'Jewish Aga, what do you want, why have you come?'. (526) Then he spoke to him and said 'Such-and-such has happened to me'. He said 'Why did you do this?'. (527) He said to him 'Aga, what should I say to you? That woman was a married woman.73 She has children. (528) The children are weeping, the husband is weeping. Her father and mother, her sisters and brothers are weeping. (529) How could he take her because she was beautiful? How could a mullah do this? (530) He says "God is very great" and reads for them, reads the Qur'an for them "Do this, do that" and he hirnself goes and does this'. (531) He told him, he told him everything that had happened to him, from the beginning until the end. (532) Then, when Sheikh Mab.mud, the grandson of the one whom they hanged, God forbid it happening to us, heard this, he said to him 'Stay with me. Whoever who speaks (harshly) to you, I shall put out both his eyes'. (533) So he stayed with him until the time we came here. When we came here, in the year (19)51, in the fourth month, April, I saw him, may God grant him peace, with a cart and horse, selling oil. (534) He went araund the streets, in Yoqne'am. He was a real man. He was brave, he was not frightened of Muslims. (535) I remember, when I was a child, I stayed for a week in Suleimaniyya. Why did I go to Suleimaniyya? I was working for Asher, the goldsmith, may God grant him peace , who was the husband of my aunt. (536) He sent me since he was owed money74 in Suleimaniyya. He was owed it by a goldsmith called Rafa'el. So he sent me to fetch the money. (537) I went, I went with the one who took (me), from Arbe! to Suleimaniyya. It was Friday. Before we reached Suleimaniyya we went from Arbe! to Kirkuk, then from Kirkuk to Suleimaniyya. (538) We arrived (when) the stars had come out. We arrived there half an hour, or one hour, after Sabbath. (539) We (spent) the night there with him, he was called I:Iatan. We slept there at nignt. We ate, drank and slept. (540) In the morning we went to a synagogue there and prayed. (541) Their cantor, Rabbi Is)J.aq, may God grant him peace, was a great scholar. He came and became a scholar in Suleimaniyya. He put his son Nisim in his place in Koy. (542) Now, he saw me and recognized me. Why? Because he was the friend of my father.

73 Literally: 'The wife of a man'. 74 Literally: 'Had money'.

484

TEXTS

(543) ?anne niiSe J:taxamim ruwwe-weluo 1 HruwwaJ:t ha-qodesH ?itwfiluo 1

J:taqeniwa gar-ruJ:teo 14 ttkma niiSe trt~/u/ 1 (544) H?azH bar #ola, 1 mzre biiqz: broni, 1 ma lii-golh laxxa? 1 ?iJ:tqeli biiqeu, 1 mzre: ?ila gebl. 1 (545) ?iyya lfatan 000

kimrzwiile ?ot mele-lli 1 mzre: la/ 1 gebl kawh. 1 mzre: dwa?e ?ila gebzo 1 (546) bar-xillan b-yom sabbat, 1zlllan tayxiina kimrlwiilao 1ba-?urxa 1 ?iyya ?ot mewiinew-weli lfatan kimrzwiile, 1Simmeu lfatan-wele, 1 gzele-llew il-xalonid biibzo 1(547) mzre biiqeuo 1mama Ra/:tamim, 1mama RaJ:tamim, 1tlmma/ 1 ga-?Arbel weilo 1 bron xaluntox 1 raba raba Sliime maSdzrroxo 1 (548) ?o-mzre: qurbiineu 000

gadren, 1gejen b-reSeu, 1 gejen b-reSeu, bron xaluntZo 1(549) mzre biiqeu: ?agarbroneu maxunne-llox, 1ma kawltti? 1mlre: mannile? 1 ?iyyele broneu? 1 qurbiinox gadren/ 1 (550) xlptqle-lli, 1 xa sfata Ia swiqle-lfi.i ?o lii-baxe, 1 ?ana baxeno 1 kapparox gadren, 1gejen b-resoxo 1 fimrl biiqox haweo 1xrpiqle -111, 1 Ia swiqle-lli ?ezeno 1 (551) H?azH /ii-gbex ezexo 1 ?iyya Hbafal ha-bayitH didi 1 kmzr: holle-lli ?anao 1?iyya mewanid didi lewe? 1 fot, ?atxa minnl, ?atxa minnox min-J:talox, 1bgamme ?atxao 1(552) xa Sofa, 1la-Swtqle palten mzn Slemiinlyao 1tikma barqiye hiwlu min-?Arbe/, 1 ta-biibi, 1 ta-?oni 1 jwiibu lii-kawzwa: 1 gebile, 1 la-zdimuno 1 (553) ?ilha manixle, 1 xalonid biibz 1 xa-niiSa ruwwa-wele, 1 xa-niisa ?iiza-wele, 1 min-ti mindix Ia zadewa, 1 hlto 1 ?i!tam ?itlwle ga-mindix, 1 Slemiiniya, 1 J:tatta ?ilye/e laxxao 1 (554) gazltwiile xanti kirya-wele, 1 ?ilha manixleo 1 H?ava[H fimreu 1?imma bi-zoda wete, 1?imma sinne bi-zoda xe?eleo 1J:tatta yomid dwa?e dideu 1reSeu Ia mrele, 1Ia y?zlleo 1 (555) H?azH ?itwa gaw hula?e raba, 1 xizme didan, 1 ger xizme ?itwa, 1 niiSe

?atxa noSu qurban goilwiile, 1 reSit niiSe, 1 reSit hulale, 1 reSit ?anne faqzr ufaqiirat,1 ?itwa rabao 1 ?agar ?atxa Ia goliwa, 1 Ia ?oliwa atxa, 1 qatilwa anne brsilmiineo 1 (556) ?amrinnox ma? 1 niiSe, 1 niiSZt ?atxa 1 ?atta lit, 1 waxtit didan ltt ?atxa

niiSe H~addiqimoH 1 bar piire Ia terz, 1 bar T{lfz{ Ia terz, 1 H?anSe J:tayi/, 1 son?e ba~afoH 1 (557) kimrlwiile: mama RaJ:tamim, 1tama J:taSta goleto 1 kmtr: broni, 1ma hawen? 1 ma ?oten? 1 ?iina lii-lyeli piire min-J:tukumat Saq/en? 1 ?ana kawen tabiiquo1 (558) kimrlwiile: ?axlr fimrox tmiinl ?itfi Sinnele, 1 ?imma Sinne-wet ?atl, 1tama J:tasta gotet? 1

4 < ga/ ru~eo

INFORMANTL

485

(543) Those people were great scholars. They had the holy spirit in them. They spoke with spirits. They cured so many people! (544) After synagogue, he said to me 'My son, what are you doing here?' I spoke to him. He said 'Come to me'. (545) The man called I:Iatan, who brought me, said 'No!, you will be with me'. He said 'Come to me afterwards'. (546) So, after we had eaten on Sabbath, we went to what is called a 'tea house'. On the way, the man whose guest I was, called I:Iatan - his name was I:Iatan - saw the matemal uncle of my father. (547) He said to him 'Uncle Rai)amim, uncle Rai)amim, yesterday I was in Arbe!. The son of your sister sends you many greetings'. (548) He said 'I would lay down my life for him,75 for the son of my sister'. (549) He said to him 'If I were to show you his son, what would you give me?' He said 'Who is he? Is this his son? I would lay down my life for you'. (550) He hugged me. He did not Iet me go for an hour. He was weeping and I was weeping. 'I would lay down my life for you. Let my life be for you!' He hugged me and would not Iet me go. (551) Then we want to go. My host says 'Give him to me, isn't he my guest? Go, or 1'11 do such-and-such to you' - this was said in jest. (552) For a week he did not Iet me leave Suleimaniyya. They sent so many telegrams from Arbe!. They replied to my father, (they replied) to those (telegrams): 'He is with me, do not fear'. (553) The matemal uncle of my father, my God grant him rest, was a really great man. He was a really tough man. He was afraid of nothing. He stayed there in Suleimaniyya until he came here. (554) He looked rather stooped,76 but he was more than a hundred years old, he lived for more than a hundred years. Until his last day he did not have a headache, he did not know (what a headache was). (555) So there were many people among the Jews, our family and other families, who sacrificed themselves for other people, for Jews, for the poor and needy, there were many (such people). If they did not do that, (if they) did not do that, the Muslims would have killed (them). (556) What should I say? There are no people like that in our time, righteous people. They do not seek money or possessions. (They are) 'virtuous people, haters of (ill-gotten) profit'.77 (557) They used to say to him 'Uncle Rai)amim, why are you working?' He says 'My son, what should I be, what should I do? Have I come to take money from the govemment? I shall give to them'. (558) They said to him 'But you are eighty, ninety years old, you are a hundred! Why are you working?'

75 Literally: 'Let me become bis sacrifice, Iet me become bis expiatory sacrifice on bis head'. This is a reference to the practice of sacrificially transferring sins to a chicken that is spun round the head before it is slaugtered, known in Hebrew as kappara. 76 Literally: 'You saw that he was rather short'. 77 Exodus 18:21.

486

TEXTS

(559) kmlr: l}atta ?äna pisa-hawen, 1 ?enl plixe haweni, 1 ?iina l}asta goten, 1 ?agar ?ilha qiwta hawul/i.

1

(560) ?amrlnnox ma? 1 r/iba ... ?agar l}aqlnnox reS bäbz, 1 reS xalonid bäbz, 1 reS jamaftan, 1 reS ?anne näSlt ruwwe, 1 noSu gollwäla kappära reS hula?ad didan. 1 (561) pakku la-wele 1 ?agar qatlilu, 1 har mat ?olllu, 1 bas xa hula?a 1 maxtr~l min-?llit xa bSilmäna. 1 (561) b-lyya stkil xe?elan, 1 b-lyya stkil

HJahabaH ?itwiilan, 1 gal-dixle. 1 Hsin?aH litwa. 1 hula?a 1-hula?a Hral}amH gollwa. 1 (563) waxtit gadzrwa, 1 waxtit Pesa/}, 1 lelit patire kimrlze, 1 HJizzH kawiwa, 1 kmeniwa päre, 1 qarprslwa min jamafta, 1 kawlwa ta-?anne faqire. 1 (564) faqzr, 1 Hma-zeH faqlr, 1 kullu faqzr-welu, 1 b-imma ?icfl w-icfa, 1 ylmkin ?isra, xamsa Iltwa 1 dawlamande, 1 kulla faqire-welu. 1 (565) HJazH päre qarpiSzwa, 1 kawiwälu, 1 xit{e zonzwa 1 ta-Jelit patire. 1 (566) HJazH noSu magon [axxa Hma~~otH lttwa, 1 be[a gollwa, 1 xa yarxa, 1 b-HtorH 1 , ?atxiz kud-yoma xa näSa golwa Hma~~ot.H (567) Hma~~otH gollwa zore zore. 1 ?oni xet, 1 ?anne lixma ruwwe ruwwe ?atxa, ?arife kimrlwälu, 1 ?arlf, 1 ?atxa basima-wele, 1 ?atxa magon mindlx-wele, 1 qalula, 1 qalula jw/in, har-gb!twa 1

•••

?axlitwa, 1 bas min-

?iyya piSka golwälox. 1 (568) Hbe-fezrat ha-SemH 1 xa-jar xh, ?agar ?ilyelox, 1 1

Hbli-neder, 1 ?azH-IJ,aqena bäqox, 1 riiba riiba ?lt l}aqen. 1 (569) HJavazH ?amrlnnox ma? 1 hula?ad didan, 1 b-kulla dukke, 1 la-bas ga-?Arbe/, 1 ga-Mu~i/, 1 ga-Bagdäd, I ga-Ba~ra, I ga-K arkük. 1 xa-l-xa ral}miwa, I ral}amta ?ltwälu. 1 (570) ?agar-xa näsa napllwa, 1 qemiwa b-wäjlbit dideu. 1 kawlwäle päre, 1 ?agargazeniwa y/ile ?ltwäle, mindlx ... ?itwälu Hral}manütH xa l-d!xle. (571) l-iyya 1

1

Hha-qados barux huH 1 ?ebele-llan, 1 swlqle-llan, 1 l}atta ?ilyelan ?arid didan ?ot bäbawiilan, 1 ?Abraham, ?lsl}aq wf-Yafqob. 1 (572) sonit sonan 1 ?ebelu gazenila ?ere~ yisra?e/. 1 ?oni la-zkelu. 1 ?atxan 1 Hbarux ha-semH ?ilyelan ?ere~ yisra?e/. 1

(573) kud daqtq d-laxxa-wen ga-?ere~ yisra?e/ 1 la maxilplnna kulla ?Arbe/ hawlla bäql, I xa daqlqit laxxa Ia kawunna b-kulla ? Arbe[, I har mat itwiili.l (574) zeringzr well, dukäna itwäli,l fitrlna 1twäli, ?arba xamsa tabaqe 1

1

dehwa, 1 sehma, 1 l}iili baS-wele, 1 ?ilha me/e bäqz, 1 l}atta ?ilye/an /axxa, 1 HJava[H laxxa ger mindlxila. 1

INFORMANTL

487

(559) He says 'So long as I am alive and my eyes are open, I shail work, if God gives me strength'. (560) What should I say to you? (There would be) a Iot (to say) if I were to teil you about my father, about the matemal uncle of my father, about our community, about those great people, who sacrificed themselves for the Jews of our community. (561) They did not mind if they were killed or if anything was done to them, so long as they saved a Jew from the hands of a Muslim. (562) We lived in this way. We had Iove for one another in this way. There was no hatred. A Jew was charitable to another Jew. (563) When it was Passover, which was cailed the festival of cakes of unleavened bread, they would give, they would bring money, they would coilect it from the community and give it to the poor. (564) But what is poor? They were ail poor, ninety-nine percent of them. Perhaps there were five or ten wealthy people. Everyone was poor. (565) So, they coilected money and gave it to them, and they bought wheat for the festival of cakes of unleavened bread. (566) As for the cakes themselves, there were no cakes of unleavened bread like here (bought ready-made), they used to make them by themselves at home, for a month in turns, so that every day someone made cakes of unleavened bread. (567) They made them very small. The others were large loaves, cailed 'arif. This was so tasty, so ... , so light that you just wanted to eat it. It was enough for you by itself. (568) With God's help, if you come another time, God willing,78 I shail speak to you, there is much to teil. (569) But what should I say to you? The Jews of our community in all places not only in Arbel, in Mu~il, in Baghdad, in Ba~ra, in Kirkuk - they were compassionate to one another, they had compassion. (570) If someone feil, they took care of his needs. They gave him money, if they saw that he had children, and so on. They had compassion for one another. (571) Forthis reason, the Holy One, blessed be he, loved us. He preserved us until we came to our land, (the land) of our fathers, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. (572) The grandfathers of our grandfathers wanted to see the Land of Israel. They did not succeed. W e, God be praised, came to the Land of Israel. (573) I would not exchange any minute that I am here in the Land of Israel, even if they were to give me the whole of Arbel. I would not give one minute of being here for the whole of Arbel, whatever I had. (574) I was a goldsmith, I had a shop, I had a window display with four or five Ievels of gold and silver, my Situation was good, God provided for me until I came here, but here it is something different.

78 Literally: 'Without a vow, i.e. I take no vow on it'.

488

TEXTS

(575) ?atta lii-LyeLox lii-gbet l}aqen biiqox reS huLa?ad ?Arbe/. 1 reS ?enz, 1 reS xa?l, 1 har-mat gbet, 1 Hbe-fezrat ha-semH 1 ?agar- mtit ma~en, 1 mtit aLe rn-ball J}aqen biiqox, 1 HtirgumH goLen biiqox, 1 ?agar xa mindlx biiqox ?atxa hawe 1 ma~et ?iyya Wlinit didan 1 La mansenile, 1 yafni La ?ez min-HfoLamH, 1 l}atta

dinye piSteLa. 1 (576) dwa?e 1 xa magonox 1 gbe liStinit didan kaLuLe, 1 mato weLa ?ArbeL. 1 xaswen ?atta ?atl glsa-wet 1 w-iina-s xanti glsli,l pakklLewe. 1

Phrases used when people meet (577) HsaLom faLexem. H mtito kefox? 1

(578) spireLe, Hbarux ha-sem. H 1

( 579) sLtima drl-lleu. 1 (580) peSet b-SaLoml. 1 (581) ?ilha hawe gallox. 1

1

1

INFORMANTL

489

(575) Now you have come wanting me to tell you about the Jews of Arbe!. By all means, whatever you want, with the help of God, if ... whatever I can, whatever I remember I shall tell you, and translate for you, if anything will allow you to be able to prevent this language of ours from being forgotten, that is (prevent) it from disappearing, so that it lasts for ever. (576) Then someone like you will write down our language, as it was in Arbe!. I think you are tired now and I am a little tired, but I don't mind.

Phrases used when people meet (577) (578) (579) (580) (581)

Peace be upon you. How are you? Fine, God be blessed. Convey greetings to him. Farewell.79 God be with you.

79 Literally: 'Remain in peace'.

INFORMANTY Everyday life (1) welan 1 ba-flraq 1 ?isrl u-tmanya bäte. 1 kulla gal-dixle J:zasta goliwa. 1 welan kitllan gal-dlxle. 1 (2) gure J:zasta gollwa l-tara, 1 keniwa-(ha)wa fa#r, 1 kxilwa, 1 xe{iwa, 1 kxilwa, 1 yatwlwa gal-belu yalu. 1 (3) ~ayxana ?itwa, 1 b-lele gezlwa kulla baruxe, 1 yatwiwa, 1 kef gollwa. 1 (4) ?atxan ?il-bela Jise HfavodaH La gollxwa ba-flraq. 1 yale marwlxwa. 1 baba ?itwali, 1 HtippuJH golixwa bbeu. 1 minbela HpafamH la-paltixwa tara ?iSe, 1 la-bas HJanlH, 1 kulla ?ise, 1 ba-flraq 1 J:zasta 1 Ia goliwa. 1 ?il-bela kweniwa. 1 (5) ?6-damma hestan jaJ:zll-weli, 1 yaltaweli,1 Ia raba fakrlxwa. 1 (6) dwa?e yäle ?itwali, 1 ?irwelu. 1 yalit ?arba, 1 yabroni meli-lleu mzn ?Arbel, 1 fimreu ?arba Sinne, 1 laxxa b-lsra?el. 1 (7) bräta ?itwali rubta, 1 fimraw ?ista sinne. 1 ?itwali ?arba yäle. 1 ?o-zora 1 t!qha yarxewele, I ?ilyelan ta-?1 sra?el. 1 (8) wele Spira ?it-gäre mazza/. 1 ?it-gäre, I galfarabne1 qräwe ?ltwa, 1 ?it-gäre !ltwa. 1 Hdavka,HI raba la-fatjliwa bU-hula?e. 1

Houses 1 (9) ?atxan, 1 ?ltwälan tre hode 1 wl-xa haywan 1 basllxwa gaw. 1 ?o-dukka lixma gollxwa, 1 julle xallixwa, 1 basllxwa. 1 dwa?e 1 bar-parqixwa, 1 kulla qansixwa, 1 marislxwäle. 1 (10) kulla jiräne kimyanwälu, 1 samavar matwanwa. 1 dalmäna golanwa gaw-HkumkumH ruwwa. 1 dartxwäle reS timmit samavar. 1 ( 11) wt soneu 1 masdlrwälan zatye Saxine min-Suqa, 1 satla ?ot-masta, 1 qaynag 1 Hb-toxH majmaf mgan-iyya 1 ruwwa. 1 zmita masdlrwäle bäqan gai-Dan?el bronMuxäna.1 ?o-wele har-gallox, I murwele-llox. 1 masdlrwälan kud bqatta, I kud bqatta. 1 ( 12) (Nisan: ta-kullu ?ltwa dukka ta-näsake?) HkenfH 1 ?ltwälan dukka ruwwa. 1HJazH mato keniwa? 1(13) be ... babit Yosef 1 tmanya yan-?ic?a nafare; 1 da?eu, 1 xalunteu, 1 babeu, 1 t!~hiz nafare. 1 ?atxan welan so?a tmanya nafare. 1 we-heSta-S keniwa Hsxenlm-isH geban. 1 ( 14) kud mindl jwan matwlwa ?il-lax, 1 ?iyya hoda qastlwäle, 1 Hmada(imH 1

mindixane jwan jwan dareniwa gaw, 1 tabqe, 1 HJa~i~zm,H 1 kimrlwäle barbaqi, 1 ta-mafl Sta?a-s kimrlwa barbaql. 1

INFORMANTY Everyday life (1) We were, in Iraq, twenty-eight households. Everyone worked together. We were all together. (2) The men worked outside. They came back in the

afternoon. They ate and sewed. They ate and sat with their family and children. (3) There was a tea shop. In the evening all the friends went (there).They sat and had a good time. (4) We, the women at home, did not work, in Iraq. We brought up children. I had a father (at home) and we looked after him. We women never went out of the house. Not only me, but all the women. In Iraq, they did not work. They werein the house. (5) At that time I was still young. I was a girl. We did not understand much. (6) Then I had children. They grew up. The fourth child, this son of mine, I brought from Arbe! (when) he was four years old, (when we arrived) here in Israel. (7) The eldest daughter of mine was six years old. I had fourl children. The youngest one was three months old (when) we came to Israel. (8) It was a good (iife). Sometimes fortune favoured us. Sometimes there were conflicts with the Arabs, sometimes there were not. Actually, they did not interfere much with the Jews. Houses 1 (9) We had three rooms and a verandah, where we used to cook. We used to make bread there, wash clothes and cook. Then, after we had finished, we swept it all and mopped it clean. (10) I brought in all the neighbours and put out a samovar. I put tea leaves in a big pot and placed it on the mouth of the samovar. (11) His grandfather2 used to send us warm pitta bread from the market, a pot of cheese and butter on a big tray like this. He sent it full to us with Daniel, the son of Muxana. He was always with you, he brought you up. He sent (things) to us every morning. (12) (Nisan: Was there room for everyone?) Yes! We had a big place. Otherwise, why would they come? (13) The family of Yosef's father consisted of eight or nine people. His mother, his sister, his father were three. We were seven or eight people. Moreover, also the neighbours came to us. (14) We placed all kinds of beautiful things there. We decorated the room. We put beautiful things on the shelves. Plates, flowerpots, which were called barbaqi (in our language). (Vessels) for drinking water were also called barbaqi.

