A Functional Account of Marathi's Voice Phenomena : Passives and Causatives in Marathi [1 ed.] 9789004292529, 9789004292512

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A Functional Account of Marathi’s Voice Phenomena

Brill’s Studies in South and Southwest Asian Languages Series Editors John Peterson (University of Kiel) Anju Saxena (Uppsala University)

Editorial Board Anvita Abbi ( Jawaharlal Nehru University) Balthasar Bickel (University of Zurich) George Cardona (University of Pennsylvania) Carol Genetti (University of California, Santa Barbara) Geoffrey Haig (University of Bamberg) Gilbert Lazard (cnrs & É cole Pratique des Hautes É tudes) Harold F. Schiffman (University of Pennsylvania) Udaya Narayana Singh (Visva-Bharati, Shantiniketan, India)

volume 7

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bssal

A Functional Account of Marathi’s Voice Phenomena Passives and Causatives in Marathi

By

Prashant Pardeshi

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Inscription on a statue of Gommaṭeśvara Bahubali, dated 978–993. The photo was made by the author in 2006. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Parudeshi, Purashanto, 1965- author. Title: A functional account of Marathi's voice phenomena : passives and causatives in Marathi / by Prashant Pardeshi. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2016] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015043258 (print) | LCCN 2015050936 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004292512 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004292529 (E-book) Subjects: LCSH: Marathi language–Voice. | Marathi language–Verb. | Marathi language–Parts of speech. | Marathi language–Grammar. | Functionalism (Linguistics) Classification: LCC PK2364 (print) | LCC PK2364 .P37 2016 (ebook) | DDC 491.4/65–dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015043258

Want or need Open Access? Brill Open offers you the choice to make your research freely accessible online in exchange for a publication charge. Review your various options on brill.com/brill-open. Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1877-4083 isbn 978-90-04-29251-2 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-29252-9 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Acknowledgements ix List of Abbreviations xii 1 Introduction 1 1 The Aim of the Study 1 2 The Scope of the Study: The Passive and the Causative 10 3 The Methodology of the Study: Functional Account 13 4 Organization of the Study 17 2 The Characterization of the Passive 18 1 Introduction 18 2 Characterization of the Passive Clause: Functional-Typological Approach 18 3 Formal Repertoire of Marathi Passives 21 3 Previous Studies of Marathi Passives 23 1 Introduction 23 2 Review of the Previous Work 24 2.1 Historical Development 24 2.2 Syntactic Properties 26 2.3 Semantic and Pragmatic Properties 36 2.4 Expressions Used in lieu of the Passive 42 3 Contributions of the Previous Studies and Outstanding Issues

44

4 A Comprehensive Account of the Marathi Passives 47 1 Introduction 47 2 Formal Aspects of the Marathi Passives 47 2.1 The Formal Repertoire of Passives 48 2.1.1 The go and the come Passive 48 2.1.2 The become Passive 54 2.1.3 The samāpan karmaṇī (Completion Passive) 63 2.1.4 The šaky karmaṇī (Potential Passive) 63 2.2 Relationship between Passivizability and Transitivity of the Base Verb 66 3 Semantic/Pragmatic Aspects of the Marathi Passives 73 3.1 Semantic Properties of the go, the come and the become Passives 73

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3.2 The Functional Distribution of the go, the come, and the become Passives 81 3.3 Expressing Completion of an Event 83 3.4 Expressing Spontaneity of Occurrence of an Event 85 3.5 Expressing (In)capability of the Agent 89 3.6 Expressing Deference to the Agent 91 3.7 Form-Meaning Correspondences 93 Summary 94

5 Definition of the Causative 95 1 Introduction 95 2 Characterization of the Causative

95

6 Previous Studies of Marathi Causatives 98 1 Introduction 98 2 Review of Previous Work 100 2.1 The Morphology of Causative Verb Forms 100 2.1.1 Treatment of the Diverse Formal Types of First Causative Verbs 101 2.1.2 Treatment of the Second (Double or Higher Grade) Causative Verbs 102 2.2 The Syntax and Semantics of the Causative Expression 104 2.2.1 Underlying Syntactic Structure 104 2.2.2 Grammatical Status of the Causee 106 3 Contributions of Previous Studies and Outstanding Issues 108 7 A Comprehensive Account of Marathi Causatives 114 1 Introduction 114 2 The Morphology of Causative Verb Forms 114 2.1 Inventory of Formal Types of Causative Verbs 114 2.2 The Formal Continuum of Causative Verbs in Marathi 121 3 The Semantics of Causative Situations 126 3.1 (Re)definition of Direct/Indirect Causation: Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) 127 3.2 Interaction between Base/Root Verb Semantics and Types of Causation in Marathi 132 3.3 Deviations from the Prototypical Direct and the Prototypical Indirect Causatives 142 3.4 Sociative Causative: A Semantic Bridge Connecting Direct and Indirect Causation 145

contents

4 5

6

7

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Form-Meaning Correlations 153 Syntactic Issues 158 5.1 Grammatical Status of the Causee 158 5.2 Underlying Syntactic Structure 161 Typology of Causatives and Marathi Causatives 162 6.1 Lexical/Basic Valence Orientation: Non-Causative/Causative Verb Alternations 163 6.2 Marathi Causatives Vis-a-Vis Typological Generalizations 170 6.2.1 Masica (1976) 170 6.2.2 Haspelmath (2005) 172 Summary 174

8 Concluding Remarks 175 Appendix. Transitivity (Non-Causative/Causative Verb) Pairs in Marathi 181 References 188 Index 195

Acknowledgements The present study is a thoroughly revised version of my Ph.D. dissertation entitled Transitivity and Voice: A Marathi-Japanese Contrastive Perspective submitted to the Graduate School of Literature and Social Science, Kobe University, Japan. Strictly speaking, it is almost a completely rewritten version, since the analysis of Marathi passives and causatives has been radically revised and expanded with substantial additions, and the contrastive study of Japanese has been omitted. Although my name appears as the sole author of this study, the completion of it would not have been possible without the support and cooperation of many individuals and institutions. As a token of my appreciation for their support and cooperation, I would like to take this opportunity to thank all them. If I happen to have missed anyone, I would like to apologize in advance. First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentors at Kobe University, Prof. Masayoshi Shibatani and Prof. Yoshihiro Nishimitsu, for their valuable guidance, encouragement and support throughout my graduate student days at Kobe and especially during and after the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake. The academic influence of Prof. Shibatani can be discerned from the contents of this monograph. In him I found a visionary ‘guru’ and compassionate ‘sensei’ in the world of linguistics. He continues to be the source of inspiration not only for me, but also for many researchers in Japan and around the globe. Special thanks are due to two doyens of South Asian linguistic circle: Prof. Colin Masica and Prof. Peter Hook. Prof. Masica generously gave his valuable time to read the entire dissertation and sent me very extensive comments through snail mail. Prof. Hook read the better part of my dissertation and give insightful comments. I greatly benefitted from these critical comments on my dissertation and strongly felt the necessity of revising it. In the present work I have tried my best to incorporate most, if not all, the comments given by them. During the process of writing and revising this monograph Prof. Hook read successive drafts of it in its entirety, and gave me detailed comments and suggestions. He constantly insisted that I verify my generalizations with ‘real data’ available online. His comments and suggestions led to rewriting some parts of the monographs. I would like thank him for his detailed comments, criticism and encouragement throughout the re-writing of this monograph. Without his cooperation this monograph would not have been in its present form. I would also like to thank Prof. Kashi Wali, Prof. Rajeshwari Pandharipande and Prof. Ramesh Dhongde, who have generously given me time to discuss many issues related to Marathi grammar personally or through e-mails. Their

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acknowledgements

works continue to provide food for thought for me. I would like to acknowledge the intellectual debt to the works of predecessors, too numerous to list, and especially the works by Marathi traditional grammarians referred to in this work. My sincere thanks also go to Prof. Taro Kageyama, the Director-General of the National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (ninjal), and Prof. Tasaku Tsunoda, the former Director, Department of Crosslinguistic Studies at ninjal, for their encouragement throughout the long process of rewriting this work. ninjal has generously granted me study leaves, which allowed me to concentrate on rewriting this work. A substantial part of the research reported in this monograph was supported by the collaborative research project entitled jyutugokouzou no imihanchuu no fuhensei to tayousei (Universals and Crosslinguistic Variations in the Semantic Structure of Predicates, pi: Prashant Pardeshi) funded by ninjal. I hereby acknowledge my sincere thanks to ninjal. I would also like to thank the administrative staff at ninjal, especially Ms. Yukie Sato, Ms. Michiko Hirai, Ms. Saiko Toyama, and Ms. Ayako Ueki for their help and support often given beyond the call of duty. Most of the rewriting was carried out at the Linguistics Department, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (mpi-eva), Leipzig, Germany. I would like to thank Prof. Bernard Comrie and Prof. Martin Haspelmath of mpi-eva for hosting me as a visitor several times, and also for offering me opportunities to present parts of this work at the department seminar, where I received valuable comments and suggestions from the audience. I would like to thank all of them, especially Prof. Bernard Comrie, Prof. Martin Haspelmath, and Dr. Andrej Malchukov, for their insightful comments and discussion. The staff of the linguistics department, especially Julia Cissewski, Claudia Büchel, Waldemar Beser, and Peter Fröhlich, made my stay in Leipzig extremely comfortable. I would like to thank them all for their help and assistance. The facilities at mpi-eva, especially the library, are excellent and a paradise for linguists. It is sad to learn that the linguistics department at mpi-eva as of May 2015 has closed. Thanks are also due to Prof. Sonal Kulkarni-Joshi, Head, Linguistics Department at the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune, India, for offering me opportunities to present my work at her department. I would like to thank the audience and especially Prof. Sonal Kulkarni-Joshi, Dr. Shailendra Mohan, and Dr. V.G. Durge, for their constructive criticism and comments. Thanks also go to Prof. Toshie Awaya and Dr. Kodai Konishi of the Center for Contemporary India Area Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, for their financial support of a part of the research reported here. I am also grateful to Prof. Anju Saxena, the bssal series editor in-charge for this monograph, and two anonymous reviewers for their stringent scrutiny

acknowledgements

xi

and extremely detailed comments on two earlier versions, which tremendously helped me in bringing this monograph to its present form. Thanks are also due to Stephanie Paalvast of the Brill publishers for her smooth steering of this work from the stage of proposal to final publication, and for her encouragement through e-mails during the hard times of revision. This work would not have been in the present form without the careful proofreading and excellent stylistic comments made by Prof. John Haig. I would like to thank him for his kind cooperation and prompt help. In the personal sphere, many people have directly or indirectly supported the writing of this work in many ways. Dr. Netra Paudyal and Mr. Rabani Rahimi and their families made my stay at Leipzig comfortable by offering hospitality and interesting conversations in Hindi, on topics completely unrelated to linguistics. These gatherings offered me a most needed break and relief from the strenuous phases of writing. I would like to thank them for their friendship, fraternity, and hospitality. Milind and Deepa Yedkar, Dr. Hari Damle, Meena Sukhtankar, and Vaishali Vaidya have always shown a keen interest in my research and have always been encouraging me to pursue it further. I am thankful to them for that. Finally, I would like to thank my family members: Neela, Praveen, Praneeta, Pratima, Pramod, Kishor, Pratik, Gatha and Chika, for their unconditional love, unfailing support, and cooperation in numerous ways. I dedicate this work to my late grandmother Rampyaribai and my late father Vijaykumar, who unfortunately cannot witness the moment of its publication. Finally, the usual disclaimer applies. Needless to say, the responsibility for all oversights and errors which the present work may contain lies solely with me.