1 In fact she had five. 2 I.e. the father of the informant Sarah Yosef, the mother of Nisan, who was sitting next to his mother when the recording was made.

492

TEXTS

(15) HJaviziH ?atxizn Ia gezlxwa gaw-biite, 1 samex 1 mli niise lii-kimrl. 1 kud-nasa bizs il-belit noSeu ttlwa ma-?it. 1 Ia gezlwa ~erlwa 1 gizwit bate niiSe 1 ba-? Arbel. 1 (16) (GK: biiq~a ?itwiz-lxun?) biiq~a, 1 ?itwiilan 1 ba-?Arbel, 1 jwlin-wela. 1 ?urxiine 1 min-ya-l?a w-?o-l?a. 1 Je 1 ma-nawfe 1 warde gollwa! 1 (17) ?izra litwa. 1 hemat xa-dukkiz noseu banewa 1 ?ltwiile ?ariz. 1 ?iyyiz dukka, 1 doqlwiilu innabiite bi-kre. 1(18) xa-bSilmana HfasirH_wele. 1 bnele 1tre bate, 1 kimrlwiilu ~ii$lir. 1 xiz ?isrl u-tmanya biite, 1 xiz xamsl biite. 1 ( 19) yatwlwa gal-dixle. 1 kulla yatwlwa, 1 bi-qe(a, 1 bi-sitwa 1 gal-dixle kweniwa. 1 kud xa 1 belit noseu. 1 (20) kawlwa biite Hle-fi miSpa~a.H 1 ?o-dizmmit ?atxizn zlllan 1 hestizn HmiSpa~izH zora-we/an. 1 dwiz?e zltlan xiz-dukka xet Snelan. 1 (21) tre hode

Siqlllan, 1 haywan Siqlllan, 1 w-itlwlan. 1 keniwa mewiine gebizn. 1 ?itwali yiile. 1 soteu u-soneu ?od-biib'im 1 keniwa gebizn. 1 (22) ?o-dukka, 1 lltwa ?ax~iz gam,

1

kurbil 1 mga-attaneha. 1 qatiyan, 1 la-bqatta, 1 wi-la-fli$ir, 1 wi-la-pilgid-yom, 1 qa(iyizn la-kixllxwa ~atta-oni la-?aleniwa gallizn yatwlwa. 1

Synagogues (23) $[ola ?ltwa 1 kimriwala $[ola rubta. 1 xiz-$[ola ?ltwa 1 res-ture, 1 dur-wela xanti. 1 (24) gaw-pilgliwit ?Arbel 1 kimrlwiila $[olit qalfa. 1 pilgawaw 1 ?iyyiz qalfiz kulla biitit-bSilmane wele. 1 ?iyyiz $[oliz gaw-pilgawit kullu wela. 1 (25) wihizr xiz Samas hula?iz ?ltwa bi-giiweu. 1 samlrwiila ?iyyiz $[oliz ~atta lyelan ta?/sra?e/.1 (26) $aleniwa gure, 1 ?iSe. 1 be-?elawe, 1 bi-Kippur 1 gezlxwa l-lax. 1 (27) $[olit qalfiz basimta-wela, 1 rumantiz, rubta. 1 ?lmma sltre tora ?ltwa gawaw. 1 (28) ?ltwa raba #olye gebizn. 1 ylmkin ?lsta so?a-?itwa 1-? Arbel 1 bizoda-s,1 bar-#olit qalfa. 1 (29) ?iSe Ia gezlwa ta-$[ola. 1 har-gure gezlwa. 1 ?znna tre-yiile brit wlllu, 1 niise niblllu ta-$[ola. 1 kimrlwa baxtiz ?iisurile ?alyiz ta$[oliz,1 lii-ydllla. 1 ?iisurile ?izlya gaw-~izwSit $loliz. 1

INFORMANTY

493

(15) But we did not go into the houses to hear what people were saying. Everyone knew what happened only in their own house. One did not go around people's houses in Arbe!. (16) (GK: Did you have a garden?) We had a garden in Arbe!. It was beautiful. There were paths on this side and that side. Oh yes, what a variety of flowers they grew there! (17) W e had no land. Whoever built a place by hirnself had land. In that place they used to rent the houses. (18) One Muslim was rich. He built two houses called 'enclosures'. One had twenty-eight apartments, the other fifty apartments. (19) The people lived together. They alllived together in the summer and winter. They were all together, everyone in his own apartment. (20) They would give apartments according to the family. When we went there, we were stillasmall family. Then we moved to another place. (21) We rented3 two rooms and a verandah and settled there. Guests came to us. I had children. His grandmether and grandfather, on his father's side,4 came to us. (22) In that place there were not so many worries as there are now. Never, not in the morning, not in the evening, not at midday, never did we eat so long as they did not come to sit with us.

Synagogues (23) There was a synagogue called the great synagogue. There was a synagogue in the mountains, it was quite a long way away. (24) In the middle of Arbe! (there was a synagogue) called the synagogue of the citadel. The centre of it5, that is the citadel, was filled with the houses of the Muslims.6 This synagogue was situated in the midst of all of them. (25) There was only one Jewish beadle in it. He was the custodian of this synagogue until we came to Israel. (26) The men and women used to pray. At the time of festivals and on the Day of Atonement, we went there. (27) The synagogue of the citadel was beautiful, high and !arge. There were a hundred scrolls of the Bible in it!. 7 (28) We had many synagogues. There were perhaps six or seven in Arbe!, or even more, apart from the synagogue of the citadel. (29) The women did not go to synagogue but only the men went. When these two children were circumcised, people took them to the synagogue. They said that a woman is forbidden to come to the synagogue when she has given birth. It is forbidden for her to enter the building of the synagogue.

3 Literally: 'We took'. 4 I.e. the parents-in-law of Sarah Yosef. 5 l.e. of Arbe!. 6 Literally: 'All of it was the houses of the Muslims'. 7 The synagogue of the citadel was one of the oldest in the town; cf. Ben-Ya'aqov (1961:94), who cites a source dating its establishment to as early as the 12th century A.D.

494

TEXTS

Hauses 2 ?itwa bate ?ot-faqlr-we/e, 1 bela min-tinii litwale. 1 loddawlamiind-welu, 1kulla-bate, 1 kut kepa mi-xii-nawaf baneniwa. 1 lax kimriwale karpu~. 1 (31) kimriwalu Hbinyan larusl.H 1 kut kepa 1 mi-xii-nawaf matwlwa. 1

?inna bate 1 ?ax~a jwan baneniwalu. 1

Passover (32) Pesa/} 1 ?i/-llraq tre-lele golixwa. 1 HkenH Nsal} ba-flraq tre-lele golixwa. 1 (33) soneu 1 lisr{ Sinne torii i/{p/e 1 bet midraS li/-?Arbe/. 1 wi-babeu 1 heStan ... dlwa, 1 HJavatH mgö-babeu /a-dlwa. 1 go!lwa, 1 yatuwwa H[el-a-sederH qarewala har-noseu. 1 (34) kud ?elii 1 keniwa geban 1 HmiSpal}lmH 1 ?od-babl. 1 keniwa kullu geban 1 w-ana Hf-iStatetH go/anwa res-kullii. 1 (35) basliinwa, 1 goliinwa, 1 kulla go/anwa baqu. 1 lil-lixma, 1 me-reS yarxit N{san, 1 lixma gollxwa b-tandura. 1 (36) tfq.ha lise ?ixtiyare, 1 tre lesii gollwa, 1 wi-xa 1 tapyiiwale b-tandura. 1 $iwe mandeniwa gaw, 1 nurii malqlwa. 1 :jiwake yaq!lwa, 1 gadrlwa 1... pangurye. 1 (37) ?il-lixmii 1 mapeniwale. 1 lixmake palxlxwäle. 1 ?isrl blane yatw!wa. 1 kudH~eleqH1 ximei ?ax~a go/wa, 1 xa ?atxa golwa 1 ?u-xa-xlti marzwwä/e, 1 ku/wäle

ta ... liyyat bas/ale. 1 ( 38) xamsa-siir yome 1 lixma gollxwa ta-kulla l Arbe/. 1 ?atxan 1 HmiSpa~aH rubtii-welan. 1 b-yomit dwiile, 1 kud Hmo:jale SabbatH 1 baqan wete, 1 mln Hmo:jale SabbiitH 1 ~atta bqiitta. 1 (39) samäwiir länamatwanwa,1 ~iiy golanwa, 1 lixala golanwa, 1 ~atta :jiwake yaq!lwa. 1 (40) bäbeu 1 Jitwa/e raba barUXWlife. 1 raq!lwa, I X[U/a gollwa, I J}atta :jlWake parqzwa. 1 yatwlwa-(ha)wa, 1 xii-gar xet HJoto-davar.H 1 (41) Htef a-sederH 1 kulla xetlwa, 1 loslwa mga-HmallaximH gure, 1 lise. 1 (42) basllxwa hayyii. 1 ku/la mal}adirlxwa, 1 hodii ma~adirlxwä/e. 1 (43) Ia yatuxwa mga-laxxa res-kursye. 1dosake matuxwa min-dawrit hodii, 1 Hkariyot.H 1 (44) kulla yatwlwa, 1 yale xii-lla, 1 ?lse xii-lla, 1 gure kulla b-xa rezii. 1 (45) majmaf 1 mal}adiriinwa, 1 kulla mindixane lot-HI}aroset, 1 zrowwaf, 1 ma:j:jotH ?ot-Hfel-a-seder,H 1 kullii matuxwa gawit majmaf, 1 ?il-~alleq, 1 ?ilHzrowwaf,H1 kullii matuxwa, 1 mät-gbewa, 1 kliwete b-tora. 1 (46) yatuwwa babi, 1

m(it qarewa 1 kmlr liyyii mtu, 1 ?iyyii mtu, 1 miit kmirwäll 1 matwiinwa. 1 (47) gotlxwa b-{aSte H~aroset,H 1 b-qaspe ?u-goze, 1 qorye ruwwe. 1

INFORMANTY

495

Houses 2 (30) Houses - there were houses. Whoever was poor had a house of mud. Those who were rich built all the house with one single type of stone. There, they called them 'bricks'. (31) They called them (the houses) 'Russian buildings'. Each stone that they laid was of one single type. They built those houses so beautifully.

Passover (32) We celebrated Passover in Iraq for two nights. Yes, we celebrated Passover in Iraq for two nights. (33) His grandfather8 learnt Torah for twenty years in a bet midrash in Arbe!. His father9 knew (Torah) but not as well as his father.lO Their custom was that he would sit on Seder night and read it (the Torah) by himself. (34) On every festival, families of relatives on my father's side came to visit us. They all came to us and I organized everything. (35) I cooked, I worked, I did everything for them. As for the bread, from the beginning of the month of Nisan we used to make bread in the oven. (36) Three old women - two made the dough and one stuck it to the oven. They put sticks in it and lit a fire. The sticks burnt and became embers. (37) They baked the bread. We would openout the bread. Twenty girls sat together. One did this and one did that, another mixed it and gave it to the one who was doing the cooking. (38) For fifteen days we made bread for the whole of Arbe!. We were a big family. On the last day, and every Saturday night, (we had time) for ourselves - from Saturday night until the following morning. (39) I used to bring in a samovar, make tea and make food, so long as the wood was burning. (40) His father11 had many friends. They danced and were merry until the (burning) wood went out. They sat down again, and another time (they did) the same. (41) On the night of theSeder they sewed everything and dressed like angels, the men and women. (42) We cooked early. We prepared everything. We prepared the room. (43) We did not sit on chairs, like we do here. We laid out mattresses araund the room, and cushions. (44) Everyone would sit down, the children one side, the women one side, all the men in one row. (45) I would prepare a tray. All the things belanging to the Seder night, including the l}aroset (sweet paste), zrowa' (shank-bone) and unleavened bread, we put on the tray. The haleq (sweet paste) and zrowa' (shank-bone) - we put everything (on the tray), whatever was required and written in the Torah. (46) My father would sit down, whatever he read he would say 'Lay this (on the tray), lay that'. I laid whatever he told me to. (47) We made l}oreset in bowls with dates and nuts, (in) !arge bowls.

8 9 10 11

I.e. I.e. I.e. I.e.

the the the the

grandtather of Nisan, the son of the informant Sarah Yosef. busband of Sarah Yosef. grandfather of Nisan. busband of Sarah Yosef.

496

TEXTS

(48) waxtit ma{ewa, 1 waxtit beta w-H~aroset,H 1 matUXWa gaw majmaf, 1 kudnaSa1 kxilwa tikma ma~~e. 1 kimriwa ?iSe 1la-gadir taqrib ?inna ma~~e ?ot-Hfela-seder.H1 (49) yatwlwa, 1 babox yatuwwa, 1 ?iSta-so?a jwanqe kmeniwa ?ot~awS,1 yatwlwa, 1 patxiwalu, 1 gofiwalu. 1 (50) sonox 1 kulla simmit HJavotenu, 1

?Abraham, 1 ?Is~aq, 1 Yafqob, 1 stem-?esre svatlm,H 1 ?iyya b-inna maHe 1 ... golwiilu, 1 simmid didu. 1 (51) waxtit gollwa, 1 qareniwa marmzwiilu, 1 wz-xerlwa b-inna ma~~e, 1 mga-laxxane. 1 (52) tre-lele gollxwa 1 kulla ~awS, 1 ?isri u-tmanya bate bar-parqlwa, 1 kullu keniwa geban. 1 ~atta bqatta la-qabliwa damxixwa, 1 tardanwalu. 1 (53) min-?awwa/, 1 La sat!xwa tay. 1 kimriwa ?asurile, 1 bl-Pesa~, 1 La qabliwa. 1 (54) ?u-la-wele sakar ?ot-daqiqa, 1 b-kalla, 1 kalbe. 1 (55) ?il-laxxane, 1 ?attane Hba-~abllotH lii-mazbinl. 1 ?o-dukka kalla zabniwaLe, 1 ?atxa-mgan iyya-bOfi/, 1 b-

qomit ?iyya-botif.il (56) ?itwalan dukka ta-?iyya, 1 ba-?asln, 1 yatuwwa babi kulla golwale kalbe kalbe, 1 darixwale gawit boti/. 1 (57) dwa?e, 1 ?Ztwa raba naSe sabfiwa, 1 reSu marewa, 1 tay Üi la-Sateni. 1 (58) HJazH-mi~rixle gaw-#ola, 1 ?a-rabbit ruwwa ?ot-?Arbe/, 1 mire jamafta, 1 kalla, 1 tl Llt ibbaw, 1 La ~iime~ 1 ?ula-hit.1 xilyalu gaw-kaxta, 1 mannit la-gbe sate, 1 ?ana 1 qablen 1 sateni. 1 (59) HJazH-?ifyele yomid-bara babl 1 - KkiyanK la-kimranne babl, 1 HzeH_babid gori-wele, 1 HJavafH 1 mirwele-lli brat t!qha yome, 1 gaw-belu rüweli. 1 (60) H?az,H ?ilyele, ?o-mlre, 1 qu, 1 qu, 1 hayya 1 mi, 1 mi taypast 1 xala. 1 zllle, 1 1

zwlnne u-mindixane xaLe kulla mele. 1 (61) mlre 1 qu 1 tay 1 ?ollan. 1 mlri la! 1 tay la-Sateni be-?ela. 1 (62) kmir-ma? 1 S.ali~ Yosef-Nuri srzxle bi-$fola, 1 ma? 1 La Satex? 1 Jagar ?o /ii-qabZl, 1 Jo /a-tl/ kulla Hdinim.H (63) wi-babi tlfwa HdinfmH 1

biS-{am minneu. 1 ?isri Sinne bet-midraS ?illp/e sonox. 1 (64) AJil~a~ifA, 1 kulla ste/u, 1 kulla barxlwalu, 1 ?il-babox, 1 ?il-sonox, 1 ?il-yalake, 1 kullu barxlwa ?innat gaw-~awiS.' (65) kimrlwa: mato, 1 tama gure ?od-didan la-~qelu baqan? 1 mlra ~atta Hf-afsidH la-?oli. 1 ?agar-?amirruxun dabi qemhun mardixerun, 1 la-gbe

Sakar b-ela H[-arblyya~H_Jo/, 1 Ia zon. 1 (66) b-gi~ka ?atxa-klmriwa, 1 yatwzwa ga~kiwala. 1 kulla keniwa bar lel-a-seder geban, 1 ~atta bqatta yatwiwa. 1

1 The informant points to a bottle on the table in front of her.

INFORMANTY

497

(48) When it arrived, when we put the egg and haroset on the tray, everyone

ate some massa breads. They used to say that warnen were not permitted to serve the massa breads of the Seder night. (49) They would sit down and your father12 would sit. Six or seven young men of the hause were brought in. They would sit down and roll theml3 out and make them. (50) Your grandfather14 put all the names of our ancestors, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and the twelve tribes, on the massa breads. (51) When they performed (the ceremony), they read (the Passover liturgy) and lifted them up and people looked at those massa breads, as is the custom here. (52) For two nights we would do the same thing. All the hause, twenty-eight households, after they had finished (their Seder meals), all of them came to us. They did not allow us to sleep until morning. I used to chase them away. (53) At first we used not to drink tea. They said that it was forbidden at Passover. It was not permitted. (54) Sugar was not in smalllumps but in a block, in sticks. (55) Here they now sell it in packets. There they sold it in a block like this bottle, with the height of this bottle. (56) We had a device15 forthat with a hammer. My father would sit and make it all into sticks and we would put it in a bottle. (57) Now there were many people who were ill, who had a headache, but they did not drink tea. (58) Then the chief Rabbi of Arbel announced in the synagogue and said 'Ladies and gentlemen, there is nothing in a sugar block, no leaven, nothing. (If) it has been wrapped in paper, I permit anybody to drink who wishes to'. (59) So, the next day my father came - the person I call my father was the father of my husband, but he brought me up since I was three days old, I grew up in their hause. (60) So, he came and said 'Get up, quickly, bring a new teapot'. He went, bought (it), and brought all new things. (61) He said 'Come on, make tea for us'. I said 'No, tea is not drunk during the festival'. (62) He says 'Ah, but Salil}. Yosef Nuri has made an announcement in the synagogue, so are we not going to drink? If he (now) gives permission, (so be it), he knows all the religious laws'. (63) My father knew the religious laws better than him. Your grandfather16 studied in a Bet Midrash for twenty years. (64) In short, they all drank, they all blessed them, all those in the residential enclosure blessed your father, your uncle and the children. (65) They said 'What has happened, why have our husbands said this to us?' She17 said 'So that they do not lose money. If he tells you that you must boil up (tea), he wants to profit from sugar during the festival, do not buy it'. (66) They said this in jest, they sat and laughed. Everyone came to us after the Seder night and they sat until morning.

12 I.e. the busband of Sarah Yosef. 13 I.e. the maHa breads. 14 I.e. the grandfather Nisan, the son of Sarah Yosef. 15 Literally: 'P1ace'. 16 I.e. the grandfather of Nisan, the son of Sarah Yosef. 17 The referent is not identified.

498

TEXTS

New Year

(67) roS-a-Sana,' roS-Sana wele mga-laxxane tre yome. 1 ham ... 1 pllgid-yoma l#ola-welu gure,' l]atta-aleniwa-(ha)wa.' (68) gollxwa ixala res-nura,' La-res gaz.' nura malqex ?u-manixex.' (69) gollwa nura,' xa-bela golwa,' kulla kmeniwa min-?o bela.' (70) malqlxwa ~iwe xlime,' ruwwe.' La manix!xwiilu hawa.' kulla-s bi-Sixra gollxwa res-nura,' gaw-Hmangizl.H' (71) kababe gollxwa,' pisra rawlxwa,' kulla mindl gotlxwa.' tre yomiite,' ?atxa-wele rosSana.' (72) gezlwa #ola pilgid-yoma.' keniwa-(ha)wa,' kxliwa,' Sateniwa,' xanCi Hta-nuwwafJH gotlwa,' dwa?e' kulla HfJaverimH dldan keniwa-(ha)wa geban.' (73) mga-Hbet-kafeH-wele, 1 b-/Jaqqat-ilhele.' mato keniwa min-Yaxin xamSa mispa/Je geban' gal-sa[lu,' b-yomit Sabbat sa[le kmeniwa.'