List of Abbreviations 1 2 3 acc adj adn adv all aux caus comp corelp cvb dat decl do dur emph erg f fut gen imp ins intr io inf l.inf loc m n neg nmlz nom obj obl oo

first person second person third person accusative adjectivizer adnominal adverb(ial) allative auxiliary causative complementizer correlative pronoun converb dative declarative direct object durative emphatic particle ergative feminine future genitive imperative instrumental intransitive indirect object infinitive long infinitive locative masculine neuter negation, negative nominalizer/nominalization nominative object oblique oblique object

list of abbreviations pass passcaus pl poss pot prs pst ptcp q quot relp sbj sbjv sg s.inf top tr

passive passive-causative plural possessive potential present past participle question particle/marker quotative relative pronoun subject subjunctive singular short infinitive topic transitive

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chapter 1

Introduction 1

The Aim of the Study

The objective of this monograph is to offer a comprehensive account of the formal and semantic aspects of the two most prominent voice phenomena in Marathi, viz. the passive and the causative, in the functional-typological framework. The reason for focusing on these two voice phenomena is the fact that they are the only productive mechanisms in Marathi recruited for altering the syntactic valency of the predicate.1 The passive reduces the valency of the base predicate by demoting the agent-subject to an oblique argument or deleting it altogether, while causative increases the valency of the base predicate by the addition of a new argument, viz. either the causer or the causee. The scope, methodology, and organization of the present study is set out after a brief introduction to Marathi. Marathi is an Indo-Aryan language spoken in the state of Maharashtra (state capital Mumbai/Bombay) in India. With over 90 million speakers (Census of India 2011), Marathi is one of the 20 most widely spoken languages of the world. Within India, it ranks fourth after Hindi, Telugu and Bangla (Bengali) in number of native speakers. The variety spoken in the city of Pune is considered the Standard (pramāṇ marāṭhi), and is the official language of Maharashtra state and the mother tongue of the present author. Marathi is also spoken by diasporas settled in various parts of the world. Marathi is surrounded by Indo-Aryan languages (Gujarati, Hindi, and Chattisgarhi), spoken on the northern border of Maharashtra state, and by IndoAryan Konkani and Dravidian languages (Telugu, Gondi and Kannada), spoken on its southern and eastern borders. (see the map).

1 Other voice phenomena attested in Marathi are: reflexive, reciprocal, and benefactive. Reflexives and reciprocals are expressed using a reflexive or reciprocal pronoun, while the benefactive is expressed by using auxiliary verbs, viz. deṇe ‘to give’ and gheṇe ‘to take’. The gheṇe benefactives sometimes may function as a non-coercive causative (see chapter 7 for details). The deṇe benefactives are not discussed in this monograph. Interested readers should consult Pardeshi (1998).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004292529_002

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map 1

chapter 1

Map of Maharashtra and neighbouring states

The influence of Dravidian languages on Marathi lexicon and syntax has been often pointed out [see Southworth (1971)]. In the lexical domain, Marathi, like its southern Dravidian neighbours, has the inclusive/exclusive distinction in first-person plural pronouns: āpaṇ ‘we (inclusive)’ vs. āmhi ‘we (exclusive)’. As for syntax, extensive use of prenominal participial phrases (so-called relative clauses or adjectival clauses) is one of the structural features Marathi and Gujarati share with Dravidian languages. Marathi has 10 vowels (including two diphthongs, ai and au) as shown in Table 1, and 42 consonants (including three semi-vowels), as shown in Table 2. The symbols shown in these tables are the ones used for transcribing the Marathi data in this monograph [adopted from Dhongde & Wali (2009: 11) with minor changes].

3

introduction table 1

Vowels (including diphthongs)

Front High Mid Midlow Low

i e ai, æ

Central

a ā

Back u o au, ɔ

Even though I use a macron for the low central vowel / ā /, in present day Marathi length is not phonemic for i and u. The vowels æ and ɔ are used only in loan words, such as bæt (bat), bɔl (ball) etc. Contrast with nasal vowels is only marginally phonemic in modern Marathi; vowels are nasalized before a nasal consonant and sporadically in some lexical items such as kẽvhā ‘when’ and kĩvā ‘or.’ Consonants (including semi-vowels) with their transcription symbols are shown in Table 2 below. Abbreviations used in Table 2 are: vl = voiceless, v = voiced, unasp = unaspirated and asp = aspirated. table 2

Consonants (including semi-vowels)

Labial Dental Alveolar Retroflex Alveopalatal Velar Glottal Stop

vl vl v v Nasal v v Flap v v Lateral v v Affricate vl vl v v Fricative vl Semivowel v v

unasp asp unasp asp unasp asp unasp asp unasp asp unasp asp unasp asp

p ph b bh m mh

t th d dh n nh

k kh g gh ŋ r rh

l lh c ch j jh s

unasp asp

ṭ ṭh ḍ ḍh ṇ ṇh

v vh

ḷ

ṣ

č čh ǰ ǰh š y yh

h

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chapter 1

Like Sanskrit, Hindi, Nepali, Maithili, and Marwari, Marathi is written in the Devanagari script.2 Nouns in Marathi come in three genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter), two numbers (singular and plural) and two cases (direct and oblique) together with some additional non-productive case form [e.g. ghar-i (house-loc) ‘to the house’]. The plural inflection of a noun is related to its gender and its the stemfinal phoneme. Table 3 below shows the plural inflection [for details including exceptions see Dhongde & Wali (2009: 41–43)]. table 3

Plural inflection

Stem final phoneme

Masculine plural inflection

Feminine plural inflection

Neuter plural inflection

consonant

-∅ sāp ‘snake’ → sāp ‘snakes’

-i bhint ‘wall’ → bhinti ‘walls’

-a dār ‘door’ → dāra ‘doors’

-ā vāṭ ‘path’→ vāṭā ‘paths’ a/e

ā

i

-i gāṇ{a/e} ‘song’ → gāṇi ‘songs’ -e tārā ‘star’ → tāre ‘stars’ -∅ šimpi ‘tailor’ → šimpi ‘tailors’

-∅ šāḷā ‘school’ → šāḷā ‘schools’ -yā kāṭhi ‘stick’ → kāṭhyā ‘sticks’

-∅ pāṇi ‘water’ → pāṇi ‘waters’ (rare)

-∅ hatti ‘elephant’ → hatti ‘elephants’

2 Except for the northeast, Devanagari is now used for almost all the minor or tribal languages of India.

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introduction

Stem final phoneme u

Masculine plural inflection

Feminine plural inflection

Neuter plural inflection

-∅ tambu ‘tent’ → tambu ‘tents’

-∅ bāju ‘side’ → bāju ‘sides’

-a/e limbu ‘lemon’ → limba/limbe ‘lemons’

-∅ nātu ‘grandson’ → nātu ‘grandsons’

-vā sāsu ‘mother-in-law’ → sāsvā ‘mothers-in-law’

-va/ve gaḷu ‘boil’ → gaḷva/ gaḷve ‘boils’

Semantic relations are expressed by so-called case markers, postpositions, and occasionally by agreement suffixes on the verb. In order to take a case marker or postposition, most nouns/pronouns assume a form which in traditional grammars is called the oblique case, in contrast to the zero-marked (or unmarked) nominative, which is referred to as the direct case. The choice of the oblique case marker (glossed as obl) is governed by the stem final consonant/vowel, the gender of the noun, and for feminine nouns, and masculine nouns ending in -u, declensional class. The oblique singular is formed in the following ways for the four or five classes of nominals: 1a. If the nominal is derived from a verb [agent nouns, infinitives, past tense nominalizations, etc.] then the oblique singular is formed by replacing the final vowel with kar-ṇe (do-inf) →kar-ṇ-yā-t (do-inf-obl-loc) ‘in doing’, jhāl-e (became-nsg)→ jhāl-yā-var (became-obl-after) ‘after becoming’. Masculine nouns ending in the vowel ā also take -yā: netā (leader)→net-yā-lā (leader-obl-dat) ‘to the leader’. Exception: Feminine singular agent nouns do not change: kām kar-ṇār-i (work do-prsptcpfsg) Lit. ‘work doing lady’, ‘working lady’→ kām kar-ṇār-i-lā (work doprsptcp-fsg-dat) ‘to the working lady’. 1b. Rule 1a applies to 3rd person pronouns, too: to (he)→ t-yā-lā (he-obldat) ‘to him’, he (this) → h-yā-c-i (this-obl-gen-fsg) ‘his’. Exception: The feminine singular pronoun is unchanged: ti (she)→ ti-lā (she-dat) ‘to her’. 2a. Masculine and neuter nouns ending in a consonant or in the vowel -i take -ā: sāp (snake) →sāp-ā-lā (snake-obl-dat) ‘to the snake’, kām (work) →kām-ā-lā (work-obl-dat) ‘to the work’, patr (letter) → patr-ā-var (letterobl-on) ‘on the letter’, šimpi (tailor) → šimp.y-ā-lā (tailor-obl-dat) ‘to the tailor’. Exception: The noun hatti (elephant) does not change: hatti (elephant) → hatti-lā (elephant-dat) ‘to the elephant’.

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2b. Nouns in -u also take -ā: nātu (grandson) → nāt.v-ā-lā (grandson-dat) ‘to the grandson’. Exception: limbu (lemon) → limb-ā-lā (lemon-dat) ‘to the lemon’. 3. Feminine nouns ending in a consonant usually take -i: bhint (wall) → bhint-i-var (wall-obl-on) ‘on the wall’. 4. A subset of consonant-final feminine nouns [see Dhongde & Wali (2009: 45–47) for list] take -e: bilḍing (building) →bilḍing-e-t (building-obl-loc) ‘in the building’. Note: These are the same consonant-final feminines that take -ā in the nominative plural. 5. Feminine nouns ending in -i do not change: kāṭhi (stick) →kāṭhi-lā (stickdat) ‘to the stick’. Exception: mulgi (girl)→muli-lā (girl-dat) ‘to the girl’. 6. Feminine nouns ending in -ā may stay the same or may replace the -ā with -e: šāḷā (school) →šāḷā-lā (school-dat) or šāḷ-e-lā (school-obl-dat) ‘to the school’. 7. Proper names of places and modern persons do not change: mumbai (Mumabi) →mumbai-t (Mumabi-in) ‘in Mumbai’, vikās (Vikas)→vikās-lā (Vikas-dat) ‘to Vikas’. Exception: bhārat (India) →bhārat-ā-t (India-oblin) ‘in India’, puṇe (Pune) → puṇ.y-ā-t (Pune-obl-in) ‘in Pune’. The oblique plural is formed by adding the consonant -n to the oblique singular: sāp-ā (snake-obl) →sāp-ā-n-nā (snake-obl-pl-dat) ‘to the snakes’, kāmā (work-obl) →kām-ā-n-nā (work-obl-pl-dat) ‘to the works’, patr-ā (letterobl) →patr-ā-n-var (letter-obl-pl-on) ‘on the letters’. Exception: The feminine plural 3rd person pronouns are t-yā-n-nā (they-obl-pl-dat) ‘to them (unmarked)’, and h-yā-n-nā (they-obl-pl-dat) ‘to them (proximal)’. [In rapid speech the oblique plural marker -n is often inaudible, especially before locative -t. For further details including exceptions see Dhongde & Wali (2009: 45–47)]. Hereafter, nouns/pronouns which do not undergo change in their form for the attachment of the case marker/postposition will be transcribed and glossed without the zero oblique marker, that is, ti (she)→ti-∅-lā (she-obl-dat) ‘to her’ and hatti (elephant) →hatti-∅-lā (elephant-obl-dat) ‘to the elephant’ will be respectively transcribed and glossed as ti-lā (she-dat) ‘to her’ and hatti-lā (elephant-dat) ‘to the elephant’ for the sake of convenience. Although word order is relatively free, the dominant word order is s(o)v. Modifiers typically precede the modified element.3 Notice that auxiliaries

3 Although Dryer (1992) points out the relative order of the modifiers and modifiees is a feature which is independent of ov versus vo global typologies.