Weddings

(74) xlula gotlwa,' mln ya-telit xusaba badeniwa bi-xlula, 1 l]atta xsabid bara,' tmanya yome.' (75) l]iitan' bar l]uppa' so?a yome yatuwwa gat-sesbenlme.' (76) ?ixala gotlwiilu,' kmeniwiilu,' yatwlwa,' faraq Sateniwa,' mez tar#wiilu.' (77) l;.atta pilgld le!e yatwlwa.' dwa?e gezlwa-( ha)wa bela,' bqatta hayya keniwa-(ha)wa.' (78) so?a yome ?atxa-wela.' la-qabtlwa,' la-mga laxxiine,' ?ezl cerl b-[ayyiira,' H?ulayH

tli la-da?ri hawa.' (79) so?a yome' J;.atta ta-

HserutlmH' dabi-tfaha niise ?ezlwa' gal l;.iitan' ?u-gal kalla-s.' (80) kalla,' ?ltwiila bliine,' wi-gora ?itwale baruxyawiileu.' Üi I-kalla har-Soqlwa batane' ?eza ta-Ci-dukka' ?u-la l-brona, 1 la l-l]ätan.' SeSbenlme kud-damma welu HmisabibeuH.' (81) so?a yome.' bar so?a yome,' yomit Sabbat,' ?ixalit dwa?e,' sabbatit bar-xlula,' yatwlwa,' kixllwa,' /]atta fä~irta ?aglinja matwlwa.' yatwlwa gallan,' l]aqeniwa,' magil]klwiilan.'

Circumcision

(82) brit-mllit ?awwal ?iyya bronl-wele, 1 ?ana m-bali-ke. 1 (83) xa ?itwa H[amiSpa/]a, ?lmma setH-?fsl]aq Mamuqa,' kimrlwiila Le?a.' ?ilyela xlpla-lleu bronl.' (84) brata ?itwali rubta,' ?o-biiraw-wele.' xl pla-lleu,' milblsla-lleu jwan,' ?u-nblllu-lleu ta-#ola.'

INFORMANTY

499

New Year

(67) New Year was two days, as it is here. Also (as here) the men were in the synagogue for half a day before they came back. (68) We used to make food on a fire not on a gas light. We used to kindie the fire and extinguish it. (69) They used to make a fire - one household made one and everybody took from (the fire of) that house. (70) We kindled big, thick sticks of wood. We did not extinguish them completely and we cooked everything with the charcoal, on the fire, on a grill. (71) We made kebabs. We roasted meat. We made everything. (This went on for) two days. (72) That is what New Year was like. They went to synagogue for half a day. They came back, ate, drank, rested a little, then all our friends came to us. (73) It was really18 like a cafe. Just as five families used to come to us from Yakhin1 9 with their pots. On Sabbath they brought pots. Weddings

(74) They had weddings. They began the wedding on Sunday night (and continued) until the Sunday after- eight days. (75) The groom, after the /Juppa ceremony, stayed with the groomsmen for seven days. (76) They would make food for them and take it to them. They would sit and drink araq. They would lay the table. (77) They stayed until midnight. Then they went back home and returned early in the morning. (78) It was like that for seven days. They did not permit them to go on a tour in an aeroplane, as they do here, lest they did not return. (79) For seven days, three people had to be with the groom and the bride, even when they went to the W.C. (80) The bride had girls and the man had his friends. They did not allow the bride to go anywhere by herself, nor the boy, the groom. The groomsmen were always around him. (81) (This Iasted for) seven days. After seven days, on Sabbath, the last meal, the Sabbath after the wedding, they sat and ate, until evening they held a friendly gathering. The sat with us, talked and made us laugh. Circumcision

(82) The first circumcision was this son of mine. I remernher it.(83) There was a woman in the family, the mother of IsQ.aq Mamuqa, called Leah. She came and washed my son. (84) I had an elder daughter. He came after her. She w.ashed him and dressed him in fine clothes, then they brought him to the synagogue.

18 Literally 'It is by the truth of God'. 19 A settlement in Israel, close to the present home of the informant.

500

TEXTS

(85) ?afll/u la-qabllwa da?ilt yällt sawa 1 ?eza ta-#ola. 1 kimrlwa ?asurila bar idäla ?alya #ola, 1 ma ?asurile. 1 sifre tora-?it ?o dukka, 1 Ia qabliwa. 1 (86) nabliwa dusa, 1 bar-brit goliwäle l-yäla. 1 xa-dusa dareniwa gaw späleu, 1

xa-mdi xilya, 1 l}.atta kmeniwäle-(ha)wa ta-da?eu. 1 (87) da?ake hayya xalwa kowäle, 1 gure qaddzS, 1 ?ista-so?a qaddiSe yatwiwa gure l-#ola. 1 (88) l}.atta ?oni $telU, 1 ?ilyela da?at ?Isl}.aq U?a xlpla-llox, 1 mil}.dzrra-llox, 1 xiela-llox. 1 wida?at fAzlz-iS geban wela ?o-?ela. 1 (89) tama lä-kimr!xxe Nlsan? 1 Hfel-asederH ?awwal, 1 Ia, telit dwa?e, 1 meli-lleu telid dwa?e. 1 HJazH-wele brit biPesa/}.,1 ?elid dwa?e. 1 (90) HJizzH bäbl mlre $arxanne Nlsan, 1 be-Nlit Nisan gdire. 1 ?o kmirwa ma simmit yale hawewa. 1

Baking of bread (91) lixma, 1 llxmid doqa, 1 ?atta-s lä-golex. 1 ?6-dukka xitte taxnlxwa bi-

makina.1 Ia gollxwa mgan attane, 1 min-HIJ.anutH zonex. 1 (92) xitte zonlxwa, 1 maqilw!xwäle, 1 xalllxwäle. 1 wi-bäbeu nabllwäle, 1 taxznwäle bäqan. 1 kmewäle hawa. 1 (93) p{skit xa yarxa taxnlxwa, 1 tre qaznäge, 1 tfq.ha qaznäge. 1 kud qaznag 1 tre tanake, 1 ?lt tanake, 1 tanake ruwwe. 1 (94) min-?iyya-go/. 1 ?o parlqwa, 1 xa-gar xet zonixwa. 1 (95) bqatta qemanwa bi-tfqha t-lele. 1 ?{yya brona yalit sawa-wele. 1 Soqanwäle reS gäre, 1 damxlxwa b-qe(a. 1 (96) darguSta ?asran, 1 kasyanwäla, 1 xalwa kwanwäte, 1 dam!xwa, 1 l}.atta sfata ?isra t-yoma. 1 (97) kud-damma kimranwa 1 ta-?amtawäleu: 1 slmun, 1 xorun 1 ?agar ?iyya-yala lii-qlmle 1 yan-lli, 1 naku baxe 1 ?atxan Ia la-Samex. 1(98) kimrlwa: 1 yala dmixele. 1 l}.atta ?o qemwa, 1 ?isra kilo?e ?ana golanwa, 1 batane. 1 baslanwäle, 1 Lesake golanwäle, 1 kulla qat?ixwälu ?atxa, 1 mga Htal}.maniyotH laxxane. 1 mga-dixle qe$ZxXe. 1 (99) w-iyya golanwäle, 1 l}.atta ... Sabu rwela xanc'!i, 1 ?ilyela fazrali.l (100) ?it-gäre gal-jiräne golixwa, 1 b-dixle, 1 mafinanwälu, 1 mafiniwali.' titwa farqi geban. 1 kulla gal-dixle goliwa. 1

INFORMANTY

501

(85) They did not even allow the mother of the baby to go to the synagogue. They said that it was forbidden for her to go to the synagogue after giving birth. It was forbidden. There were Torah scrolls there, they did not allow it. (86) They brought some honey. After they had circumcised the baby, they put a little honey on his lips, something sweet, before they brought him back to his mother. (87) The mother quickly gave him milk. Holy men - seven or eight holy men were in the synagogue. (88) While they said their prayers, Leah, the mother of Isl}aq, washed you, prepared you and wrapped you up. The mother of Aziz was also with us during that festivaJ. 20 (89) Why do we call him Nisan? I bore him on the first night of the Seder, no, the second night. So the circumcision was at Passover. (He was born) on the second day of the festival. (90) So my father said that I should call him Nisan, since he was born in the festival of Nisan. He used to say what the names of the children were to be.

Baking of bread (91) Bread, bread (prepared in) the doqa, we still make (it). There, we would grind wheat in a machine. We did not do as we do now and buy it from a shop. (92) We bought wheat, we cleaned it and washed it. His father used to take it and grind it for us and then brought it back. (93) We would grind enough for a month, two or three qaznags. Every qaznag was two tins, big tins. (94) He does this and, when he finished it, we bought more. (95) I used to get up at three in the morning. This son21 was a baby. I used to leave him on the roof. We slept (on the roof) in summer. (96) I tied up the cradle and covered it. I gave him milk and he slept until ten in the morning. (97) I constantly told his aunts to go and see whether he had got up or not, lest he be crying, since we could not hear. They would say that the baby was asleep. (98) Before he got up I used to make ten kilos, by myself. I used to cook it. I used to make the dough. We used to cut it all up like this, like bread rolls here. We would cut them up all the same (size). (99) I used to do this, until Sabu grew up a little and came to help me. (100) Sometimes we would work tagether with the neighbours. I helped them and they helped me. There was no difference among us. Everybody worked with one another.

20 I.e. Passover, as is explained in what follows.

21 Pointing at her son, Nisan.

502

TEXTS

Preparation of food (101) kifte. 1 ?itwalan xa-mindlx kimrlwäle safata, 1 min-~iwa, 1 rumanta. 1 wi-

kepa1 ?ltwa 1 Liis 1 mga ... Hsayis,HI min-?iyya ?itwälan, 1 rizza deqlxwa, 1 pisra deqixwa-bbeu, 1 gollxwäle kifte. 1 (102) sitta, 1 xitte diqe gollxwa. 1 sawär deqixwa. 1 dwa?e mawiSixwäle, 1

maqilwixwäle, 1 taxnhwäle. 1 (103) gadlrwa glrse, 1 gadlrwa sawär, 1 mat taxnl 1 gadir daqiqa. 1 (104) ?iyya l}asta ?ot-?ise-wela l-?Arbe/. 1 Hgam-b-Kurdistan ?oto davizrH gollwa. 1 qemixwa bqattit lele, 1 La damxixwa, 1 ?o-yomit l}asta hawewälan. 1 ( 105) l}atta bahra 1 parqex, 1 qemex ?ixäla-hawex ta-yäle. 1 ( 106) mewäne kenl, 1 näSe kenl. 1 soneu kewa, 1 mindixane maSdzrwa gal}Jq:11J!J.qla, 1 yaruqula, 1 pisra, 1 dabi xallanne, 1 dabi baslan 1 ta-yale daqiqe. 1 (107) sotit Yosef, 1 H?zmma Sei ?abba,H 1 ?itfa Sinne 1 Ia da?lawa. 1 gebl wela. 1

Naflma yaltit sawa-wela. 1 ?ätl rwelox. 1 H?azH ?iyya darguSta Sa?aSawala sotl. 1 Htippzt[H golawa b-yale zore, 1 w-ana l}aStit bela golanwa. 1 ( 108) baxeniwa, xalwa kwanwälu. 1 Lltwa botle, 1 mga-laxxa. 1 har-b-xalwud da?a

raweniwa. 1 (109) tre Sinne u-pllge ta-?lyya bronl-hiwli, 1 ta-bratit rubta tfq:ha sinne hzwli.' ( 110) ba-flräq 1 Ia-ta-ku/la naSe Spirta-wela. 1 ?ot-lltwale, 1 kud-damma kplnawele.1 Lltwa l}aSta ?oll, 1 Lltwa ?ixäla ?axll. 1(111) ?o-dukka, 1 ?agar Lltwäle näsa ?axl/, 1 naSe ta-xa qruSa hawlle. 1 har-raba meliwa min-kipnu. 1 ( 112) bäbeu gezwa ?ixäla 1 min-batit dawlamand 1 Saqilwa, 1 nabllwälu. 1 ( 113) ?ilyelu lajine 1 b-qamol la-?alex ta-?lsra?e/, 1 ?inn(u min-ture. 1 kulla ?ilyelu geban. 1 leLe wiyoma,1 ?amteu 1 lixma golawa baqu l}atta bqatta. 1 ( 114) ?u-bäbeu 1 tre baruxawäLe ?itwale, 1 gezlwa bela bela ?ot-Hfasirlm.H 1 kmlrwälu: 1 ?atxun bqatta hayya 1 mindzxit xalwa 1 ?u-lixma 1 ?u-zatye mimun. 1 ( 115) ta-?o-xlti kimrzwa: 1 pilgld-yom bSala mzmun. 1 ta-?o-xlti kimrzwa: 1 ?atxun xa-nawaf xet ?olmun. 1 (116) l}atta ?ilye/u ta-?Isra?e/ 1 ?ista yarxe, 1 yzmkin tmanya yarxe-s bi-zoda zllle-bbaw. 1 kud-yoma 1 ?inna f!q:ha nafare 1 ?inna sat/e zinzirdar 1 kmeniwälu, 1?u-matwlwälu. 1 (117) yatwlwa, 1 kulla paleniwäle baqu, 1 yatwlwa kix/lwa. 1 ?znna naSe welu Amabsfit.A 1 ( 118) kimrtwa: 1 l-dukkid noSan mellxwa min-kipnan. 1 ?il-laxxa Hyoter mi-dizyH ?ixala la-kmenilan. 1 l}atta bqatta 1 xlula gollwa, zamrlwa w-raqllwa. 1

INFORMANTY

503

Preparation of food (101) Kifte. We had something called a safata. It was made of wood and was

tall. It had a stone, which was as smooth as marble. We had this thing and we crushed in it rice and meat and made kifte. (102) Sitta. We ground wheat finely. We crushed burghul wheat. Then we dried it, cleaned it and ground it. (103) It became ground burghul wheat. Whatever is ground becomes fine. (104) This was the work of the women in Arbe!. In (the rest of) Kurdistan they did the same. We used to get up before dawn. We did not sleep, on a day that we had work to do. (105) Before we finished at dawn, we went to give food to the children. (106) Guests would come. People would come. His grandfather would come. He would send things with a porter, vegetables, meat, which I had to wash and cook for the small children. (107) Grandmother Yosef, the mother of daddy, for nine years she did not see (i.e. she was blind). She was with me. Na'ima was a baby. You had grown.22 Granny rocked the cradle. She looked after the young children, while I did the housework. (108) When they cried, I gave them milk. There were no bottles as there are here. They grew up only with the milk of the mother. (109) I gave (milk) to this son for two and a half years. I gave it to the elder daughter for three years. (110) In Iraq life was not good for everyone. Whoever did not have (anything) was always hungry. There was no work for them to do. There was no food for them to eat. (111) If somebody did not have anything to eat, people there would give to their last piastre. But still many used to die from hunger. (112) His father used to go and fetch food from the houses of the rich and take it to them. (113) Refugees from the mountains arrived before we came to Israel. They all came to us. Day and night his aunt made bread for them, until the morning. (114) His father had two friends and they went around the houses of the rich. He used to say to them 'Bring some dairy products early in the morning, bread and pittas'. (115) To another they would say 'At midday bring stew'. To another they would say 'You do something eise'. (116) Until they came to Israel - six months, perhaps eight, more months went by - every day these three people would bring those vessels with chains and put them down. (117) They would sit down and share out everything among them and they would sit and eat. Those people were happy, (118) They said 'In our place we were dying of hunger. Here they are bringing us too much food!' Until the morning they made merriment, they sang and danced.

22 I.e. you were no Ionger a baby.

504

TEXTS

( 119) gotlxwa kifte. 1 ta-lele basilxwa ger mindl. 1 ta-bqiuta gotlxwa xi((e, 1 kläle zamtixwa, dar!xwa gaw. (120) kilSa ?ot-?irbe, gollxwäla, xallzxwäla, 1

1

1

1

1

1

xaltlxwäla b-mafe raduxe, qalplxwäla. kulla qat?anwäla, xeranwala. pisra 1

1

1

1

daqdlqanwa gar-rlzza. (121) HrablinznH darixwa gaw ya-rizza. zamtixwälu, 1

1

1

darixwälu gal-xi((e, ?u-kifte. 1

1

(

1

122) pisra qalixwa, 1 zamtixwälu kifte ?atxa

ruwwe. ta-kud-naSa xa darlxwa. xa Npata 1

W

1

HmiSpa~aH

1

-xa-HkafH xitfe. (123) welan 1

rubta. H?azH ta-kullu piSka golanwa 1

1

1

1,

bas-?ana we[i.l HfadH

yalta-weli,l HfMH ?isri Sinne-s litwaW ?inna kulla ~astanye golanwälu.

1

(124) golixwa ta-H~atunaH pilgld-yom 1... SiSme u-xurma. 1 siSme ... qallxwäle, 1 1

deqlxwäle. gal HrmarlmH deqixwäle, taSte ruwwe goliwa. (125) ?iyya ta1

1

1

1

Sabbat qamol H~atuna.H 1 ?iyya Sabbat lä-bdelu ba-H~atuna.H 1 (126) ta-pilgidyom gotlxwälu, ta-bqatta ?ixala golixwa, mga miri, xifte, Npa?e, mindl, 1

1

1

1

1

1

(127) ta-pilgid-yom, 1 sisme gal-xurma diqe, 1 ?u-lixma 1 ?od-doqa, 1 marisiwa

raba. xanCi b-tanura goliwa, wl-kmeniwa ta-inna naSit lä-lyelu ta-xlula 1

1

1

kxliwa. 1 (128) xurma-w-run, 1 qalitwäle xurmake, 1 gal-be?e. 1 qateniwäle b-dehna, 1

dwa?e be?e bezlwa galleu, maqilblwäle, gal ... xa satla ruwwa. 1

1

1

(129) kud nawaf ?!twa ?ixäla. 1 pisra qalixwa, 1 kabtzbe gotlxwa, 1 kulla mindi

go[fxwa, reS Hmanga[,H Sixra kimriwäle. [axxa-S [ä-kimrile Sixra. 1

1

1

1

Preparations for winter (130) min-yarxit ros-sana, 1 ma~adlrixwa 1 ta-kulla sitwa. 1 ( 131) xiue deqixwa, 1

darlxwäle gaw ?ltwa gilda ?ot-?irbe, kimriwalu mzila. dareniwäle gaw1,

1

mafe u-milxa, ~atta gadirwa xlima. 1

1

(

1

132) ya-bsilmäne goliwälu, 12 w-atxan

zonlxwäle. kistanye litwa mga laxxäne. darixwälu ya ?arzaq. 1

1

1

(

133) girse

raxnixwa, xi((e raxnixwa b-garusta. säwar mardlxlxwäle, deqlxwäle,

1

raxnlxwäle ta-sitwa. (134) xiue deqixwa ta-sitwa, qamxa gotlxwa ta-sitwa.

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

raxnlxwa, ?itwa makina. ?ltwa dukke rumäne gaw-beläne, raxnlwäle. ?iyya 1

goliwä/e qamxa.

1

1 (

1

1

1

135) babeu gezwa, 1 tre-näse doqwa 1 mga-b-fzmrid broneu, 1

kmeniwäle hawa baqan bela. 1

2 A singular pronominal suffix is expected here.

INFORMANTY

505

(119) We made kifte. For the evening we cooked something eise. For (Sabbath) morning we made stew. We stuffed chickens and served them. (120) We prepared the fat of sheep. We washed it23 with boiling water and stripped off the skin. I cut it all up and sewed it. I chopped the meat finely, with the rice. (121) We put spices in the rice, filled them and served them with wheat stew and kifte. (122) We fried the meat and filled them, making them into kifte this big.24 We served one for each person, one dumpling of meat and rice and a spoonful of wheat stew. (123) We were a big family, so I made enough for all of them. I was by myself. I was still a girl. I was not yet twenty years old. I did all those jobs. (124) Fora wedding lunch we made sesame and dates. We fried sesame seeds and crushed them with dates. They would make large bowlfuls. (125) This was for the Sabbath before the wedding. On this Sabbath they had already begun the wedding celebrations. (126) They made it for lunch. For the morning we would make food, as I have said, wheat stew, meat and rice, etc. (127) For lunch we had sesame crushed with dates, bread made on a doqa - they would spread it thickly. They put it in the oven for a little and brought it to the people who had come to the wedding for them to eat. (128) Dates in oil: You used to fry the dates with eggs. They fried it in oil, then they poured eggs into them. They turned it over in one big pan. (129) There was food of all kinds. We used to fry meat. Wemade kebabs. We made everything on a grill. They called it charcoal. They call it coals here also.

Preparations for winter (130) From the month of New Year onwards we used to make preparations for all the winter. (131) We used to grind wheat, we put it in-, there was a sheep skin called mizila. They put it into water and salt until it became tough. (132) The Muslimsmade it and we bought it. There were no bags like there are here. We used to put in it supplies. (133) We ground groats. We ground wheat with a grinding wheel. We boiled burghul wheat, and ground and crushed it for winter. (134) We ground wheat for the winter. We made flour for the winter. W e used to grind ... there was a machine. There were big devices in the buildings which ground it. They made it into flour. (135) His father went and took two people his son's age and they brought it back to us at home.

23 The presentation of this recipe is rather confused and it is sometimes difficult to establish what the various operations are referring to . 24 The informant indicates with her hands.

506

TEXTS

(136) sitwa, 1 kwewa ?arbl yome, 1 talga ?ilyele gebim, 1 la-lyelu ~iwe. 1 (137) nura gollxwa l-bela. 1 t{q.hiz karpuce matwlwa, 1 tre ?atxa 1 tre ?atxa 1

matwlxwa, 1 mi-laxxiine 1 ~iwe malql.xwa. 1 (138) ?ixala basll.xwa, 1 lixma golixwa. 1 mafe 1 satla ruwwa ta-julle mardlxixwa ?ot-nehera. 1 (139) xalllxwiilu, 1 tallxwiilu. 1 wela f.zaSta zaf.zamta ?o-dukka, 1 la-wela mga-

laxxa,1 HmxonaH ?lt. 1 ?o-dukka kulla b-ila gollxwa. 1

Clothes (140) (GK: ma loslwa?) ?atxa la-loslwa. 1 (GK: ma loslwa b-sitwa?) julle, 1 ~idrale yarixe. 1 ( 141) wl-go/lwa 1 kimrlwiilu f.zabiire, 1 ruwwe, 1 mandeniwiilu reS

kpiinu, 1 min-biira ?asrlwiilu. 1(142) qba?a, 1 jiiket. 1 baxta 1 sixmas losawa, 1 J:zatta jwan maxlwya. 1 ?inna mdixani la-menili.' (143) dargusta sultan Maf.zmud ?izwlnne biiqox, 1 ?axt!a fazlza-wele. 1 wllle salliinlk 1 reS darguSta. 1 sa?as'ixwiila, 1kulla gargare min-ya-l?a 1 ?o-l?a. 1 (144) bSilmane hula?e mga-dlxle loslwa. 1 (145) ?ltwa ?ixtiyiire, 1 zonlwa

qumaS 1 sakltwiilu. 1 jwiinqe 1 geblwa smoqa, yaruqa, xwära. 1 ( 146) xetlwiilu nosu. 1 HJ:zeleqH ?ot-la-yalwa, 1 ?ltwa niise xetlwa ta-ger niise. 1 ?ana la-t!anwa, 1 xetlwiilu biiqan. 1 ?ana lltwiili waxt. 1

The tragic death of a young man (147) ?znna daw/amande 1 Hbe-?emetH 1 raba [a-mafinlwa faqire. 1 ?agar Xtz 1

gezwa 1 ?ileu pasltwiila, 1 kimrlwiile, 1 bqartox xlimtela, 1 sl f.zaSta ?o/. 1 ( 148) xa ?ilyelu geban min-tura. 1 So?a bliine ?itwala w 1-tre brone. 1 (149) ma maf.zadlranwa 1 nablanwa biiqu, 1 f.zatta yi?lalu ?Arbe/, 1 J:zatta y?lllu niise. 1 dwa?e noSaw w-bliinaw f.zaSta wlttu. 1(150) min-?awwal ?ilyelu, 1 bronaw jwiinqa-wele. 1 matwawa b-bqiireu xa siiruk. 1 daryawa b-bqiireu 1 gezwa lixma gawewa, 1 yangezwa piire gawewa. 1 (151) kimriwale: 1 ma lä-lyelox? 1 bqartox xlimta, jaf.zltwet,1 sl J:zasta ?o/. 1

INFORMANTY

507

(136) One winter when there was snow, we had no wood for forty days.25 (137) We used to make a fire in the house. They used to place three bricks- we would place two this way and two that way, and in here26 we kindled wood. (138) We cooked food. We made bread. We boiled water (in) a large pan for clothes that needed washing. (139) We washed them and hung them up. It was hard work there. It was not like here, where we have a (washing-)machine. We did everything by hand there. Clothes (140) (GK: What did they wear?) They did not dress like this. (GK: What did they wear in the winter?) Clothes, long dresses. (141) They also used to make what was called J:zabare. These were large garments, which they threw over their shoulder and tied from behind. (142) A qba?a, which was a jacket. A woman wore a sixmas,21 in order to look beautiful. I did not bring those things (with me to Israel). (143) Sultan Mal,1müd bought you a cradle - he was so kind. He put a baby's basket on the cradle, we used to rock it. It was full of beads, on this side and that. (144) The Muslims and the Jews dressed in the same way. (145) There were old women who bought material that suited them. The young people liked red, green and white. (146) They used to sew them themselves. Any who did not know (how to sew) - there were people who sewed for others. I did not know how to, and so others sewed for us. I did not have the time. The tragic death of a young man (147) The rich people really did not help the poor very much. If someone came and stretched out his hand they would say to him 'You are a strong man, 2 8 go and work'. (148) Somebody once came29 to us from the mountains. She had seven daughters and two sons. (149) I used to take to them (a portion) of whatever (food) I prepared, until they became acquainted with Arbel, until they got to know people. Then she and her daughters worked. (150) When they first came her son was a young man. She used to put a shawl around his neck. She put it around his neck and he went to beg for bread, or he went to beg for money. (151) They would say to him 'Why have you come? You are a strong,30 young man. Go and do some work!'

25 This is a paraphrase of this sentence, the syntax of which is jumbled. 26 The informant indicates with her hands. 27 A sleeveless jacket. 28 Literally: 'Your neck is thick'. 29 The plural is evidently to be construed as expressing an impersonal subject; see §14.4. 30 Literally: 'Your neck is thick'.

508

TEXTS

(152) nxlple. 1 lilyele-(ha)wa bxele, 1 mlre ta-da?eu, 1 mlre: 1 lana sxet /a-gezen. 1 (153) mlra: tama? 1 kmlr: ma? 1 /ii-$arxl resl, 1 wi-txa /ii-kimrlli.' lana Ia gezen. 1 ( 154) mire: gezen Bagdad 1 geb xaluntl. 1 xalunta rubta lltwäle l-Bagdad. 1belaw

il-lax-wele. 1 mire: gezen geb-lfanna xaluntl, 1 l}asta go/en, 1 päre masdrrinnax, 1 kud yarxa 1 ta-da?eu. 1 (155) zllle. 1 lurxa faqleu dwiqlle, 1 zllle geb xalunteu. 1 xalunteu l}asta qpela bäqeu. 1 (156) xa-bela dawlamand, 1 litlwle l}asta wille gebu. 1 taqrlban xa-sata, 1 dalake /a-gzela-l/eu. 1 (157) dwale 1 zllla geb-brätaw 1 HJazH-bratake zllla $arxa /-axonaw, 1 dalaw /a-lyela gebaw, 1 lil/Jx-iS gazya. 1 (158) bronake 1 jal}il jwan, 1 qomeu rumäna, 1 HtizfanugH xer reSeu. 1 (159) liyya

dala har-xlra-bbeu, 1 w-har-xlra-bbeu, 1 w-har-xlra-bbeu, 1xa sfata. 1 wlsla. 1 dala brätaw lä-kimra/a: 1 tama, 1 daya 1 laxc'!a lii-xerat? 1 ( 160) ma, 1 kimra-ati bronlwet?1 lati Käko-wet? 1 kmlr ?e! 1 Ia /a-malmina. 1 wr-laxc'!i xira-bbeu. 1 (161) yomid bara, 1 tmanya-yome itiwla lax. 1 bar tmanya yome 1 lilyela hawa. 1 (162) bqatta HmibrizqH ilyele bäqaw, mlru brbnax mll/e. 1(163) xalunteu 1 zllla 1,

lb-dukka lZtwa maflim lot-flraq, 1 lil-Bagdad jiranu, 1 zllla pllxla mazza/. 1 (164) mlre bäqaw: brati, 1 be-lenid dalax zllle, 1 Ia b-?ena raf, 1 be-?ena xlita. 1 (165) lii-xer HseferH qämeu, 1 lii-xer. 1 krmlr 1 min-tari.zfit 1 la-ylllla hawa lleu 1

lu-xlra -bbeu, 1 Jena xlita qtllla -l/eu. 1(166) HmibraqH miSdirra ta-dalaw, 1 lolilyela-(ha)wa bela. 1 dwale HmibrizqH misdlrra bäqaw, 1 mlra: 1 llla, 1 brbnax mllle. 1

Angels come to the aid of the Jews (167) xa-gar, 1 lilye/u, 1 mlru bäqan: 1 lidle//ü-hu/a?e lä-qat[llu. 1 (168) latxan

zdelan. 1 bäbeu 1 lilyele l}dudit Surya 1 gal soneu, 1 lilyelu l}dudit Surya famra lasrlwa. 1 (169) läna ga/-larba yäle zore 1 batane well. 1 zadlxwa. 1 (170) mlru lid/e/ 1 keni qatlllu l-hulale. 1 ya fäjibye! 1 Je qatlllu l-hu/ale. 1 (171) ma läwlllan?1 lilye/e b-/e/e, 1 Hmallax Mixale/, 1 mallax Gabri?e/, 1 nabi Nal}om, 1 nabi Danle/, 1 nebillmH we/u. 1 li/ye/u Hbi-(jmut3 ben-ladam.H 1

3 In the traditional pronunciation of Hebrew by Jews from Kurdistan the Hebrew letters da/e{ and taw without dageJ are pronounced as interdentat fricatives.

INFORMANTY

509

(152) He was ashamed. He came back and wept. He said to his mother, he said 'I shall not go again'. (153) She said 'Why?' He says 'Why should I, while they shout atme and speak tomein such a way. I shall not go'. (154) He said 'I shall go to Baghdad to my sister'. He had an elder sister in Baghdad, her house was there. He said 'I shall go to Hannah, my sister. I shall work and send you money, every month'- (i.e.) to his mother.31 (155) He went. He set off on the road32 and went to his sister's home. His sister found work for him. (156) He took up residence with a rich family and worked in their home. He did not see his mother for almost a year. (157) Then she went to her daughter. The daughter went to call to her brother that her mother had come to (visit) her (saying) '(she has come) to see also you'. (158) The son was a handsome young man, he was tall in stature. It was a pleasure to Iook at him. (159) The mother looked at him constantly, for an hour. She was rooted to the spot.33 The daughter of the mother says to her 'Mum, why are you staring like that?' (160) 'Weil!' she says 'Are you my son? Are you Kako?34 He says 'Yes!'. She does not believe it and stared at him in this way. (161) After that she stayed there for eight days. After eight days she went back home. (162) The next day a telegram arrived and they said to her 'Your son has died'. (163) His sister went ... In that place dwelt the rabbi of Iraq, their neighbour in Baghdad. She went and opened the book of fortune.(164) He said to her 'My daughter, he died by the eye of your mother, not by the evil eye but by the sweet eye'. (165) He Iooks at the book before him. He Iooks. He says 'Since she did not recognize him and she stared at him, the sweet eye killed him'. (166) She sent a telegram to her mother. She had gone back home. She sent a telegram to her. She said 'Come, your son has died'. Angels come to the aid of the Jews (167) Once, people came and said to us 'Tonight they will kill the Jews!' (168) We were afraid. His father35 had gone to the borders of Syria with his grandfather.36 They had gone to the borders of Syria to bind up wool (in bales). (169) I was alone with the four small children. We were afraid. (170) They said 'Tonight they are coming to kill the Jews'. 'That cannot be true•.37 'Yes, they will kill the Jews'. (171) What had we done (to deserve it)? At night, there came the angel Michael, the angel Gabriel, the prophet NaQ.um and the prophet Daniel. They were prophets. They came in the form of a man.

31 The phrase 'to his mother' is an explanatory addition of the narrator. 32 Literally: 'He held his legs on the road'. 33 Literally: 'She dried up'. 34 A hypocoristic form of the name Jacob. 35 I.e. the father of Nisan, her son. 36 l.e. the grandfather of Nisan, her son. 37 Literally: 'Wonders!'

510

TEXTS

( 172) ztllu miru ta-bSilmäne 1: slmun! 1 leka lä-gezetun? 1 lii-baqri l-inna

bSilmäne, 1 qafla rubta rubta. 1 kullu lii-lyelu, 1 ?a!eni gaw kolanit hula?e 1 qatli hula?e. 1 (173) ya falena! 1 lii-zadex. 1 raba näSe mi-zdulu mlllu. 1 ( 174) mzru bäqu: 1slmun, 1näslt saray' kullu q{olunnu, 1?tnnat ruwwake ?od didxun, 1 ?tnnat itiwelu b-saray. 1 ( 175) dukkit HmemSa[aH 1 ?o-dukka kimrtwa saray. 1 (176) ?inna bsilmäne 1 la-y?lllu 1 inna-maylu, 1 mgiJ xmiirelu. 1 mtru Hb-seder.H 1

ztllu reS qiSla. 1 hiwalu qam qumble. 1 (177) niiSe hula?e ma mtru? 1 mtru HbetaxH 1 /ii-pÜ/u gaw hu/aJe. 1 ya fa/ena/ 1 (178) ?ilye[e, 1 ztl/u, 1 qi{il/u, 1 kulla bSilmanake qi{illu 1?od-gaw saray ?itiwelu. 1(179) mzru bäqu 1: hula?e 1 faqlrilu. 1 b-xa daqiqa, 1 ma$etun qa(letunu, 1 ?inna nevi?e lä-kimrtlu. 1 (IBO) miru bäqeu: 1 Hb-sederH. 1zlllu. 1J:tastake willalu, 1qitlllu. 1?inna qitlllu, 1?innat ruwwäne, 1 Hros a-memSa[aH 1wl-polise, 1kullu qi(lilu. 1xa-naS la-Swfqlu gaw. 1(181) ?ilyelu hawa tixya. 1 mtru ?attäne, 1 ?lt bSilmane-S, 1 na-hor-kulla La la-mlllu. 1 keni doqllan, 1 darenilan gaw J:tapiSxiina. 1 ( 182) ?inna Hmal?axzmH mlru bäqu: 1 la-zdimun/ 1 kut-xa mar-?ez-hawa beleu. 1 HJava[.HI hema-i 1 xa 1 (purtit hula?a 1 ?axta 1 dimma ?ale minnaw, 1?atxan $albixxftxun. 1(183) miru bäqu. 1 ?inna lii-xerl 1 bl?inna Hmal?axzm,H 1 lii la-d inna-Hmal?axlmHilu, 1 nivyelu, 1 jwan la-J:taqeni. 1 (184) qlmlu, 1b-xabru wlllu. 1 miru la, 1 Hma-pit?om,H 1lii-qatllxxu. 1 (185) kut-xa

zllle-(ha)wa beleu. 1 ?ilyelu 1 gaw kolanit hula?e. 1 Hha-rab ha-raslH ?od geb2zn 1 (la-wele b-dawrt 1) mlre: 1 jamafta, 1La zadetun! 1(186) zille bela bela. 1mire: 1lazadetun,1 dmoxun b-raJ:tiitl, 1 sqotmun. 1la-marmi ?ila res-d hula?a, 1 la yiila w 1la zora w 1-la ruwwa. 1 (187) ?ileu niSqalu, 1 rab-wele. 1 qlmlu, 1 b-xabru wlllu. 1 ( 188) d!mfx/u HJ:te/eq,H 1 HJ:teleqH raba mi-zdu/u jaJ:ti/e mfllu, 1b/iine u-brone mizdulu mlllu, 1 ka-mlru. 1(189) sameniwa qumble, 1 kimriwa res-hula?e lä-matwi. 1 HJazH ?atxan 1la-dxwa. 1mi-Leka atxan Ia-tex Hmal?axzmH ?tt b-lete 1lii-lyelu. 1 m-teka tex ?iyya-rab /a-zille. 1(190) yomid bara, 1HJolamH raJ:tat gdlra, 1kut-xa zzlle ta-J:taSta, 1kut-xa l-belit noSeu. 1?ot-mllle 1mll/e. 1(191) ?isri-w-arba safate, 1 lete wl-yoma, 1 biibew-we/e l-bet-falmln, 1 näse qabrlwa. 14 ( 192) waxtit i?zllan bqatta, 1?iyya-rav /ä-ztlle bela bela, 1lä-mire ta-kullu Ia zadetun, 1?inna qumble /a-welu ta-hu/a?e. 1 ( 193) ?il-qiS/a 1 qam-qumbte mindya/u. 1 kulla inna-nasit gawit qiS/a qi;lllu. 1

4 This is probably a Hebraism. The normal form of the verb 'to bury' is qwr.

INFORMANTY

511

(172) They came and said to the Muslims. 'Come now, where are you going?', they ask the Muslims, who are a very big group. All of them have come to invade the streets of the Jews and kill the Jews. (173) 'Oh woe!' We are afraid. Many people died of fear. (174) They said to them 'Go and kill all the people of the saray (government offices), your great men, who reside in the saray'. (175) The place of the government - that place was called the saray. (176) The Muslims did not know what they were. They are like asses. They said 'All right'. They went to the police-station. They blew it up with explosives. (177) What did the Jewish people say? They said 'Of course, they have fallenon the Jews. What has come upon us?' (178) He38 came. They went and killed them. They killed all the Muslims who were in the saray. (179) They said to them 'The Jews are poor. You will be able to kill them in one minute'. It is the prophets who say (this) to them. (180) They said to him 'All right'. They did the job. They killed them. They killed them, the great people, the head of the government and the police, they killed them all. They did not leave one man in it (alive). (181) They came down again and said: 'There are still Muslims, not all of them have died. They will come to seize us and put us in jail!' (182) The angels said to them 'Do not be afraid. Everyone should go back to his house. But if bloods issues from any fingemail of a Jew, we shall put you to death'. (183) They said this to them. They Iook at the angels. They do not know that they are angels, that they are prophets. They speak beautifully. (184) They did as they were told. They said 'So what! Weshall kill them!'. (185) They all went back home. They came into the streets of the Jews. Our chief rabbi (this event was not in my time) said 'Do not fear, everybody'. (186) He went to each house. He said 'Do not fear. Sleep peacefully. Calm down. They will not raise a hand against any Jew, not a child, not a young or old person'. (187) They kissed his hand. He was a rabbi. They did as they were told. (188) Some went to sleep. Many young people died of fear, boys and girls died of fear,- so they say. (189) They heard explosives and said that they were firing them at the Jews. At that time we did not know. How should we know that angels had come in the night.39 How should we know that the rabbi had gone (around the houses). (190) The next day everything became quiet. Everyone went to work. Everyone was in his own house. Whoever had died, had died. (191) For twenty-four hours his father 4 0 was in the cemetery, while they buried people. (192) When we knew the next morning - the rabbi went from house to house and said to everyone 'Do not fear. Those explosives were not for the Jews. (193) They have blown up the police-station. They have killed all the people in the police-station'.

38 Apparently referring to the angel. 39 Literally: 'There are angels who had come in the night'. 40 I.e. the father of Nisan, the son of Sarah Yosef.

512

TEXTS

(194) mire ?agar ruwwäne zlllu,' ?znna zore kulla ?lte w-aq/elu,' ?znna lama$eni nas qatil.' Ia zadetun.' ( 195) yomid bara,' ?itlwlan gaw-$lola,' kulla jamafta qirptslile.' ( 196) mlre: jamafta!' ?atxan przqlan min-tlmmit gurga.' Hmal?ax ha-mavetH xmllwäle bäqan.' ?itwalan Hnebi?lm,H' ?ilyelu xmlllu bäqan.' (197) [a-qblttu,' ?inna Hmal?axlm,H' ?innat mlriti,' Hnabi Dan?e/, 1 nabi Nal}om,' mallax Gabri?e/, mal?ax Mixa?e[.HI ( 198) kulla mirlte.' mlre:' ?inna 1

?ilyelu Hfi-qrat flim ?Isra?et.H (199) ba-flräq,' kulla gezlwa $aleniwa,' bqatta fa$ir,' mu-ruwwe l}atta zore.' dwa?e gezzwa Cayxäna ?itwa,' gezzwa yatwzwa gure,' l}aqeniwa,' ?il-cayxäna kulla jamafta.' (200) ?aflllu cayxäna ?otbsilmane ?ot-hulale-S ?ltwa.' ?ltwa Cayxäna ?ot-bSilmane-S.' xanCi ?atxa yatwzwa,' xanCi ?atxa yatwzwa.' (201) A?ifiJ.li$ifA, 1 ral}at wille/an,' mzre ?otzllle-S' mi-zduleu' ?iyya kliwa-wele geb ?ilhil,' ya-?abe ?atxa hawewa,' ?lnna näSe ?ezlwa.' raba bläne' u-raba brone.'