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introduction

always follow if they condition an infinitive form of the main verb [ jā-u šak(go-s.inf can) ‘can go’; cāl-āy-lā lāg- (walk-l.inf-dat be.attached) ‘to start walking’]. The verb (transitive as well as intransitive) agrees with the subject in number, gender, and person in the case of non-subjunctive moods, and nonpreterite and non-perfect tenses. The agreement paradigm for vāc-ṇe ‘to read’ in the indicative mood, non-preterite and non-perfect tense is shown in Table 4 below. An illustrative example is given in (1) below, where the non-preterite and non-perfect tense marker -t is glossed as prs.4 table 4

Agreement paradigm for non-preterite and non-perfect tenses ( forms in parentheses are dialectal variants)

vāc-ṇe ‘to read’ Subject person

1st 2nd 3rd

Subject gender

m f m f m f n

Subject number Singular

Plural

vāc-t-o vāc-t-e(i) vāc-t-o-s vāc-t-e(i)-s vāc-t-o vāc-t-e(i) vāc-t-a/e

vāc-t-o vāc-t-ā vāc-t-āt

(1) ti dar-roj vartmān-patr vāc-t-e she every-day news-paper.nsg read-prs-3fsg ‘She reads the newspaper every day.’ In durative tenses the verb stem is followed by -(a)t, which is glossed as dur, and agrees with the subject in number, gender, and person as shown in example (2).

4 For interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses the Leipzig Glossing conventions are used. As per rule 4 of these conventions, when a single object language element is rendered by several metalanguage elements (words or abbreviations), or the other way round, they are separated by periods.

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chapter 1

(2) ti vartmān-patr vāc-at hot-i she news-paper.nsg read-dur be.pst-3fsg ‘She was reading a newspaper.’ In the future tense (glossed as fut), the verb agrees with the subject in number and person (not in gender). The agreement paradigm for vāc-ṇe ‘to read’ in the future tense is shown in Table 5 below. An illustrative example is given in (3) below. table 5

Agreement paradigm for future tense

vāc-ṇe ‘to read’ Subject person

1st 2nd 3rd

Subject number Singular

Plural

vāč-in vāc-šil vāc-el

vāc-u vāc-āl vāc-til

(3) to/ti sandhyākāḷ-i vartmān-patr vāc-el he/she evening-in news-paper.nsg read-3sg ‘He/She will read the newspaper in the evening.’ Marathi is a morphologically split ergative language. In the preterite and perfect tenses (glossed as pst),5 most transitive verbs (with a few exceptions such as šik-ṇe ‘to learn’, visar-ṇe ‘to forget’) agree with their object in number, and gender. The subject gets an ergative marker [-ne (singular)/-ni (plural)], except for first and second person (singular as well as plural) where the ergative marker is covert (i.e. zero).6 The number, and gender markers referencing the direct object follow the tense markers, -t/-l. The person marker referencing the agent is overt only in the case of the second person singular and plural (and occasionally in the third person singular and plural). Note the following example. 5 Dhongde & Wali (2009: 78) call non-preterite and non-perfect tenses as imperfective aspect and preterite and perfect tenses as perfective aspect. 6 This agreement pattern is also seen in the case of subjunctive mood in -(ā)v@ in (6).

9

introduction

(4) a. t-yā-ne ti kādambari vāč-l-i he-obl-erg that.fsg novel.fsg read-pst-fsg ‘He read that novel.’ b. tu kām kel-a hot-a-s kā? you work.nsg do.pstptcp-nsg be.pst-nsg-2sg q ‘Did you do the work?’ c. tumhi gruh-pāṭh kel-ā-t kā? you home-work.msg do.pst-msg-2pl q ‘Have you all done the homework?’ Second person subject person and number markers [-s, -t, shown in the table 6 below] often follow the direct object’s number and gender markers. table 6

Agreement paradigm for preterite and perfect tenses

Second person subject Singular (tu)

Plural (tumhi)

Singular direct object Masculine Feminine Neuter Masculine Feminine Neuter

vāc-l-ās vāc-l-is vāc-l-{a/e}s vāc-l-āt vāc-l-it vāc-l-{a/e}t

Plural direct object Masculine Feminine Neuter Masculine Feminine Neuter

vāc-l-es vāc-l-yās vāc-l-is vāc-l-et vāc-l-yāt vāc-l-it

Like the second person, the third person subject’s person marker -n also follows the direct object’s number and gender markers for some speakers. However, this -n- seems to have been lost at least among younger speakers of the Puneri variety of Marathi. As shown in example (4), irrespective of the presence or absence of the ergative marker on the subject, the verb agrees with the direct object in number and gender when the direct object is unmarked. If the direct object is also marked with the accusative/dative postposition [-lā (singular) /-nā (plural)], (for Puneri Marathi speakers) the transitive finite verb assumes a default agreement form (3nsg) as illustrated in example (5) below.