The Jews are falsely accused of murder (202) HsipparH l}aqyan reS-xa bSilmäna.' reS-xa bSilmäna l}aqyan.' ma wille?'

l}aqyali ta-nawagl' qamol ?alyan.' (203) ?ltwa geban' bsilmane rliba.' hula?e-s ?ltwa raba.' (204) tfqha bSilmäne baruxyawäle wetu.' zll/u' wadi ?ltwa.' gezzwa yatwlwa ?il-lax,' faraq sateniwa,' baruxyawäle.' (205) yatwlwa I-lax sateniwa.' nabtlwa gal-noSu ixala,' mazza,' yaruqula' nabtlwa,' gal-faraq Sateniwa.' (206) xa yoma' min-yomäle' bSilmcznake siklrru.' ?iyya dbanCa ?itwalu.' xa

minnu qtllle 1-baruxeu.' (207) xa plste.' tre plstu.' xa qtllle 1-?o-xhi.' (208) ?ilyelu,' mlru' ?atxan naplex gaw-hula?e li-?Arbel.' kulla hula?e

qatllxxu.' (209) yä falena!' bar-xlula xa-yarxa-s tltwäfi.l tama hula?e, ma läwlllu?' mlru,' bronan' hula?a lä-qtllle-lleu.' (210) xa rab ?ltwälan,' maflim ?lsl}aq kimrlwäle.' zlllu hula?e gebeu,' mlru bäqeu:' ?agar ?ätl qurtar la?ollttan' kul/a hu/a?e qatzllu.' (211) Siqtlle' xa-HsakH dehwa w-päre.' zl/le qiS/a.' mlre' ta-nasit' ... ?znnat ruwwäne gaw-qiSla yatwt.' zllle mlre bäqu.' (212) mlre:' gzl ?atxa lä-kimrz,' H?ava[H hulale,' ci-fawin llttu.' mlru: Ia,'

hu/ale /ä-qatJflu.' (213) waxti gzyti/u HsakitH pärake, 1 tlmmu dwlqlule.' ?iqnaf willlte' hic la-?oll.'

INFORMANTY

513

(194) He said 'If the senior men have gone, the young ones are all hands and legs.41 They cannot kill anybody. Do not fear'. (195) The next day we sat in the synagogue and he gathered tagether all the community. (196) He said 'Ladies and gentlemen, we have escaped from the mouth of a wolf. When the angel of death lay in wait for us, prophets came and stood up for us.42 (197) The angels, whom I have spoken of, did not allow it, - the prophet Daniel, the prophet Nal).um, the angel Gabriel and the angel Michael'. (198) He named them all. He said 'These came to (the aid of) the people of Israel'. (Thereafter life went on as normal) (199) In Iraq everyone went to pray, morning and evening, old and young. Then they went to a tea hause. The men went and sat. All the community chatted in the tea hause. (200) There was even a tea hause for Muslims and Jews. There was also a tea hause for Muslims only. Same sat in one and some sat in the other. (201) In short, he (the rabbi) calmed us down. He said 'Whoever has died from fear, - it was written (in the book of destiny kept) by God that this had to happen, that these people had to go (to their death), many girls and many boys'.

The Jews are falsely accused of murder (202) I shall tell a story about a Muslim, I shall tell (you) about a Muslim. What did he do? I told it to my grandson before I came. (203) There were many Muslims where we lived. There were also many Jews. (204) Three Muslims were

friends. They went to a river valley. They went and sat there. They drank araq. They were friends. (205) They sat there drinking. They took with them food, pickles and vegetables. They took them and drank araq with them.43 (206) One day the Muslims got drunk. They had a pistol with them. One of them killed his friend. (207) One was left - two were left, but one killed the other one. (208) They came and said 'Let's attack the Jews of Arbe!. Let's kill all the Jews'. (209) Oh dear! It was not even a month after I had got married. Why the Jews? What had they done? They said 'A Jew has killed our son'. (210) We had a rabbi. He was called rabbi Ishaq. The Jews went to him and said to him 'If you do not save us, they will kill all the Jews'. (211) He took a sack of gold and money and went to the police-station. He said to the people, the great men who were sitting in the police-station, he went and said to them, (212) he said 'Look, they say this, but the Jews arenot guilty of any crime'. They said 'No, they will kill the Jews'. (213) When they saw the sack of money, they closed their mouth. He convinced them not to do anything.

41 I.e. they have no head to guide them. 42 Literally: 'We bad prophets, they came and stood for us'. 43 Literally: 'They drank (them) with araq'.

514

TEXTS

(214) la-kos hawa tixya, 1 la-ke, 1 b-lele, 1 la-xer 1 tlq.hiz "mal?axim," 1 nivye. 1

HnfibiH Danlei kimrlwale, 1 ?il-Karkuk wele. 1 HnabiH Na~om, 1 ?i/-Mu$il wele. 1 Hmal?ax Gabri?el 1 ?u-mal?ax Mixa?el, 1 Hqados barux-hu" miSdlrrlle. 1 (215) la-gezl 1 ta-l?at qiS/a. 1 ?iyya rav, 1 Ia-ke hawa ta-hula?e, 1 1-iqnaf ?ol/u 1 Ia

zadeni. 1 la-xer-bu inna br-"fibrit" la-~aqeni. 1 (216) Hrabbanlm 1 fibrftH dwa. 1 babl ?ilyelan ta-?Isra?el, 1 HfibrftH mgo-mafe ~aqewa. 1 b-tanax yalplwa. 1 (217) mlre, 1 ?awwalla-xer-bu ?inna ...

1

?inna Hmal?axlm"ilu. 1 Hribbono sel-

folam,H1 la-kmlr ta-?i/hiz 1, ?inna 1 miSdrllox ta-baqan. 1 (218) Ia ~ale u 1-la baxe 1 wr-?ila drele gaw-?ilu, 1 Ia ~aqe gallu, 1 jwabeu la-kwl. 1 "bne-?adam"ilu, 1 "?aval" nivyelu. 1 (219) mlru ta-inna bsilmane ?inna nivye, 1 la-gbl ?aleni tahula?e,1 mlru baqu: 1 slmun qiS/a. 1 kul/a q(olunnu ?ot-ruwwane. 1(220) waxtit ?il?onit ruwwane qitlllxun, 1 hula?e ?isri-w-arba sfate b-i/xani/u. 1 b-xa daqiqa 1 ma~etun qatletunu. 1 (221) ?inna Hmal?axfmH lii-kimrl ta-?inna bsilmane. 1 la-

lyelu ba-hamuna 1, qatli lü-hula?e. 1(222) ?u-hula?e lii-baxeni u 1-la ~aleni, 1 kulla ~atta bqatta gaw ~lola. 1 wr-raba mi-zdulu mlllu. 1 (223) ma wlllu bsi/miinake? 1

bar qitlllu, 1 ?ilyelu hawa la-mzru ta-rabake. 1 mzru: rabbi. 1 Spzra wlllox. 1 ?attane gezex hula?e-S qatlex. 1 (224) mzre: la, 1 hula?e tama qatletunu? 1 hula?e ma liiwillu?1 mlru: qatllxxu. 1 (225) mlre: 1 ?iyyat la-qtlllu-lleu, 1 hula?e la la-qtillulleu.1 mlre: manni? 1(226) mlre: qadome, 1 riibake lii-kmlr ta-bsi/miine. 1 ?ilamun qadome, 1 ?il-leka la-qwirrüxan-illeu, 1 maxwimunne-lli.' ?ana ken ~aqen galmilake.1 (227) ?agar mire hula?e la-qtillu-l/i, 1 ?atxan dimman 1 res-?llxun, 1 qfolunnan. 1 wa-?agar mire la hula?e, 1 mlre: 1 dlmmid didxun 1 ?atxan 1 gollxxe. 1 (228) ?atxan 1 ?atxun illan Ia qatletun. 1 ?atxan qatllxxüxun. 1 ?ana la-wele b-

dawrl1, b-dawrid babl 1 ?o ~aqe/e baqan. 1 "?az-b-gil ~afir,H 1 pes gaw-moxit naSe xabre. 1(229) zllle 1 reS bet-a-~aymid bSilmane. 1b-kulla bSilmane mzre 1 müruwwe ~atta zore 1 ?aletun 1 H?if-bet-a-qavarotH didxitn. 1 ?ana la-ken 1 wl-tikma ruwwane-s min-hula?e keni. 1 (230) smlmun 1 ma kmlr ?iyya-brona. 1 ?agar mlre bSilmane qtillu-lli 1llttüxun reSan t!a-~aqq. 1 wl-mzre 1 hulale q#llu 1 dirnman reS?ilxitn.1 (231) mlru: yalla. 1 qiblalu xabrake. 1 zllle bqatta. 1 kulla mlre ta-kulla bSilmane. 1 kullu ?i/yelu 1 reS-bet-a-~aymit noSu, 1 wl-t!ikma hula?e ruwwane zillu gal ya-rab. 1 (232) xa-HmeforasH qrele 1 reS-qorit ?ot-qtila. 1 mzre baqeu: 1 mor 1 H?emetH 1 lii-gben baqrznnox, 1 dogri mor 1 manni q(zl/e-l/ox 1 timma/oka gawit wadi? 1(233) ?u-melu mindelu gaw-kolanit hula?e, 1 mlru qat!ex il-hula?e. 1

INFORMANTY

515

(214) He comes down again. He comes in the night and sees three angels and

prophets, called the prophet Daniel, who was from Kirkuk, the prophet Nahum, who was from Mu~il. the angel Gabriel and the angel Michael, whom the Lord had sent. (215) They go towards the police-station. The rabbi comes back to persuade the Jews not to fear. He sees them speaking Hebrew. (216) The rabbis knew Hebrew. When we came to Israel my father spoke Hebrew fluently.44 They used to learn from the Bible. (217) He said, when he first sees them, 'They are angels'. 'Oh Lord of the world!' he says to God 'You have sent them to us!' (218) He prays and weeps. He placed his hand in theirs and speaks to them. They reply to him. They are human beings, but nevertheless prophets. (219) These prophets said to the Muslims, who want to come (and kill) the Jews, they said to them 'Go to the police-station and kill all the great men. (220) When you have killed those great men the Jews will be in your power twenty-four hours (a day). You can kill them in one minute'. (221) Thus speak the angels to the Muslims. They have come in a great number to kill the Jews. (222) The Jews weep and all pray in the synagogue until morning. Many of them died of fear. (223) What did the Muslims do? When they had killed them they came back to say to the rabbi 'By God, rabbi, you have done weil. We shall now go and kill also the Jews'. (224) He said 'No! Why should you kill the Jews? What have the Jews done?'. They said 'We shall kill them'. (225) He said 'The one who was killed was not killed by the Jews'. He said 'Who was it (who killed him)?' (226) He said 'Tomorrow ..', the rabbi says to the Muslims, 'Come tomorrow to the place in which you have buried him. Show him to me. I shall come and talk to the dead man. (227) If he says "The Jews have killed me", our blood is in your hands, kill us! But if he says "It was not the Jews", we shall have your blood. (228) You shall not kill us but we shall kill you'. This did not happen in my time, but in the time of my father, who told us it. At a young age stories stay in your mind. (229) He went to the cemetery of the Muslims. He said to all the Muslims, young and old 'Come to your cemetery. I shall come and some of the Jewish Ieaders will come. (230) Listen to what that boy says. lf he says "The Muslims killed me", you have no case against us. But if he says "The Jews killed (him)", you can have our blooct•45. (231) They said 'Come on then'. They agreed to this. He went in the morning. All the Muslims told one another. They all came to their cemetery and some senior Jews went with the rabbi. (232) He recited the divine name over the grave of the murdered man and said to him 'Tell the truth. I should like to ask you to tell me clearly who killed you yesterday in the valley'. (233) They brought him and threw him down in the street of the Jews and said 'We shall kill the Jews'.

44 Literally: 'Like water'. 45 Literally: 'Your blood is on your hands'.

516

TEXTS

(234) lznnat La q(zllu-lleu' dr(du gaw-HsakH' mindidu-lleu' qam-tarit xa beLa

HfasirH.' bqatta qlmLu,' Lii-xeri Lii-meli mi-zduLu keni qattlLu.' (235) HJazH-JobeLa HmaLlaximH lo-LeL ilyeLu.' ya-riiv zllle kas-nasit ruwwiine.' bqatta,' kulluLyeLu bsilmane Lii-sameni.' (236) babid bronake' xmllle geb-rab,' Lii-gbe yallL' Spira Spira.' (237) bar meforaS qreLe,' mzre baqeu.' mor' HJemerHt huLaJe qtlllu-llox' yan bSilmiine?' (238) mlre Lal huLale,' t!qha-weLan baruxyawiiLe bSilmiine.' weLan gawit wadi,' KandiSnan kimrlwiiLa dukkake,' KandiSnan,' qawqor-weLa.' (239) mlre baqu' La-J;,aqe,' lilamun smlmun.' mlre manni q#llellox,' mor.' (240) mlre:' baruxl' SimSon' lu-HpLoniH gallew weLe.' ya dbant!a litwaLe.' bar prlqLan satex' mrlmLe dbant!a' qtllle-LW (241) wl-dreLe-lli gawgunya,' mindeLe-lli qam tarid be huLala,' J;,atta L-huLale HL-alasimH lotl' wlqatLlLu bSilmiine,' lu-HL-argisH La-lotlloni Lii-qtlllu-LW (242) kulla bsilmane LiiSameni.' Lii-kmurru-S rabake,' kud-xabrit Lii-baqzr min-mila,' Lii-kmurru:' LiiSametun?' Lii-kimrl: Je!' (243) babit bronake Lii-xmllle geb-rab.' kmlr J;,aql, J;,aql, J;,aql galleu,' lana Lii-gben bronz.' HpltlomH q#llu-lleu' La La-J;,qeli galleu,' Lagben samlnne qiiLeu.' (244) mabsut,' mabsut-weLe babit bronake.' HrevafH safata bi-zoda,' liyya nisamit liyya bsilmana mixmrtaLe' La-J;,aqya.' (245) bar prlqLe, I mzre: hulale La la-qtlllu-/[il' nas La La-qtllle-[[i.l baruxyawiiil.' (246) Szmmit tJrnu-S meLe,' llnnat pise/u,' wö-lot-q(ille-lleu' mzre Simmake,' (247) lu-mlre drele-lli gaw-gunya,' nbllle-lli qam-tarit xa-huLala mtlwLe-lli.' (248) liyya milake Lii-kmlr.' dwale SmeLu latxa,' w-izn meLu min-huLale.' xet La

zdeLan.'

The drowning of a man (249) lltwa geban' Ptrd,' kimriwaLa Plrd,' ziiwa litwa ruwwa-L-Lax.' gezlwa

naSe lo-dukka,' saxeniwa.' (250) dukkake La-weLa raba rubta, 1 HJavaLH lltwa tujiira raba gaw.' kud-damma soneu gezwa,' min-lo dukka mindixane zonwa ta-HmisJ;,arH,' kmewa L-JArbeL mazblnwa,' biibz.' (251) dukkake basimta-wela.' lana-S gizyawiili.' Jltwa ziiwa ruwwa.' (252) xa-yoma' liyya-zawa smlqle u-Lii$arfx.' KJajal hat,' JAJ;,mad na-hat.'K lajal lilyele,' lu-nasake la-Lyele tabaJ;,ra.' (253) lii-$arix Jzyya baJ;,ra.' HzeH la-liina lä-Smeli,' biibz' J;.aqele-hawa baqan.'

INFORMANTY

517

(234) The ones who killed him put him in a sack and threw him in front of the

door of a rich man's house. When they got up in the morning and saw this, they died of fear that they would come to kill them. (235) So, the angels came to that house that night. The rabbi went to the people in authority.46 In the morning all the Muslims came and listened. (236) The father of the boy stood by the rabbi. He wanted to know exactly (what happened). (237) After he had recited the divine name, he said to him 'Tell the truth, did the Jews kill you or the Muslims?' (238) He said 'Not the Jews. We were three Muslim friends. We were in a valley'. The place was called Kandishnan. It was a hollow'. (239) He said 'He is talking, come and Iisten!'. He said 'Who killed you? Tell (us)'. (240) He said 'My friend SimSon - so-and-so also was with him - he had a pistol. After we had finished drinking, he raised the pistol and killed me. (241) He put me in a sack and threw me before the door of a Jewish house in order to accuse the Jews so that the Muslims would kill them, in order to make it seem that they had killed me'. (242) All the Muslims were listening and the rabbi said to them every time he asked something of the dead man, he said 'Do you hear?' and they said 'Yes!' (243) The father of the boy stood by the rabbi. He said 'Speak, speak, speak to him. I Iove my son. They killed him suddenly and I have not spoken to him (since). I want to hear his voice'. (244) The father of the boy was very happy. For more than a quarter of an hour he made the soul of the Muslim stand and speak. (245) After he had finished he said 'The Jews did not kill me, nobody (from among them) killed me. (It was ) my friends'. (246) He mentioned the names of both of them, the ones who were still alive. He gave the name of the one who had killed him (24 7) and said 'He put me in a sack and brought me before the door of a Jew and placed me there'. (248) It was the dead man who said this. After they hear this, they apologized to the Jews and we did not fear any more. The drowning of a man (249) There was a place near our home called Pird. There was a big river there. People used to go there and swim. (250) The place was not very big but there

was a Iot of commerce there. His grandfather47 always used to go and buy things for trade from that place. He brought them to Arbe! and sold them - my father. (251) The place was pleasant. I have seen it myself. There was a big river. (252) One day the river became red and cried out 'Death has come! AQ.mad has not come. Death has come but the man has not come to the river'. (253) Thus cried the river. I myself did not hear this, but my father told it to us.

46 Literally: 'the great people'. 47 I.e. the grandtather of Nisan, the son of Sarah Yosef.

518

TEXTS

(254) lii-$arlx 1 mga lii-dbi~lox torta, 1 dimma lii-gez b-taniStlt ?o-zawa. 1 kulla

dimma, 1 smoqa. 1 mafake gdzru dimma. 1 (255) wallii $arix. 1 ?ajal ?ilyele, 1 ?unasake Ia la-lyele. 1 ?ilyele 1 xa 1 min-dli.r 1 bu-rkawa, 1 noSeu mindyale gäwaw. 1 kabra xnlqle. 1 (256) ba-~aqqat-ilhele. 1 Smele lii-tet, I zawa lii-$arlx. 1 ?ajaleu ?ilyele, I ?u-naSake la-lyele. 1 (257) ?iyya maf e lii-$arxi. 1 ?ilyele xa minH?elohim,HI Xa miSdzrre bi-rikawa, 1 noSeU mindyale gaw-ba~ra. 1 ba~ra nbll/el/eu.1 ~aqele-hawa bäbl. 1 (258) ?itwa dukkäne basime, 1 H?avaiH ?iSe, 1 la-mga attane gez!wa ~erlwa. 1 ?atxan har-il-bela welan. 1

Leaving Iraq (259) soneu gaw-garaj ~aSta g0/wa. 1 kulla ?arzaqit 1 ?askäri ?ot-farabne b-

ilew-wela.1 (260) zablnwälu ta-iyya bhlmäna. 1 waxtit ilyelan ta-?lsrä?el, 1 ?ilyele gaw qi{ar, 1 bixele. 1 (261) kmlrwa .... 1Slmmeu Fayq-wele 1 bSilmänake, 1 gwlra-s la-wele, 1 xalunteu 1 HmoraH-wela. 1 (262) mlre bäqeu: 1 Mose, 1 nawagox 1 bi-fimrit ?ista Sinnela, 1 mlra xalunti malpala. 1 (263) zille kilwale-S. 1 tqelebbeu,1 m!re: Ia sl. 1 (264) m!re: Ia pesen. 1 mlre: broni ?ez, 1 ?ana laxxa pesen? 1 xii brona ?itti. 1 mlre: La peSen laxxa. 1(265) bxele, 1 ?iyya bsilmanake bxe!e barsoneu.1 mlre: la, 1 Ia sl. 1 (266) ?iyya ?arzaqit kmeniwäle ta-faskäri ...

1

min-kitd

mindt 1 kmzrwä/e dabi Hsak sakH, 1 ?zyya HsakH Xi{!e, 1 ?iyya rizza, 1 ?iyya mäSe, 1 kulla nawfe, 1 farde. 1 (267) kmzrwa: pärl 1 mdor min-mafäsl. 1 ?ana la-gben Hba~innam.H1 (268) mzre: ?at ~aSta lii-goJet HqaSe,H 1 wa-?agar ?atxa ?amret, 1 ~asta la-?61. 1 (269) kmlr: HravH Ia go!en. 1 ?ana la-gben ?ati hawltti Hba~innam.H1 (270) wi-kiibra Spira-wele, 1 Hba-sofH ?lqnäf wzl/e-lleu. 1 kmewa kud-

yarxa kud-yarxa ?arzaq ta-?arabne ta-faskäri. 1 (271) masdlrwäle-s taKarkuk.1 Karkuk xa safata w-pzlge dli.r-wela min-?Arbe/. 1 (272) H?azH kmewälu ?znna 1, ba-~aqqat-ilhele 1 kullu palyanwäle, 1 ?u-pilgeu bi-zoda palyanwäle ta-?znnat tltwälu ?axtlwa. 1 (273) Ia ma$Janwa gazyanwa nasa lltte 1 ?ana yatwan ?axlan, 1 Ia ma$yanwa 1 ~atta la-yatwz galll. 1 (274) HmiSpa~aH IZtwäJi.l rweli gaw bela, 1 gal/u. 1 da?z 1 ?iyyat murwela-lli 1 H$afiraH zzl/a, 1 milla !{q.hl u-xamsa. 1

INFORMANTY

519

(254) He cried out. It was as if you had slaughtered a cow. Blood washed onto

the sides of the river. It was all blood, it was red. The water became blood. (255) And it cries out 'Death has come but the man has not come'. Then

someone came from afar on horseback and threw hirnself in it, but the man was drowned. 48 (256) I am telling the truth. He49 heard and ran. The river was crying out that his end had come but the man had not arrived. (257) This is what the water cries. Someone came from God, he sent someone on horseback, and he threw hirnself in the river. The river carried him away. My father told me this. (258) There were beautiful places but the warnen did not go and walk araund like they do here. We were only at harne.