10

chapter 1

kaṣṭ kar-un mul-ā-n-nā vāḍh-av-l-e/a (5) a. mi i.erg hard.work do-cvb kid-obl-pl-acc.pl rise-caus-pst-3nsg ‘I (m/f) raised my kids by working hard.’ [Default agreement] b. ti-ne t-yā-lā jorāt ḍhakal-l-e/a she-erg he-obl-acc violently push-pst-3nsg ‘She pushed him hard.’ [Default agreement] c. t-yā-ne ti-lā ucal-l-e/a āṇi prem-ā-ne he-obl-erg she-acc lift.up-pst-3nsg and love-obl-with kavaṭaḷ-l-e/a hug-pst-3nsg He lifted her up and hugged her lovingly.’ [Default agreement] In the default agreement pattern, the agreement marker -e (or ẽ) is used in formal contexts while -a is used in informal speech. The use of the ergative is also seen even with intransitive subjects in the subjunctive mood: (6) t-yā-ne lavkar uṭh-āv-e he-obl-erg early get.up-sbjv-3nsg ‘He should get up early in the morning.’

[Subjunctive mood]

A note on the data cited in this work is in order. As far as possible, examples are drawn from attested sources. Coined examples based on the intuitions of the author are kept to a minimum. In order to maintain consistency, examples taken from other sources are re-transcribed and re-glossed using the scheme followed in this work.

2

The Scope of the Study: The Passive and the Causative

Voice phenomena, especially the passive and the causative, have received a great deal of attention in the field of linguistic typology. There are numerous volumes and dissertations dedicated to the passives and the causatives as shown in table below.

11

introduction table 7

Selected salient works on the passives and the causatives

Volumes Passive

Siewierska (1984), Comrie & Polinsky (eds.) (1993), Song (1996), Abraham and Leisiö (eds.) (2006), among others.

Dissertations and articles

Langacker and Munro (1975), Howard and Niyekawa-Howard (1976), Comrie (1977), Perlmutter and Postal (1977), Pandharipande (1981), Bresnan (1982), Shibatani (1985), Keenan (1985), Siddiqi (1987), Comrie (1988), Rosen and Wali (1989), Hasplemath (1990), Hasplemath (1994), Kazenin (2001), Givón (2008), Comrie (2008), among others. Krishnamurti (1971), Cardona (1971), Causative Kholodovich (ed.) (1969), Shibatani (ed.) (1976), Dixon Shibatani (1972), Nedjalkov and Silnitsky (1973), Shibatani, ([1973] and Aikhenvald (eds.) 1975), Comrie (1976a, b), Shibatani, (2000), Shibatani (ed.) (1976), Shibatani (ed.) (1976), Wali (2002), among others. (1979), (1981), Comrie ([1981] 1989), Saksena (1982), Comrie (1985), Sayyid (1985), Wierzbicka (1988), Alsina and Joshi (1991), Kulikov (1993), Hasplemath (1993), Hook (1996), (1999), Dixon (2000), Kulikov (2001), Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002), Hook and Koul (2006), Haspelmath et al. (2014), Manetta (2014), among others. Passive and/or Shibatani (ed.) (1988), Cardona (1978), Shibatani (1998), cusative and Klaiman (1991), Kulikov and (2000), Kulikov (2011), other voice Vater (eds.) (1998), Tsunoda and Kageyama (eds.) (2006), Fernández, Wichmann, Chamoreau and González (eds.) (2008), etc.

12

chapter 1

The present monograph is an addition to this ever flourishing area of linguistic studies.7 Since the passive and the causative are the most productive voice phenomena in Marathi they have received a great deal of attention in traditional as well as modern linguistic studies [Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), Beames ([1879] 1970), Damle ([1911] 1970), Pandharipande (1981), Pandharipande (1997), Wali (1979), Wali (1981), Rosen & Wali (1989), Alsina & Joshi (1991), Wali (2004), Dhongde & Wali (2009), among others]. These previous studies offer many significant insights into various aspects of passives and causatives. However, a comprehensive description of the formal, semantic, and pragmatic aspects of Marathi’s passives and causatives is not available so far. Attempting to fill this gap, the present monograph offers a description in theory-neutral terms. At the same time the reader is introduced to the rich tradition of grammatical studies in Marathi, which unfortunately have remained inaccessible to those who are unfamiliar with the language up to now. The passive and the causative alter the syntactic valency of the verb.8 It should be noted that in the canonical passive, the semantic valency of the base verb usually remains the same. It is the syntactic valence that changes, in that the agent-subject of the corresponding active clause is downgraded to an adjunct status and can even be omitted altogether [compare example (7) with (8) in section 3 below].9 Amharic, Finnish, Limbu, Latvian and many other languages do not permit overt presence of an agent in the passive expression at all (see Siewierska 1984: 35). The passive is a valency-decreasing mecha7 Although passives and causatives have received considerable attention, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the causative should be considered as a voice phenomenon (see Shibatani (2006, section 1), Kulikov (2011: section 3.2 and 4) for details). Following Shibatani (2006), I treat the causative as a voice phenomenon. 8 In linguistics, the terms valency or valence refers to the number of arguments or “valents” governed by a verbal predicate. This term is borrowed from the field of chemistry where it refers to the capacity of an atom or group of atoms to form bonds with one or more other atoms. The use of this word in science goes back to early 15th century meaning “extract, preparation,” from Latin valentia “strength, capacity”. The meaning “combining power of an element” is recorded from 1884, from German Valenz (Source: Online Etymology Dictionary available at: http://www.etymonline.com/). The French linguist Lucien Tesnière is generally credited for introducing the metaphoric use of ‘valence’ in linguistics in his posthumously published book Éléments de syntaxe structurale (Elements of structural syntax) (1959). 9 Some languages (e.g., Japanese) have a special and a typologically rare type of passive, known as the adversative passive, which increases the valency of the base verb. The languages that have adversative passive (aka indirect passive), also possess the canonical valency-decreasing passive (aka direct passive) as well (see Shibatani 1990: 317–318, ex. 116 and 117).

introduction

13

nism in the syntactic sense of the term valence. In the Leningrad-St. Petersburg Typology tradition (see Kulikov 2011, section 2.1.1, 374–380), passive is not considered to be a valency-changing mechanism, since it preserves the semantic valency of the base verb. However, Givón (1981: 168), Shibatani (1985: 837), Dixon & Aikhenvald (2000: 6–9), Kittilä (2011: 350–355), among others, identify the passive as one of the valency-decreasing or detransitivization mechanisms.10 Kazenin (2001: 903) notes that in a passive clause an intransitive verb is derived from a transitive verb. Similar to these studies, I treat the passive as a valency-decreasing mechanism. As for the causative expression, the valency of the base verb from which the causative verb is derived, is increased, both in semantic as well as syntactic terms, owing to the addition of a new participant: either the causer or the causee. Compare example (7) with (9) below. The causative is a valency-increasing mechanism par excellence. In Marathi the passives and the causatives are expressed with a variety of forms as shown in examples (8) and (9) below. Up until now the formal diversity of the passives and the causatives has not been comprehensively and systematically explored.

3

The Methodology of the Study: Functional Account

Unlike languages that are relatively poor in formal inventory, Marathi, with its rich repertoire of passives and causatives, offers an excellent opportunity to reveal the correspondences between linguistic forms and the functions they serve in a more transparent and fine-grained way. The synthetic passive of Old Marathi inherited from Sanskrit has been lost in the modern language. In contemporary Marathi the passive is exclusively analytical using as auxiliary one or the another of the two verbs go, and come. In addition to these productive passives there is one lexical passive which involve the verb become. Causatives (including transitive verbs with causal meaning) in Marathi come in three varieties: two are synthetic (lexical and agglutinative) and one is analytic. Synthetic (lexical and suffixal/agglutinative) causatives constitute single words, while analytic causatives consist of more than one word: the base infinitive verb plus a causative auxiliary. Synthetic causatives involving stem modifications [such as jaḷ-ṇe ‘to burn’ (intr.): jāḷ-ṇe 10

Dixon & Aikhenvald (2000: 6–9) identify (a) passive and anticausative, (b) antipassive, (c) reflexive and reciprocal as ‘valency-reduction’ and (d) causative and (e) applicative as ‘valency increasing’ mechanisms. Out of these, only the passive and the causative constitute productive mechanisms in Marathi.

14

chapter 1

‘to burn’ (tr.), phāṭ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (intr.): phāḍ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (tr.), and tuṭ-ṇe ‘to break’ (intr.): toḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (tr.)] and agglutinative causatives involving suffixation (e.g. vāḷ-ṇe ‘to become dry’: vāḷ-av-ṇe ‘to dry’) coexist with analytical causatives using auxiliary verbs [e.g. lāv-ṇe ‘(lit.) apply, attach’/make, bhāg pāḍ-ṇe ‘(lit.) make fall in one’s destiny/make it a part of one’s responsibility/compel’, deṇe ‘(lit.) give’, ghe-ṇe ‘(lit.) take’]. The following examples illustrate the rich repertoire of Marathi passives and causatives. Example (7) is an active clause corresponding to the passive clauses in (8) and the causative clauses in (9) and (10). (7) rām-ne kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi kel-i11 Ram-erg room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg do.pst-fsg ‘Ram cleaned the room.’ (8) a. (rām-kaḍun) kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi kel-i (Ram-by) room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg do.passptcp-fsg gel-i go.pst-fsg ‘The room was cleaned (by Ram).’

11

A few verbs in Marathi behave irregularly in their conjugation, e.g., the verb kar-ṇe ‘to do’ in its past formation, if conjugated regularly, should yield kar-l-@ (where -l- is the preterite and perfect tense marker and @ is the agreement suffix). However, the stem kar- is replaced in the past by ke to which the past marker and the agreement markers are added. Thus the correct form is kel-@. According to rule 4d (optional) of the Leipzig glossing conventions, such morphophonological change (ablaut, mutation, tone alternation, etc.) can be signaled by using a back slash to separate the category label and the rest of the gloss: kel-@ can optionally be glossed as: do ∖pst-@. Since many readers are unaware of this optional rule and it is not a common practice in South Asian linguistics, I will use general rule 4 which applies to the cases of one-to-many correspondence between the object language and the metalanguage element and gloss, e.g. kel-@ as ‘do.pst-@’. Other cases of this type are: ja-ṇe ‘to go’ (ex. 8a), ye-ṇe ‘to come’ (ex. 8b), ho-ṇe ‘to become’ (ex. 8c), de-ṇe ‘to give’ (ex. 9f) and all those verbs which add an /ā/ in the past (e.g., mhaṇ-ṇe ‘to say’, miḷ-ṇe ‘to get’, pi-ṇe ‘to drink’, etc.). In (9e) a unit of two elements in the object language (bhāg.pāḍ-) corresponding to one element in the metalanguage (compel) is likewise glossed using a dot. In the case of ghe-ṇe ‘to take’, epenthetic -t is added to the stem. Addition of an epenthetic element is also shown by using a dot (ex. 9c). Furthermore, grammaticalized auxiliary verbs, such as the passive marker go (8a), come (8b), become (8c); causative marker take (9c), make (9d), compel (9e), give (9f), are glossed in upper case letters in order to distinguish them from the lexical main verbs, which are glossed in lower case letters.

introduction

15

b. (rām-kaḍun) kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi kar-ṇ-yā-t (Ram-by) room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg do-inf-obl-loc āl-i come.pst-fsg ‘The room was cleaned (by Ram).’ c. (*rām-kaḍun) kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi jhāl-i12 (Ram-by) room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg become.pst-fsg Lit. ‘The room became clean (*by Ram).’ (‘The room was cleaned.’) (9) a. šyām-ne rām-kaḍun kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi Shyam-erg Ram-by room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg kar-av-l-i do-caus-pst-fsg ‘Shyam had Ram clean the room.’ b. šyām-ne sitā-mārphat rām-kaḍun kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi Shyam-erg Sita-by Ram-by room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg kar-v-av-l-i do-caus-caus-pst-fsg ‘Shyam had Sita have Ram clean the room.’ c. šyām-ne rām-kaḍun kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi Shyam-erg Ram-by room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg kar-(av)-un ghe.t-l-i do-(caus)-cvb take-pst-fsg ‘Shyam had the room cleaned by Ram.’ d. šyām-ne rām-lā kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi kar-āy-lā Shyam-erg Ram-acc room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg do-l.inf-dat lāv-l-i make-pst-fsg ‘Shyam made Ram clean the room.’