Leaving lraq (259) His grandfather50 used to work in a garage. He was in charge of all the supplies for the army of the Arabs. (260) He used to sell them to a certain Muslim. When we came to Israel he came in a train and wept. (261) He would say ... The Muslim's name was Fayq, he was not married. His sister was a teacher. (262) He said to him 'Moshe, your granddaughter is six years old. My sister said that she will teach her'. (263) He even went and registered her. He pleaded with him, he said 'Don't go!' (264) He said 'I shall not stay'. He said 'lf my son goes, how can I stay here? I have (only) one son'. He said 'I shall not stay here'. (265) He wept. The Muslim wept for his grandfather.51 He said 'No, don't go!' (266) The supplies that he brought to the army ... He would say to him you need a sack of this and a sack of that, one of wheat, one of rice, one of beans, all different kinds of things, in sacks. (267) He said 'Take the money I owe from my salary, I don't want it free'. (268) He said 'You work hard. If you say this, don't work!' (269) He says 'All right, I shall not work. I don't want you to give me things free of charge'. (270) He was a good man and finally persuaded him. Every month he brought supplies for the Arabs, for the army. (271) He used to send them also to Kirkuk. Kirkuk was one and a half hours distance from Arbel. (272) So, they brought them and, in truth, I divided them all up and I shared out more than half of it to those who had nothing to eat. (273) I could not see a person with no (food) while I sat down to eat. I could not (see people like this) without them sitting down (to eat) with me. (274) I had no family. I grew up in the hause with them, but my mother, the person who brought me up, passed away while young, she died when she was thirty-five.

48 Literally 'was asphyxiated.' 49 Apparently referring to the father of Sarah Yosef. 50 The grandfather of the informant's son Nisan. 51 I.e. the grandfather of Nisan.

INFORMANTB Houses 1 (1) kud bela, 1 ?itwale J.zawsao 1 ?u-gaw-ya J.zawSa 1 ?itwa t{(lha yan-?arba biite, 1

kud-bela bataneo 1 ?arba miSpiil_ze 1 gaw ?o J.zawsa kweniwao 1 (2) xan~i jiire 1 ?itwa biite 1 ?itwiilu kiiwe, 1 xan~i jiire ?ltwa biite be kiiweo 1 (3) ?itwalu t{(lha biite gaw-J.zawsa, 1 kud bela, 1 xa miSpaJ.za ?ltwa gawo 1 ?atxa-welu biiteo 1 (4) biitake-S 1 min-may welu? 1 ?il-?Arbe/ 1 kullu min-karpli~ weluo 1 HJaviztH ?ilRuwandiz1 ?u-l-Biitas 1kulla min-tina-welu, 1 yafni, 1karpu~ake la-welu misimqe 1 b-nura, 1kulla ?ipra-weleo 1

Professions

(5) ?arba HfavodeH ?itwaluo 1 marit l_zaSta-weluo 1 xa minnu 1 marit

000

bazirgan

we/U, 1 yafni 1 KUtCi/ zabnlwao 1 (6) xan~i minnu-S 1 xuba-Jo/iine-we/u, 1 XUba go/lwa, 1 ju//e sofzwii/uo 1 Xanti minnu-S 1 zaqiire-we/U, 1 Ju-xanti minnu-S 1 zeringzr-weluo 1?iyya-welao 1xan~i-S J.zambcile weluo 1

Houses 2

(7) xmol ?amrznnoxo 1 dawlamande, 1 kud-niiSa belit jwaz wele 1 ta mSilmiineo 1 (8) faqlre, 1 yizfni mahiijirne kimrlwiilu, 1 ?ot-?ilyewiilu min-dasta, 1 min-biite gaw-malwa?at mSilmiine, 1 ?oni 1 gaw-J.zii~ar-welu, 1 /.zii~ar kimriwiilao 1 (9) xa J.zawSa-weleo 1 ?ltwa ?isrl u-?arba biiteo 1 kud bela, 1 xa miSpaJ.za ?ltwa gawo 1 tre J.za~are welu t-Arbelo 1(10) ?o-xet J.za~ar, 1 ?ot-rabta 1 ?arbl u-tmanya bate ?ltwa gaw, 1 kullu-s b-lisanit kurdl J.zaqeniwao 1 b-liSanit farablla haqeniwa N-jaro 1 ( 11) ?il-mamlakatan 1 ?atxa la-welao 1 ?i{tam-is, 1 ?il-? Arbel-iS 1 mindl ?itwa, 1 mal_zallit hula?e ?itwa, 1 maJ.zallit hulale, 1 yafni Hba-farab!tH kimrlla maJ.zall.' (12) geban llt mindl 1 a! 1kimrlla kolanit hula?e gebano 1 kolanit hula?e ?itwa, 1 ?il-geban ls 1 ?il-?Arbellso 1(13) HJaviztH 1 geban 1 kolanit hula?e ?itwa, 1 jiriine 000

?itwalan 1 Jot mWlmiine-s, ?u-la-welu naS xriweo 1 xoS niiSe-weluo 1 ?il-maflfmit mamlakat 1xaswlwiile 1mangon sh, 1 ~i-jar 1 La la-gzeli minnu xriwulao 1

INFORMANTB Houses 1

(1) Every house belonged to an enclosure and within the enclosure there were three or four houses, every house standing alone. Four families were in that enclosure. (2) Sometimes there were houses with windows, sometimes there were houses without windows. (3) They had three houses in an enclosure and there was one family in each house. The houses were like that. (4) What were the houses made of? In Arbel they were all made of bricks. But in Ruwandiz and Batas they were all of mud, that is the bricks were not baked in the fire but were all made of earth. Professions

(5) They had four jobs. They practiced professions. One of them ... they were (cloth) merchants, that is they used to sell textiles. (6) Some of them were dyers. They used to practise dyeing. They dyed clothes. Some of them were weavers. Some of them were goldsmiths. That was it. Also, some were porters. Houses 2

(7) Wait, 1'11 tell you. The rich people- everyone was in aseparate house- (these were) for the Muslims. (8) The poor, that is those called 'refugees', who had come from the countryside, from houses in Muslim villages, they were in an enclosure called a hasar. (9) It was a single enclosure in which there were twenty-four houses. In each house there was a family. There were two enclosures in Arbel. (10) The other enclosure, the big one, had forty-eight houses in it. They all spoke Kurdish.l They never spoke Arabic. (11) In our town it was not like that. Both there andin Arbel, there was- there was a street of the Jews, a street of the Jews. In Arabic it was called it mahall. (12) Where we lived, there was not anything like this. Yes there was! It was called the kollin ('street') of the Jews where we lived. There was a street of the Jews both where we lived and in Arbel. (13) But where we lived, there was a street of the Jews, (in which) we had Muslim neighbours. They were not bad people. They were good people. They considered the rabbi of the town to be like a sheikh. I never witnessed any wickedness at their hands.

1 The term 'Kurdish' here is referring, it seems, to their Neo-Aramaic dialect. The Jews from Kurdistan commonly refer to their spoken Neo-Aramaic dialect as 'Kurdish'.

522

TEXTS

Family history (14) babl rwandizneLe.' ?a#eu il-Ruwandiz La-gdlre. soni-s ?il-Ruwimdiz La1

gdlre,' HJavaLH' xa-waxit beteu il-Badilya we/e.l sonlt babi' ?il-Barzan gdlre,' }Jaxam Smu?eL Barzani.' (15) b-dawrit Pasa-i Kora,' qma?eL tre-mma-Sinne Hbe-?erex,H' zille' Pasa-i Kora 1 Barzan dwiqcile, 1 ?il-sonit babi 1 meLe Ruwandiz,' wille-lleu }Jaxam.' (16) wille-lleu }Jaxam,' plsLu {tam,' }Jatta' satit' safarbarlig.' safarbarlig waxtit ?lngL!z ?u-Turkiya qrawa goliwa.' (17) w-o sata' -

sonl La-piswaLe,' }Jaxam Zakay Barzani 1

-

w-o sata, 1 Rus ilyeLe,'

Ruwandiz miqLaLe,' HLe-gamreH miqLcile,' ti-bate La-pisLu gaw.' ( 18) wu-huLa?e u-mSilmane 1 zillu gaw tura,' xa tura kimrlwate Brandist.' ?iSta yarxe ga-turaweLu.' (19) gaw-yane ?iSta yarxe ?inqilab gdira' ?ir-Rusya, 1 HkomunlstimH ?ituLu.' HizzH' qzmLu,' HRusimH dr?iru-(ha)wa' -

HJavaLH Ruwandiz La

piswaLe.' (20) HRusimH dz?iru-(ha)wa, 1 huLa?e u-m!Silmane-S' ?ilyeLu-(ha)wa Ruwandiz.' (21) biibl w-amoni,' mafllm Ra}Jamim kimriw(ile,' zillu L-Faqyana, 1 la-ten dkma L-Faqyiina weLu.' (22) ?amonit blibi' HniftarH gdirwaLe, maftrmit ib-Betwata we/e.l HniftarH gdirwate,' ?ilyeLu bar babi,' nblllu-llew il-Betwata.' (23) tikma Sinne L-Betwata wete.' baxta {tam mele,' da?i, dwa?e,' ?ilyeLe(ha)wa Biitase.' (24) ilyele l-Biitase,' maflim-wele xamsa Sinne {tam,' dwa?e,' zllle Rwandiz,' belan zllle Rwandiz.' ?iina ?o-damma ?imrl ?isra sinne-wele.' (25) babi 1 HtaLmzd }Jaxam gado[H wete. 1 xa HmasexetH, Hmasexet roS-haSanizH,t driiSa kliwwiile reSaw. 1 drasa kluLe reSaw, 1 pare titwlilan 1 paltlxxa Hbi-dfus,H 1 yafni paLtixxa H[i-Jor.Ht (26) waxtit ?ilyeLan ere:j Yisra?eL, 1 $iili}J mlre baqan,' mlre:' kud Hktav-yadH gazenila b-iLxun' madrixxun hawa,' La qabli ?ezetun ?ere:J Yisra?eL.' (27) HJazH-q{mli mindyiili gaw bira.' dugLaweLa!' mindyiili gaw bira.' (28) ?ilyeLan ?ere:J Yisra?eL.' Professor Rivlin' Hmizra}JiznH wete,' tllble m-babi' tora, kulla tora,' mln bareSit' }Jatta Hsof divre hayamzmH' kaLu-llew-illa.' kulla kilwaLe baqeu.'

INFORMANTB

523

Family history

(14) My father was from Ruwandiz. He was originally from Ruwandiz. My grandfather was also born in Ruwandiz, but his harne was for a time in Badilya. The grandfather of my father was born in Barzan, f;akham Samuel Barzani. (15) In the time of Pasha-i Kora,2 about two hundred years ago, Pasha-i Kora went and captured Barzan. He brought the grandfather of my father to Ruwandiz and made him a f;akham. (16) They made him a f;akham and they stayed there until the war.3 The war - when the English and the Turks went to war. (17) In that year - my grandfather, the hakham Zakay Barzani, had not remained there - in that year the Russians came and burnt down Ruwandiz. They burnt it completely. No houses remained in it. (18) The Jews and the Muslims went into the mountains, to a mountain called Brandist They were in the mountains for six months. (19) In those six months there was a revolution in Russia and the communists were established. Then the Russians returned harne but he had not stayed in Ruwandiz. (20) The Russians returned harne and the Jews and Muslims returned to Ruwandiz. (21) My father and uncle, called Rabbi Ral).amim, went to Faqyana. I don't know how long they were in Faqyana. (22) (When) the uncle of my father had died, he (my father) became the rabbi of Betwata. (When) he had died, they came to my father and took him to Betwata. (23) He was several years in Betwata. He married a woman there - my mother. Then he returned to Batase. (24) He came to Batase and was rabbi there for five years, then he went to Ruwandiz, our family went to Ruwandiz. At that time I was ten years old. (25) My father was a great scholar. He wrote a commentary on the tractate of Rosh ha-Shana. He wrote a commentary on it but we did not have the money to print it, that is publish it. (26) When we came to Israel, ~alib. said to us '(If) they see any mauscript in your hands they will send you back and not allow you to go to Israel'. (27) So I threw it into a weiL - It was a lie! - I threw it into a weil. (28) (When) we came to Israel, Professor Rivlin, who was an orientalist, asked my father to write for him (a translation of) all the Bible, from Genesis to the end of Chronicles. He wrote it all for him.

2 His name means 'The one-eyed Pasha'. 3 I.e. the First World War.

524

TEXTS

Jewish communities in the villages

(29) ba-?Arbel,' ?itwa nciSe' min-?Arbel' gezlwa 1-mamlakiu ... ?il-Qunagunde kimrliu' b-kurdz.' gaw malwa?e' gezlwa, ~erlwa,' nabllwa ga/-noSu' mindixan daqiqe.' (30) mindixan daqiqe,' yafni,' magon taxtit tire,' mangon sxäte,' mangon mindlxit atxa nabllwa gal-nosu,' maNrlwälu,' zabnlwälu,' keniwa(ha)wa bela.' (31) HJava[H- ?ltwa,' gaw-yäne malwa?e' ?ltwa HgamH hu/a?e-s.' Qaplan ?itwa gaw tre bäte,' tre bäte,' tfrnu ?axwä!e-welu.' ?Awena ?ltwa gaw So?a, tmanya bäte ?itwa gaw.' (32) ?oni-S kullu,' xan~i minnu' xuba gollwa,

1

xan~i minnu zaqäre-welu.' xa minnu bas-xa ?ltwa gaw,' ?Abraham Zero,' ?o,

mindl, dukäne ?itwcile,' yafni,' gaw bela' ?itwale mindi-K.utal zablnwa.' (33) ?agar baqret' mato xa?eniwa,' ?ana xaSwen,' yarxa xa-jar,' ?o-r/(lha yarxe xa-jar,' ?o-tre yarxe xa-jar,' mafllm gezllwa bäqu,' J;aywan dabil;wlilu(ha)wa.' (34) tre maflime-?itwa,' xa maflim-?Aron wele,' ?o-xit-is maflim Da?ttd wele.' l]aywane dabll;wälu-(ha)wa w-'pare kwlwäle,' Ju-kewa-(ha)wa bela.'

Isl)aq Sisawa

(35) kud-naSit gaw ... gaw qabilätl kimrlla b-kurdl,' gaw qabilätl hawewa,' HJ;ayyimeuH Spire-we/u.' HJava[H' ?itwa-S Sultäne,' geban ?ltwa xa kimrlwä/e ?lsl]aq Sisliwa.' geb-xa Jäga-wele,' kimrlwäle ?Awral]manbig.' (36) Jo ?äga' xa ?äga quya-we/e.' ?lsl]aq Sisawa-S xa näSa quya-wele.' miSilmane keniwa,' keplwa-(ha)wa qämeu,' sujda nabllwa qämeu.' ?atxa mare-sarilf-we/e.' (37) kud yarxa,' xa-J;aywlin dabil;wa-(ha)wa.' dabl ?ezlnwa' xa yoma.' xan~i jare b-trumbel gezlnwa,' xan~i jare ba-faq/e.' (38) ba-faqle' tre safte ?urxawe/a.' J;aywan dabl]lnwa-l/ew-ille (ha)wa w-'kenwa-(ha)wa be/a.' (39) dwad gezllwa b-safra,' tre-näSe qlimeu fetlwa,' tre bäreu, ?o-S rkiwa kwewa reS suse.' kimriwa/e Jisl]äq ?äga.'

INFORMANTB

525

J ewish communities in the vil/ages

(29) In Arbel, there were people who travelled from Arbel to the the towns which in Kurdish are called the Qunagunde. They went to the villages and travelled around. They took with them small things. (30) Small things, such as boards of needles, matches. They took with them things such as that. They hawked them and sold them, then came back home. (31) But in those towns there were also Jews. In Qaplan there were two families. They were brothers. In Awena there were seven or eight families. (32) Some of them practiced dyeing, some were weavers. In one of those (towns) there was only one (Jew), Abraham Zero. He had shops and he sold textiles from his house. (33) If you ask how they used to live, I think once a month, once every three months or once every two months a rabbi would go to them and slaughter an animal 4 for them. (34) There were two rabbis. One was Rabbi Aron and the other was Rabbi David. They slaughtered animals for them, they gave him money and he returned home. Ishaq Sisawa

(35) Everyone who was in a tribe, as they say in Kurdish,s ... who was in a tribe had a good life. There were Ieaders. In our community there was one called Isl.taq Sisawa. He was in the entourage of an Agha called Awral.tman ('Abdu 1Ral.tmän) Beg. (36) This man was very powerful. As for Isl.taq Sisawa, he was also a powerful man. Muslims would come and bow down to him and prostrate themselves before him. He commanded such respect. (37) Every month he slaughtered an animal. I had to go for a day. Sometimes I went by car, sometimes on foot. (38) On foot it was two hours journey. I would slaughter the animal for him and return home. (39) When he went on a journey, two people went before him and two behind him, while he would be mounted on a horse. He was called lsi).aq Agha.

4 According to my informant the word f}aywiin refers specifically to a slaughtered sheep. 5 Literally: 'in what is called a tribe in Kurdish'.

526

TEXTS

Cancellation of citizenship (40) xa-yoma, 1 Purim wele. 1 Purim we/e, 1 radyo Hhoda?aH hiwla, 1 b-radyo mi~rlxle 1 fAbdul?illih Wä~l 1 kimriwlile, 1 ?ib-Bagdad. 1 mi~rlxle, 1 mlre: 1 hula?e 1

dabi pal,i 1 mln flraq 1 Afawran fawranA, 1yafni hayya hayya. 1(41) fAbdulillih 1 ?ilyele res-radyo, 1 mlre: dabi hula?e paltl min flrliq 1 Afawran fawran.A 1 ( 42) har-?6 yomit Sabbat, I yomit Sabbat 1 tre hula?e zlllu, I xa ? Abraham kimrile, 1 lä-plsle, 1 xa-S Mixa kimrzwäle, 1 Mixaker, 1 ?o-la-piS. 1 zillu ?il-qiSla. 1 mlru: ?atxan lä-gbex ?isqlit ?olex, 1 ?il-Bätlise. 1 (43) HJazH 1 ma?mur markaz mlre bäqu: 1 ?atxun La ma~erun ?isqlit ?olerun 1 heStäne mindz 1 - ?atxan ?amir tli la-sqlllan. 1 (44) yomit sabbat, 1 hula?e qeml paltz tara, 1 ?tina l-bela dmixawen.1 bar ~lola, 1 bar ?ixäla, 1 ?tina damxlnwa xanCi, 1 yomi Sabbat, 1 bar Haruf.tat-b0qer.H 1(45) dmixa-wen, 1xa-waxit rlsli, 1 plltli tara. 1 mlri: ?ezen Ceren xand. 1 lli gezen, 1 mtila Col wo-hozlla, 1 Ci-hula?e la-pzsi gaw. 1 lä-zzllu res jäda. 1 (46) ?tina-S gzeli Mosela. 1 mzri bäqeu: MoSe! 1 ?ila-ezex xanci Cerex. 1 ca-rtiba gbixwa l-d/.xle, 1 ?o damma! 1 (47) qzmlan, 1 zillan reS kollini mSilmäne. 1 ?iläne?it gaw. 1 ?itulan 1 xel xa-?iläna. 1 Ci-hula?e La la-gazex. 1 (48) gzelan ?arba hula?e 1 lä-da?rl-(ha)wa 1 min-jäda 1 ?ezz-(ha)wa bela. 1 xa-waxit 1 ma lä-gazex? 1 tfange lä-mandeni l-yäne hula?e. 1 ?oni-s la-?arqlla. 1 (49) xa-waxit hula?ake mtelu gaw xa megalit ?irbe ?itwa, 1 xa-ktibra Swan-wele, 1 marfewälu, 1 wzru gaw ... megalit ?irbe

U 1-S{Zxlu-llaw. 1 (50)

?atxan ma-wlllan? 1 qzmlan ?irqlilan, 1

?ilyelan-( h)awa bela. 1 ?oni-S f.tatta m{elu l-qiSla. 1 res ?urxa-wela qiSla. 1 (51) mtelu l-qiSla. 1 Bablu brindlirile. 1 Barpirok 1 tfang lä-qzpla b-kurta"Keu 1 laxxa. 1 mi-laxxa lä-wlra, 1 laxxa lä-pllf[a, 1 Ci-brindtir lli la-gdlre. 1 (52) Simfonok-iS 1 ranke-?itwa qämeu. 1 lä-mxele l-rankeu, 1 lä-mxele l-rankeu käbra, 1 mi-laxxa lä-wlre, 1 laxxa lä-pll{le. 1 lä-d La la-lyele-lleu. 1 (53) Hb-sofH 1 Bablu 1 willale tasqala 1 res Sanga. 1 mlre: Sangele lä-mindele-llan. 1 Sanga J:tplslu-lleu. 1 (54) ?atxan irqalan, 1 ?tina ?irqali.l ?tina Hha-riSonH welz 1 plZfli min-Bätase. 1 zzlli ?Arbel. 1 (55) dukäna pllxli,l gal Bar pirok. 1 raba H[a?a~zlyyaJ:tH wlllan. 1 kud yoma, 1 ?il-Mu~il well. 1 kud-yom, yoma, 1 ?ilha wllwäle, 1

bqatta gdzrwäla, 1 gezznwa Mu$il, 1fä$irta da?rlnwa-(ha)wa. 1

INFORMANTB

527

Cancel/ation of citizenship

(40) One day - it was Purim. The radio made an announcement. On the radio a man called 'Abdulilah Wa~i announced, - (he was) in Baghdad - he announced 'The Jews must leave Iraq immediately',6 that is quickly. (41) 'Abdulilah came on the radio. He said 'The Jews must leave Iraq immediately'. (42) On that very Sabbath, on that Sabbath two Jews went -, one called Abraham - he is still alive - and one called Mixa, Mixaker - he is not alive - they went to the police-station and said 'We wish to cancel our citizenship'. (This was) in Batase. (43) Then the chief officer said to them 'You cannot cancel your citizenship, we have not yet received an order (to that effect)'. (44) On the Sabbath the Jews went outside while I was sleeping in the house. After prayers and after the meal I used to sleep a little on Sabbath, after breakfast (45) I was sleeping. When I woke up I went outside. I thought I would go for a little walk. I go out - the town is deserted! No Jews had remained there. They had set off on the road. (46) Then I saw MoSela. I said to him 'Mose, come, let's go for a short walk'. How we loved one another at that time! (47) We went to the street of the Muslims. There were trees along it. We sat under a tree. We see no Jew. (48) We (then) saw four Jews returning from the road to go home. Suddenly, what do we see? They shoot at those Jews. They flee. (49) When the Jews reached a flock of sheep - a man, who was a shepherd, was tending them- they entered the flock of sheep and lay down into it. (50) What did we do? We got up and fled and came back home. They (fled) until they reached the police-station. The police-station was on the road. (51) They reached the police-station. (They said) 'Bablu is wounded. Barpirok has been hit by a rifle-shot in his coat, here. It entered here and came out here. He has not been injured at all. (52) Sim'onok had trousers on. He had hit his trousers, the man had hit his trousers. It entered here and came out here and nothing at all has happened to him.' (53) In the end Bablu denounced Sanga. He said 'It is Sanga who fired at us'. They put Sanga into jail. (54) We fled. I fled. I was the first to leave Batase. I went to Arbel. (55) I opened a shop tagether with Barpirok. We were very successful. Every day I was in Mu~il. Every day that God made, when morning had broken, I would go to Mu~il and return in the evening.

6 An Arabic word is used in the text.

528

TEXTS

(56) ximci järe peslnwa l-mindl, 1 ?il-Samarämls. 1 lete peslnwa l-Samarämls, 1 bqima dalrlnwa-(ha)wa. 1 (57) l;.atta xa-stita {tarn welan, 1 }J.atta lisqat gdlra. 1 qmalel qaflit dwale, 1 tajmld wlllu. 1kulla dukäne 1 m$tidara wlllilu. 1 dukänan-is m$tidara willtilu. 1 (58) HJava[H-rtiba J;.a$[lxwa. 1 Hha-lemerH yomäte litwa, 1 liSta dinäre J;.a$[lxwa. 1 liSta dinäre Cet ma-welu? 1 ma Sawya. 1 hor lidtira wlllan. 1

Passover (59) b-Pesa}J. 1 ma gotlwa? 1 kud miSpa}J.a daw[amand 1 larba xamSa miSpa}J.e kimytiwa geb-nosaw. 1 kixllwa, 1 Sateniwa, 1 laggada qareniwa. 1 (60) kulte sola, 1 kutte Pesa}J. 1 mewfinit lo-be/a kweniwa. 1 HJava[H lltwa xa-lädat xet. 1 (61) minyomit lawwal Nsal;., 1 bar lixäla, 1 kullu paltlwa d-dasta. 1 paltlwa l-dasta, 1 Hsiml;.a w-sasonH gollwa. 1 (62) raqllwa, 1 xlula gotlwa, 1 gure u-linse gal-dlxle. 1 xlula gollwa 1 J;.atta bar-pllgit-yom. 1 bar pllgit-yom 1 dalrlwa hawa bela. 1 (63) gezlwa gure, 1 gezlwa $[ola, 1 $lola $aleniwa, 1 paltlwa hawa tara. 1 HJod

palamH gezlwa hawa lil-daSta, 1 xel liläne. 1 (64) geban 1 mafe raba welu, 1 mafe, 1 yiifni, 1 sola, tmanya joge lltwa, 1 jogit mafe. 1(65) b-qam yäne joge 1 biqeta1 zareniwa rizza, 1 mSilmäne. 1 (66) HazH b-Suqe-S, 1 f/{lha larba bäte Suqe goliwa, 1 kud bela, 1 xa larba xamSa miSpa}J.e kmewa geb-noSeu, 1 gaw Suqe, 1 kef gollwa, 1 kixllwa, 1Sateniwa. 1

SimJ:mt Torah (67) b-yomit slml;.at tora 1 kullu raqllwa. 1 yomit slml;.at tora, 1 kullu keniwa, 1 yäte u-ruwwe u-zore u-linse u-gure. 1 H lazH kullu raqllwa b-slm}J.at tora. 1 (68) HJava[H xa-Hminh2zgH litwtilan, 1 pes ya-Hminhag,H 1 ?il-lere$ llsra?el-is ya-HminhagH golixxe. 1 HminhagakeH mayle? 1 (69) mindi, 1 wa$[e, 1 HfaliyotH yafni, 1 wa$[e zabnzwä[U, 1 kud näSa Xfl-Wa$/a zonwa, 1 mazidzwa reS-dix/e. 1 dwale 1 maflim Hmi-Se-beraxH golwa 1 l-lo-näSit wa$[a piSle bäqeu. 1 (70) lu-byomit slml;.at tora-S 1 HJaqafotH zabnlwälu, 1 yafni lot HJaqafotH pllwäla qiimeu 1 kulla slfre tora 1 faydew-welu. 1 maCirlwälu, 1 lu-slmJ;.at tora gotlwa 1 J;.atta parqlwa. 1

INFORMANTB

529

(56) Sometimes I stayed in (the hotel) Semiramis. I spent the night in (the hotel) Semiramis and returned harne in the morning. (57) We were there for a year, until our citizenship was cancelled. Before the final convoy they commandeered things. They commandeered all the shops. They commandeered also our shop. (58) But we made a Iot (of money). To tell the truth, there were days when we made six dinars. Do you know what six dinars were? They were worth nothing. But we made a living. Passover

(59) What did they do at Passover? Every rich family would host four or five families.7 They would eat, drink and read the Passover haggadah. (60) For the whole week, for all of Passover, they were guests in that hause. There was another custom. (61) On the first day of Passover, after the meal, everyone went out into the fields. They went out into the fields and made great merriment. (62) The men and warnen danced together. They danced until after midday. After midday they returned harne again. (63) The men went off to the synagogue and prayed. Then they came back outside and went out into the fields again, under the trees. (64) There was a Iot of water where we lived. There were seven or eight streams, streams of water. (65) By these streams the Muslims planted rice in the summer. (66) In the streets - three or four houses made up streets - every hausehold hosted four or five families in the streets. They were merry, ate and drank. Simhat T orah

(67) On the festival of Sim/Jat Torah everyone danced. On the festival of Sim/Jat T orah everyone came, children, young and old people, men and warnen. Everyone danced at Sim/Jat Torah. (68) We had a custom. This custom is still followed even in Israel. We follow this custom. What is the custom? (69) They used to sell portians (of Bible reading), that is (in Hebrew) 'aliyyot. Everyone bought a portion, outbidding one another. Then the rabbi said the blessing 'May he who blessed'S for the person who acquired a portion. (70) On the day of Sim/Jat Torah, they soldalso the haqqafot.9 The one to whom the haqqafot had fallen carried 10 all the Torah scrolls. They carried them 11 round and performed Sim/Jat T orah until they finished.

7 Literally: 'Would bring to itself'. 8 A blessing on the one receiving the portion for his donation. The full form was 'May he who blessed Abraham, lsaac and Jacob bless this man ...' or the like. 9 The haqqafot are the processional circuits, in which all the Torah scrolls are carried around the bimah of the synagogue. 10 Literally: 'All the Torah scrolls belonged to him'. 11 I.e. the Torah scrolls.

530

TEXTS

(7 1) yomit slm/:tat tora geban' yomit tmanya-wele,' yomit itfa.' Ia yomit tmanyi.zi HsliJ:zaH.' yomit itfa,' ?iyya kimrile' Hrsifl sel-sukkot.H' yafni,' Hsaminl fa~eret.H' (72) laxxäne,' slmJ:zat tora goll b-Hsaminl fa~eret.H' ?i{tam,' gollwa

slmJ:zat tora bf-yomit ?itfa.' ?il-laxxa.' PesaJ:z so?a yomele.' ?iftam.' PesaJ:z tmanya-yome wele,' tre-yomit ?awwal, 1 tre-yomit dwa?e,' ?u-HJ:zol a-mofed.H'

New Year

(73) ros-ha-sana tre-yome wele' magon laxxa.' ?i~-#ola ~allxwa,' kixwa-(ha)wa bela,' so?oda golixwa bqatta.' bar so?oda' gezixwa ?il-kfniSta.' (74) kimrlla kniSta, Ia kimrfla #ola.' xanti kimrfla #ola, xanti kimrfla kniSta. (75) H?azH 1

1

1

1

gezixwa-s ?il-kiniSta,' yatuxwa,' HrihilzmH qarhwa,' J:zatta parqzxwa minHrihilim.H' (76) bar-pr{qwälan min-Htihilim,H' kud-nfiSa brfixf noSeu kmewälu' ?il-kfnista,' Hhafe~ wa-?adama.H' bar parqixwa,' H?az J:zazzanH badewa bffaqedat I~J:zaq.'

Weddings

(77) mi-qma?el,' bräta b-zlid bä.baw w-da?aw-wela.' hawlwäla ta-mannit hawiwäla,' Ia maHiiwa ?amra:' ?tina Ia qablan.' (78) H?avaiH' bi-dwa?e,' bräta' ?agar Ia ?ebewäla 1-'brona,' b-ilit noSaw-wela,' b-kefl noSaw-wela.' (79) H?azH' ?agar ?ebewäla-S,' bang goliwa.' blibit brona gezilwa ?il-be ... blibit bräta.' (80) tikma HzaqänfmH nabilwa gal-noseu.' yatwiwa gebu,' ?ilbelu.' blibit bräta cilwa tama lä-lyelu.' (81) H?azH' biibit brona' J:zaqewa,' kmirwa lä-lyeli ta-brätox' hawt-illa ta-bronz.' (82) H?azH-pek keniwa,' xa-waxit b-päre-wela.' ?iina-s b-päre lä-Siqliili.' (83) ?istl dinäre lä-hiwli ta-bäbaw.' H?avaiH bäbaw pärake Ia xllile.' hiwlle bäqaw xSilta.' H?azH ?atxa-wela.' gwära ?atxa-wela.' (84) dwa?e,' qemiwa bar t!!Jha ?arba yarxe' saneniwäla.' goliwfila J:zafla.' (85) La tetlwa gal-dixle ti-jar.' Ia qabllwa gazela-s.' La qabllwa gazela,' J:zatta ... lelf-J:zuppa,' /:tatta yomf-/:tuppa.' (86) yomr J:zuppa,' J:zaxam kewa,' bartxwä[a 1

-

Hsalom fal-Yisra?ei.H' xlula-S gollwa,' raba xlula gollwa.'

INFORMANTB

531

(71) The day of Sim/:tat Torah where we lived was the eighth day, - the ninth day, not the eighth day, sorry. The ninth day is called 'the ninth of Sukkot', that is Shemini 'Aseret. (72) Here, they perform Sim/:tat Torah an Shemini 'Aseret. There, they performed Sim/:tat Torah an the ninth day. Here, Passover is seven days. There, Passover was eight days, two first days, two last days and lf ol haMo'ed.

New Year (73) New Year was two days like here. We used to pray in the synagogue and then come back harne. We had a meal in the morning. After the meal we went to the synagogue. (74) They called a synagogue kniSta, they did not call it slola. Same called it slola and some called it knista. (75) So, we went to the synagogue. We sat and read the Psalms until we finished them. (76) After we had finished the Psalms, everyone said his own blessings in the synagogue, 'The tree and the earth'.12 After we finished, the l;azzan began with 'The Binding of Isaac'.

Weddings (77) In the olden days the girlwas in the powerl3 of her father and mother. Ta whomsoever they gave her, she could not say 'I da not agree'. (78) But later an, if the girl did not like the boy, her wishes were respected.14 (79) If she liked him they sent out an invitation. The father of the boy went to the hause of the father of the girl. (80) He took several elders with him, and they sat with them, in their hause. The father of the girl knew why they had come. (81) Then the father of the boy spoke and said 'I have come for you to give your daughter to my son'. (82) Then they came to an agreement, when money was involved. As for me, I married her (my wife) by (giving) money. (83) I gave sixty dinars to her father. But her father did not squander15 the money. He gave it (back) to her in the form of jewellery. It was like that, marriage was like that. (84) Then, after three or four months they would give her in marriage and hold a party for her. (85) They never went out with one another. They did not allow him even to see her. They did not allow him to see her until the wedding night, until the wedding day. (86) On the wedding day, a rabbi came and blessed her with the blessing Salom fal Yisralel. They danced, they danced a Iot.

12 This is referring to apart of the New Year liturgy that concerns the produce of the trees and of the ground. 13 Literally 'Hand'. 14 Literally: 'It was according to her wish.' 15 Literally: 'Eat'.

532

TEXTS

(87) xa-käbra min-flraq lä-lyele, 1 goy, 1 HJazH lä-mire .... ?itti näse ... l-Asdod, 1 lä-mire bäqu: ?ana raba xlule lä-wllli bäqeu. 1 yafni ?o xlula lä-wille bäqi waxti-Sevaf Sinyali.' miri bäqu: 1 morunne telefon ol galli. 1

Circumcision (88) brit-mila. 1 gollwa mindl. 1 yomit tmanya, 1 bqatta, 1 Ia magon laxxa 1 bar pilgit yom, 1 fä$irta, 1 geziwa $lola, 1 $[ola ~aleniwa. 1 (89) bar $[ola, 1 yala kmeniwäle l-klnista. 1 mohel 1 gazirwäte. 1 (90) HmesibbaH goliwa. 1 ?ixala goliwa, 1 sateniwa, 1 kixllwa. 1 bas ... Hstiya ~arifaH ... Lltwa ftam, 1 la-kmeniwa qäma, 1 bassor naSe kmeniwa qäma. 1 (91) Hze-hu,H 1 brit-mila ?atxa-we[a. 1 HJava[H 1 qma?el m-brit-mila 1, tmanya [e/e 1 yatwiwa geb Hyo[edetH 1 ?u-geb bronaw. 1 naSe keniwa, 1 qarpslwa, 1 naku Sedime-eni maxenlle. 1

Food (92) waxti baxti Sinyali, 1 bell 1 -

jwaz wllli-(ha)wa min-bel bäbl, 1 Ia Cawa 1

mato qalya goli. 1 (93) ?ana qalya gollnwa. 1 ?ana qalya, 1 ?ana malplnwäla, 1 ~atta ilipla batane, 1kullu ?il-Sevaf barambäraw lä-kweni. 1

(94) ?agar baqret res-?ixäla, 1 ?ixalit ?Arbenne 1 min-kulla bis-basima-wele. 1 kuftu biS-basime-welu, 1 rizzu biS-basima-wele. 1 (95) Kurdne 1 ?im-mamlakatan 1 La dwa kufte basli. 1 säwäru biS-basima-wele, 1 rizzu biS-basima-wele, 1 ?ot?Arbe/.1 (96) (Wife: HJof lo-hayaH) ?ltwa, 1 kläle dab~lwa-(ha)wa. 1 ma litwa? 1 So?a xa klelta [a-dab~iwa. 1 HJulayH b-tre yarxe xa-jar dab~iwa. 1 (97) ?ls~aq Sisawa 1 kud yarxa 1 xa-~aywan dabl~wa-(ha)wa. 1 ?il-Bagdad 1 kxliwäle raba pisra. 1 ?il-Bagdad 1 dab~inwa hawa ~aywan 1 ta-~adaqa, 1 ta-kappära, 1 la-cawa baxtake ma ?ola-lleu. 1(98) HJazH pilgeu kwiwäle bäql, 1nabzlnwäle hawa bela, 1 - xa-yarxa l-Bagdad welan 1 - nablinwäle hawa bela 1 ta-baqan ?u-ta-be-!$ali~ Yosef Nuri. 1 (99) ?atxan welan, 1 be-bäbl welu, 1 !$ali~ Yosef Nuri wele, 1 t!~ha miSpä~e-welan. 1

INFORMANTB

533

(87) A man came from Iraq, a Muslim, and said - I have friends in Ashdod - he said to them (the friends in Ashdod) 'I danced a Iot for him'. That is, he danced for me when I married Bathsheba. I said to them 'Tell him to telephone me'. Circumcision

(88) Circumcision. The custom was as follows. On the eighth day, in the morning, not in the afternoon or the evening like here, they would go to the synagogue and pray. (89) After prayers, they would bring the child to the synagogue. The mohel would circumcise him. (90) They held a party. They made food, drank and ate. But there was no strong drink there, they did not bring it out. Only a few people brought it out. (91) That was how circumcision was performed. But, during the eight nights before the circumcision people would sit with the mother and her son. People came and gathered tagether so that demons would not come and strike him.(92) When I married my wife - my house, I had left my father's house- she did not know how to cook the fat of the tail of an animal. (93) I used to cook the fat of the tail. I used to teach her (how to cook) the fat of the tail. Until she learnt (to cook) by herself, everybody used to stand beside Seva•.l6 Food

(94) If you ask concerning food, the food of the people of Arbel was the finest. Their kufte were the finest. Their rice was the finest. (95) The Kurds in our town did not know how to cook kufte. Their burghul wheat was the finest and their rice was the finest, i.e. those of Arbel. (96) (Wife: There were no chickens). There were! What do you mean 'There were none'? They used to slaughter chickens. They did not slaughter a chicken once a week. Perhaps they would slaughter once every two months. (97) Isl)aq Sisawa would slaughter an animal every month. In Baghdad they would eat a Iot of meat. In Baghdad I used to slaughter an animal, for charity, for atonement, but my wife did not know what to do with it. (98) They used to give me half of it and I took it home - we were in Baghdad for a month. I took it home for us and for the family of Salib Yosef Nuri. (99) We were there, my father's family were there, Salib Yosef Nuri was there. We were three families.

16 I.e. Bathsheba, bis wife.

534

TEXTS

( 100) ?atxan ?ixiili msilmane Ia kixllxwa. 1Hbe-vadayH Ia kixllxwa. 1 HJavaiH

?oni-s ?ixalan la-kixllwäle. 1 läna fajben 1?il-laxxäne 1 ?arabne, 1kullu ?arabne 1 ?ixalan lä-kix!lle. 1(101) HJaviziH 1?itwa, 1il-flraq-is ?ltwa, 1tre ~izbe-litwa. 1 xa kimriwälu 1 Säfifl, 1 lo-xet Ia ten miz kimrlwälu. 1 - Säfifl u-lfanafl. 1 lfanafl 1 ?ixalan kixllwäle, 1 Säfifl 1 Ia kxilwäle. 1 (102) tre laxwäle-litwa, 1 xa Bakzrwele,1 xa fUmar kimrlwäle. 1 Bizkir 1 lixalan kxllwäle. 1 f0mar 1 lixalan liz kxzlwäle, 1 Hsone ?/sraJeiH-wele. 1 (103) Hze-hu. 1 laviziH 1 xa-mindi Xet-itwa. 1 sura?e-s ?ixalän Ia kixliwäle. 1 sura?ad geban FalaroSka kimriwälu. 1 (104) bas suralat Saqlawa w-l Anqawa 1 mellwa ta-ixali didan. 1 lagar xa-~aywan täref gdlrwiile, 1nabllwäle, 1 zabnlwäle biiqu. 1(105) ~aywan raref 1 yan-dabi part(lle, 1 yan-dabi xa-ilaj ?oil-lleu. 1msilmäne 1 Ia kixllle, 1 suralat i-mindl Falaroske 1 Ia kixllie, 1 bas suralat Saqlawa w-?Anqawa, 1 kildäne kimriwälu, 1 lot-laydit Roma, 1?aydit ?afifyor, 1?oni ?ixalan kixllwäle. 1

A bishop who was a friend of the Jews

( 106) HJazH_lltwa geban 1 xa ma{ran, 1 litwale liStiz-mma lalpa 1 surale, 1 ma{ran-wele, 1 yafni mago papa. 1 liyya ma{ran 1raba HJoheb llsrizle1H_wele. 1 (107) kud tre Sole xa-jar Sadlrwa bar-ilha-manlx bäbl, 1 gezllwa yatwlwa, 1

gollwa 1res-HdiztH, 1res-Yesu, 1res-Mbse rabbenu. 1(108) ~aqeniwa blisänizn.1 xa-yomiz 1 sdlrre bar ?ilha-manlx bäbl, 1 jar kud-jar 1 tre, r!!lha nase nabllwa gal-noSeu, 1 lana-S gezlnwa gallu. 1 (109) zl!ian, 1 litulan, 1 raba Ia ztlle bbaw, 1 gzelan xa malla lyele. 1 mallake-s 1 mare-qiwtele, 1 bron-M araj xaHviku~lmH

lafandlle,1 ?ir-Rwizndiz. 1( 110) leneu qlmla qlpla bbizn. 1mlre ta-marran, 1mlre: ma{ran lafandi. 1 mtre: Kfizrnu.K 1 mzre ... (words of abuse against the Jews) ... 1 ?ilha-manix-babi mlre bäqeu: 1 ?iu lä-illplox qur?an, 1 qurlan lä-qaret, 1 mato Xre pair[ min-gaw pifflffl0X? 1 ( 11 I) ba-~lzQQ mlre bäqeU. 1 lo-lä-qfmle, I b-$almf kome tltle, I zille. 1 ffla{ran mlre bäqeU, I mfre: 1 r/(lha gulfe fflXeiOX-il/eU, I Q{lllOXil/eU.1

INFORMANTB

535

(100) We did not eat the food of the Muslims. Of course we did not eat it. But they likewise did not eat our food. I am amazed that here all the Arabs eat our food. (101) But in Iraq there were two religious parties, one was called Safi'i, I don't know what the other was called - Säfi'i and J:Ianafi.17 The J:Ianafis used to eat our food but the Safi'is did not eat it. (102) There were two brothers, one was Bakir and one was called 'Umar. Bakir used to eat our food but 'Umar did not eat our food, he was a hater of the Jews. (103) That is what I have to say. But there was something eise. Also the Christians did not eat our food. The Christians where we lived were called FalaroSka.18 (104) But the Christians of Saqlawa and 'Anqawa used to crave for our food.19 If an animal became impure, they took it and sold it to them. (105) An impure animal must either be thrown away or treated. The Muslims do not eat it, the FalaroSka Christians do not eat it, only the Christians of Saqlawa and Anqawa - they were called Chaldeans, belonging to the Roman rite, the rite of the Pope - they used to eat our food.

Abishop who was a triend of the Jews (106) In the place where we lived there was a bishop. He had (in his flock) six

hundred thousand Christians. He was a bishop, like a pope. This bishop was a great friend of the Jews. (107) Once every two weeks he would send for my father, God grant him peace. He would go and they would sit and have discussions about religion, about Jesus, about Moses. (108) They spoke in our language. One day he sent for my father, God grant him peace. Each time he took two or three people with him. I also used to go with them. (109) We went and sat down. Before long,20 we saw a mullah come. The mullah is powerful. He is the son of Maraj, a gentleman in Ruwandiz. (110) His eye fell on us. He said to the bishop, he said 'Bishop!' He said 'Yes.' He said ... (words of abuse against the Jews) ... He said to him 'You have learnt the Qur'an and you read the Qur'an! How is it that excrement comes out of your mouth?!'. (111) Truly he said (this) to him. He got up and went out with a face dark (with anger). He left. The bishop said to him,21 he said 'You have shot him with three bullets. You have killed him!'

17 He finally remembers the name of the other party. 18 The name means 'The black Christians'. 19 Literally: 'were dying for our food'. 20 Literally: 'Much (time) did not go by'. 21 I.e. to the father of Zakay Barzani.

536

TEXTS

Recipe for sawar ('burghul wheat') ( 112) xiue kmenilu,' mardrxilu' zarzf zarzf,' }Jatta ... - ?o lä-milpali,' säwar läkimren.' xiue kmenilu,' mard!xltu spira Spira,' }Jatta }Jal gadrl.' ( 113) dwa?e mawiSilu.' matwltu qäm-Simsa mawiSilu.' bar wislu,' lä-deqilu.' (114) garsilu' bgarusta.' garsltu b-garusta, yäne gadri säwar.' gadri säwar' H?azH bastltu.' Soqitu, 1 darenilu gaw xa kista,' Hu-le-?at le-?atH basti mznnu.'

Preparations for winter (115) b!-piiyez' kud näsa xitte saqitwa ta-noseu ta-kulle sitwa.' xitte saqliwiile.' ( 116) nabllwiile- kud-yarxa,' xa qaznag' kimrex,' tre tanake' xi{fe nabtiwa' ?il-?irxel.' ?irxel b-mafe Cera,' qamxa gola.' (117) H?azH' raxniwiile,' kmeniwiile-(h)awa I-beta,' gotlwiile lixma.' gotlwäle qamxa,' kmeniwäle-(h)awa bela, 1 gollwiile lixma.' ( 118) H?od,H' Saqtlwa xa qaznagit ... ?i-rizza,' kmeniwiile bela,' linse yatwlwa deqiwäle' }Jatta ... gadlrwa Spira' w!-bastlwa minneu,' takulle sltwa.' (119) har H?oto davarH' mäse zoniwa,' tloxe zonlwa,' b-piiyez,' tasitwa.' (120) ma gollwa?' kud-bela tre }Jaywiine, 1 tre ?irbe' zonzwa.' Hso}Je{H kewa, 1 dabi}Jwale biiqu,' gotlwiile qalya.' ( 121) ?iyya-qi:llya may/e?' misxa patri m-gaw-pisra,' palit m-gaw-pisra.' ?ltwa Sarbe,' dareniwiile gaw,' gaw sarba,' ?u-matwlwiile sitwa,' bSala bbeu bastlwa.' ( 122) ?atxa-wela,' }Jatta mateniwa ta-bar patire,' kulla mindl kwewa,' kulla mindl }Jzira-?itwa.' ( 123) H?od-masehu,'H $iwe,' $iwe-s dabi-saqtlwa mln piiyez,' $lwit wiSe' matwlwiilu gaw bela,' nura malqlwa bbeu, I ta-xatr! bela Saxln, I gaw pilgawit bela, I gaw bitara.' (124) ?ir-Ruwandiz,' ?itwalu sobi:z.' ?itwalu r-Ruwandiz soba Hbe-?emet.H' tarke zonlwa' gal-$lwit wiSe, 1 dareniwiilu gaw sobi:z, 1 na tinna w-'na mindi-S, 1 HsumH-tinna Ia kwewa.' ?az yatwlwa qam soba.'

A dispute between a Muslim and a Jewish weaver (125) xa-yom! Sabbat' ?ilyete xa mSilmäna, 1 geb-bron ?amtz.' ?itwale gebeu' xa-zo?it kre, 1 kre ?ot-loSzlu. 1 b-liSanit zaxone kimrllu' Sil-u-Sapke. 1

INFORMANTB

537

Recipe for siiwiir ('burghul wheat') (112) They bring wheat and boil it thoroughly until ... I taught her. I am talking about siiwiir. They bring wheat and boil it weil, until it thickens.22 (113) Then they dry it. They put it in the sun and dry it. After it has dried they crush it. (114) They grind it in a grinding stone. They grind it in a grinding stone and it becomes siiwiir. It becomes siiwiir and they cook it. They keep it in a bag23 and gradually cook it.

Preparations for winter (115) In the autumn, everyone laid in grain for hirnself for the whole winter. They laid in the grain. (116) They would take it - every month they would take let's say one qazniig, two tins of grain to a mill. A mill turns by water. It makes flour. (117) So they ground it and brought it back to the hause. They made it into bread. (118) In addition, they took a qazniig of rice and brought it harne.

Warnen sat and crushed it wen24 and cooked portians of it throughout the winter. (119) In exactly the same way, they would buy green lentils and red Jentils in the autumn for the winter. (120) What did they do? Every hausehold bought two animals, two sheep. The So/:let came and slaughtered it for them and they made it into qalya. (121) What is this qalya? They extract the oil from the meat and it comes out of the meat. There were kegs, they put it in them, in the keg and they put it out in the winter to cook with it (or: cook stew with it).25 (122) It was like that, until after Passover,26 when there was everything, everything was available. (123) Samething eise: Wood. They had to lay in also wood in autumn. They stored dry wood in the hause and lit a fire with it so that the hause would be warm, in the middle of the hause, in the hearth. (124) In Ruwandiz they had a stove. Indeed, they had a stove in Ruwandiz. They bought pieces of unseasoned wood tagether with pieces of dry wood and put them in the stove, there was no smoke or anything. So they sat in front of the stove. A dispute between a Muslim and a Jewish weaver (125) One Sabbath, a Muslim came to the harne of the son of my patemal aunt.

He had (in deposit) with him a suit of clothes,27 the type of suit they used to wear - in the Zakho language they called it Sil-u-Sapke (suit consisting of trousers and a jacket).

22 Literally: 'Fuses together'. 23 Literally: 'By putting it in a bag'. 24 Literally: 'Until it became good'. 25 The word bUila can have the concrete sense of 'stew'. 26 Literally: 'Until they reached (the time) after Passover'. 27 Literally: 'Pieces of material' (Kurd. ker 'piece').

538

TEXTS

(126) mlre bäqeu: 1 lä-lyeli zo?it kre hawltta. 1 ?izla 1 nbilwäle gebeu 1 ta-zqära, 1

ta-zaqirre bäqeu 1 ?olle bäqeu kre. 1 (127) mele bäqeu xa-zo?it kre 1, mire:

a/

1,

?iyya min-?hlr didi !ewe. 1 mlre bäqeu: 1 ?iyyela. 1 gbitte? 1 ( 128) ?o-mire: lägbitte bqärox twära? 1 ?o-s mire bäqeu, 1 mlre: Ia gezen minnox. 1 qzmle, 1 b-jrgir 1 pli{le tara. 1 (129) mSilmäna pli{le tara b-ßgir. 1 zille Cayxäna, 1 Cay Ste/e. 1 xa zatila 1 tlible, 1 hiwlu bäqeu xa zatila. 1 ( 130) Cay Ste/e, 1 päre hiwile, 1 Ia-zille hawa bela I m!Silmäna. 1 pisle I-Bätas. 1 pisle 1-Bätas l}atta Wü xsaba. 11 ( 131) !elü xsaba 1 gdire xiSka, 1 #ola $!elan, 1 plitlan tara. 1 ( 132) xa ?ädat itwa

geban, 1 ?agar xa baxta yäla gadirwäla, 1 tmanya lele 1 yatwiwa 1 ?il-?o bela. 1 näSe geziwa yatwiwa ?il-?o bela, 1 nobta doqiwa 1 naku HsedimeH ?en{ 1 maxeni l-yälake. 1 (133) ?äna 1 lä-z{l/i 1-?o bela-S, 1 Swäwani/u, 1 ?itiwa-wen 1 xa-waxit 1 hawär-imxeiU. 1 (134) Xlz kimriwäle Y OSef

/f ayyzm I hawär-imXele m-btzr guda, I

mire: ?ay hawar 1 ?Aron q{Zllu. 1 ( 135) kullan irqalan 1 lä-gezex lä-gazex 1 baxteu 1 xa tfang lä-mxele-1/aw il-laxxa, 1 ?il-bäskaw, 1 kul/a bäskaw lä-qirdlxla. 1 (136) HrofeH melu, 1 Hrofe tippuiH wille bbaw. 1 mato? 1 (137) ?o [ä-mindele ?i/-

?Aron.1 mato qipla b-baxteu? 1 Cay lä-wzlla bäqeu, 1 ?ilaw piS{ala, 1 Cay daryala gaw iteu. 1 (138) Hla-kavenH lä-wille, 1 gullake qepa ba-?Aron, 1 HavaiH ?o-?ilaw pistfila, 1 gullake qtpla bbaw, 1 ?ilaw twira. 1 (139) niblalu ?Arbel, 1 pisla I-Arbel, 1 tfflha yarxe, 1 ?ilaw qi$alu. 1 ?attane-s pistela 1 ?il-Ta?anaxlm.

The murder of a Jewish girl (140) xa-mdi xlt-W xa bela 1 ?i/yelu I-Bätas. 1 ?ilyelu I-Bätas. 1 ?o bela 1 brätu

gwirta-wela. 1 baxtit ?o gora, 1 xaltit da?ila. 1 (141) ?ilyelu I-Bätas, 1 zillu b-xa bela, 1 be/it xa HfaSzr.H ?u-xa-H]JederH hiwle bäqu, 1 ?itu/u ftam. 1 (142) ?iyya 1

l}az-wll/e minnaw, 1 l}az-wllle min-brätake. 1 bratake-S mari gorela, 1 bas 1 goraw la la-gdire l}ätan. 1 (143) l}az-wille minnaw-S, 1 la gbawäle. 1 la-gbawa masilma, 1 mSilmäna-wele. 1 (144) qlmle xa-yoma, 1 zille b-safra. 1 mirwäle ta-xa Hro$eyya1JH, 1 kmtr bäqeu-S: 1 St, 1 plot/a tara, 1 xa-tfang mxt/a, q{ol/a. 1 ?o-/ä Xlztfang mixyale 1 qit/ale. 1

1 < Iei! xuJaba.

INFORMANTB

539

(126) He said to him 'I have come for you to give me the suit'. He bad brought wool to him for weaving, for him to weave it for him and make it into a suit. (127) He brought to him a suit. He said 'But this is not made from my wool'. He said 'It is. Do you want it?' (128) He said 'Do you want your neck broken'. He said to him, he said 'I won't Iet you get away with this!'. He got up in anger and went outside. (129) The Muslim went outside in anger. He went to a tea shop and drank tea. He ordered some bread. They gave him bread. (130) He drank the tea and paid. The Muslim did not go back home. He stayed in Batas. He stayed in Batas until Saturday night. (131) On Saturday night it became dark. We prayed in the synagogue and went outside. (132) We bad a custom (as follows). If a woman gave birth to a child, they would sit in the house for eight nights. People would go and sit in the house and keep guard lest demons came and struck the child. (133) I went to the house. They were our neighbours. I was sitting down, when (suddenly) there was a shout. (134) Someone called Yosef I:Iayyim shouted through the wall. He said 'Help! Aaron has been killed!' (135) We all ran. We go and see that his wife has been hit by a bullet here, on her upper arm. All her upper arm was shattered. (136) They fetched the doctor and the doctor treated her. How had it happened? (137) He had shot at Aaron, how did it (the bullet) hit his wife? She had made him tea. She stretched out her band to place the tea in bis band. (138) He took aim so that the buHet would hit Aaron, but she stretched out her band and the bullet hit her and her arm was shattered. (139) They took her to Arbel. She stayed in Arbel for three months and they amputated her arm. She is still alive, in the Settlements of Ta'anak. The murder of a Jewish girl

(140) There is another story. A family came to Batas. They came to Batas. The daughter of that family was married. The wife of the man is the aunt of my mother. (141) They came to Batas and went to a house, the house of a rieb man. He gave them a room and they settled there. (142) He lusted for her, he lusted for the girl. The girl was married, although her busband had not consummated the marriage. (143) He lusted for her but she did not want him. She did not want to convert to Islam. He was a Muslim. (144) He set off one day on a journey. He bad spoken to an assassin, saying to him 'Go, take her outside, shoot her with a rifle and kill her!' So he shot her with a rifle and killed her.

540

TEXTS

The murder of a Jewish boy

( 145) b-dawrl Plisa-i Kora,' b-dawrl Pasa-i Kora,' ?itwa xa hula?a,' xa hula?a rtiba la?lq-wele,' kimriwiile Mose,' Mosele.' ( 146) HJaz,H' qlmlu,' msilmline zlllu.' Pasa-i-Kora xa-nasa "?lillm-wele,' "?lilim yafni' mare-qiwta-wele,' ~akimwa res-kulla mamlakatit i-Kurdistan.'

qlmlu,' zlllu,' mlru ta-Pasa,'

(147) miru: xa hula?a-?it' rtiba la?iq ?u-ma~bitbile,' liizim masi/mlxxe.' (148) sdirre blireu,' mlre bliqeu:' Mose,' dabi maSilmet,' gadret mSilmana.' mire baqeu:' ?ana' dinl' la-maxilplnne' ?agar melet-iS.' ( 149) mlre: dwa?e qarlinnox,' K.urra.' mire: q{olli.' mlre: Ia qarlinnox,' kwlnnox r!flha yome rix~at,' xsu ta-nosox.' (150) gdlrox msilmlina,' mtit ?ebelox' ~lizfrile.' la-gadret

msilmlina,' qarllnnox.' (151) mire: ?lina' rfflha-yome xit-iS,' ?isra-yome xlt-iS,' xa-yarxa xlt-iS,' ?isra-yarxe xet 1 ?/ina har HJoto davarH kimrlnna.' ( 152) bar r/{lha-yome sdirre bareu,' mlre:' kunnox r!flha-yome xet.' r/{lha-yome xet hlwle bliqeu.' (153) xabar hiwle ta-kulla mi/la.' mlre:' fl/in yoma,' ?etun res xlinda.' (154) ?itwa xa xlinda,' ?zmma metre-biS' qorula-wela.' ?i/-tixya' rubarile,' mafe.' ?il-ilya-S' kepele.' ( 155) mlre: mirnun xa Sawasir.' Sawaslr melu.' Sawaslr salda kimrila.' Sawaslr melu.' (156) mlre: ma kimret,' Mose?' mlre: ?fina d Ia kimren.' dlnit hula?e' la-kunne bi-msi/mline,' melet-iS.' (157) mlre: drlmunne gaw sawasir.' dre!u-lleu gaw sawasir,' ~alqalu,' qapag itta mtulu resaw,' yisralu,' mlre: mandlmunne b-tura,' bl-?iyya xlinda.' ( 158) mindelu-lleu jarit ?awwal,' d la-lyele-lleu.' jarit tremin,' mire mandimunne HJod-pa?am.H' mindelu hawa HJod-pa?am,H' d la-lyele-lleu.' (159) jarit rfflha mindelu,' saldake gdira mma par~e.' ?o-s-mllle, 1 HnifrarH gd{re.' hulaJe melu,' ?i/-tel tSelu-lleu gaw-qorit hulaJe.' (160) ?o-kepit pllle reseu,' ?o kepa' nblllu-lleu magon-iyya.' kud-naSit Sala Jewa lleu' gezllwa reS-?o kepa.' ( 161) xa zatila nabllwa matuwa reS-?o kepa,' Slile gezlwa minneu.' yafni naxoS hawewa' tar!~wa.' xa-mrad hawewlile,' mrlideu ~a~llwa.'

INFORMANTB

541

The murder of a Jewish boy (145) In the time of Pasa-i Kora, there was a Jew, a Jew who was very handsome, called Moshe, Moshele. (146) The Muslims went .. Pasa-i Kora was a cruel man, that is he was tough. He ruled over all the towns of Kurdistan. They (the Muslims) went and said to the Pasa, (147) they said: There is a Jew who is very handsome and likeable, we must convert him to Islam'. (148) He sent after him and said to him 'Moshe, you must convert to Islam, become a Muslim'. He said to him 'I shall not change my religion even if you were to die'. (149) He said Then I shall kill you, lad'. He said 'Kill me!'. He said 'I shall not kill you. I shall give you three days grace, think it over. (150) If you become a Muslim, whatever you want will be available (for you). If you do not become a Muslim, I shall kill you'. (151) He said 'I shall say exactly the same thing after three more days, ten more days, one more month, ten more months'. (152) After three days he sent to him and said 'I shall give you three more days'. He gave him three more days. (153) He made a announcement to the whole community, he said 'On such-and-such a day, come to the deep valley'. (154) There was a deep valley. It was more than one hundred metres in depth. At the bottom, there was a river - water - above, it was rocky. (155) He said 'Bring a basket!' They brought a basket. They call a basket salda. They brought a basket. (156) He said 'What have you to say, Moshe?' He said 'I have nothing to say. I shall not give up the religion of the Jews for that of the Muslims, even if you were to die'. (157) He said 'Put him in the basket'. They put him in the basket. They put on the lid that belonged to it, they tied it up. He said Throw it down the mountain, into the deep valley'. (158) They threw it. The first time nothing happened to him. The second time, he said 'Throw it again'. They threw it again, but nothing happened to him. (159) The third time they threw it, the basket was broken into a hundred pieces. He died. They fetched some Jews and that very night they buried him a Jewish grave. (160) The stone that he had fallenon- they brought that stone. It was like this. Everybody who had a fever would go to the stone. (161) He would take a pitta bread and place it on the stone and his fever would pass away. That is, if he was ill, he would be cured. If he had a wish, his wish would be fulfilled.

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