12

However, there are a few counter-examples in which the presence of an agent is permitted [see example (19) in Chapter four].

16

chapter 1

e. šyām-ne rām-lā kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi kar-āy-lā Shyam-erg Ram-acc room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg do-l.inf-dat bhāg.pāḍ-l-e coerce-pst-nsg ‘Shyam forced Ram to clean the room.’ f. šyām-ne rām-lā kholi-č-i sāphsaphāi kar-u Shyam-erg Ram-acc room-gen-fsg cleaning.fsg do-s.inf dil-i give.pst-fsg ‘Sham let Ram clean the room.’ In addition to the morphologically regular and fairly productive suffixal causatives [(9a), (9b)] and periphrastic causatives [(9c) through (9f)], Marathi also has a variety of non-productive morphological causatives (aka lexical causatives, see chapter 7 for details) as shown in example (10) below. The non-causative form corresponding to the lexical causative is given in parentheses. (10) a. rām-ne patr jāḷ-l-e Ram-erg letter.nsg burn-pst-nsg ‘Ram burnt the letter.’

(cf. jaḷ-ṇe ‘burn’)

b. rām-ne kāgad phāḍ-l-ā Ram-erg paper.msg tear-pst-msg ‘Ram tore the paper.’

(cf. phāṭ-ṇe ‘tear’)

c. rām-ne kāṭhi toḍ-l-i Ram-erg stick.fsg break-pst-fsg ‘Ram broke the stick.’

(cf. tuṭ-ṇe ‘break’)

d. sitā-ne bāḷ-ā-lā bhāt bharav-l-ā Sita-erg baby-obl-dat rice.m feed-pst-m ‘Sita fed rice to the baby.’ e. rām-ne khiḍki ughaḍ-l-i Ram-erg window.fsg open-pst-fsg ‘Ram opened the window.’

(cf. khā-ṇe ‘eat’)

(cf. ughaḍ-ṇe ‘open’, labile)

introduction

17

The study of Marathi passives and causatives taken up in this monograph offers a unique opportunity for exploring and deepening our understanding of form-function correspondences.

4

Organization of the Study

Previous studies on Marathi passives and causatives are couched in two different traditions: traditional grammars [Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), Beames ([1879] 1970), Damle ([1911] 1970)] and modern linguistic studies [Pandharipande (1981), Wali (1979), Wali (1981), Rosen & Wali (1989), Alsina & Joshi (1991), Pardeshi (2000a, b), Pardeshi (2006), among others]. These studies offer many significant insights with respect to some specific aspects of passives and causatives under consideration. Nonetheless, there still remain many outstanding issues as well questions yet to be asked, such as the lack of precise characterization of the phenomena in question, inadequate treatments of some issues, arguably incorrect analyses of some aspects, and unexplored phenomena which have somehow escaped the attention of previous scholars. Further, previous treatments have not fully taken into consideration the rich formal repertoire of Marathi passives and causatives exemplified in (8) through (10). In view of these outstanding issues, the discussion in this study is organized as follows: (i) characterizing the phenomena under discussion, (ii) a critical review of previous studies, highlighting their contributions as well as inadequacies, (iii) a comprehensive description and functional explanation of the relevant phenomena. Rather than arguing for or against a particular theoretical model, preference is given to comprehensive description and functional explanation of the phenomena in theory-neutral terms. The organization of the monograph is as follows. Chapters 2 through 4 are dedicated to the passives. Chapter 2 offers a characterization; Chapter 3 offers a critical review of previous works; and Chapter 4 presents a comprehensive alternative account. Chapters 5 through 7 deal with the causatives. Chapter 5 offers a characterization; Chapter 6 offers a critical review of the previous work; and Chapter 7 presents a comprehensive alternative account. Finally, Chapter 8 presents concluding remarks.

chapter 2

The Characterization of the Passive 1

Introduction

This chapter presents an overview of the characterization of the passive in functional typological literature and illustrates a couple of clauses that can be identified as passive in Marathi. Chapter 3 offers a critical review of previous work and chapter 4 goes on to present a comprehensive account of formal, semantic, and pragmatic aspects of Marathi passives.

2

Characterization of the Passive Clause: Functional-Typological Approach

With regard to characterization of the passive there are two contrasting approaches: (i) categorial (exclusively defining the passive on structural criteria): Kulikov (2011), and (ii) prototypical (based on a set of morphological, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic criteria: Givón (1981), Keenan (1981), Shibatani (1985), Comrie (2008), among others). Kulikov (2011: 371), adopting the framework of diathesis calculus developed by the Leningrad-St Petersburg typology group as being a pattern of mapping semantic arguments onto syntactic functions (grammatical relations), takes the passive diathesis as one that involves two (partially independent) syntactic phenomena: (i) promotion of the initial Direct Object (= the direct object of the active diathesis) to the Subject (= the Subject of the passive clause), and (ii) demotion of the initial Subject (= the Subject of the active diathesis). The demotion of the Subject may amount either to downgrading it to an Oblique Object (passive Agent) or to its removal from the structure. Kulikov (op. cit.: 372) treats the passive diathesis alternation as ‘diathesis changes sensu stricto’ meaning that a modification in diathesis only means changes in the pattern of mapping of semantic arguments onto syntactic functions, without any change in the inventory of semantic roles i.e. no role is removed from the base structure or added to it.1

1 In Kulikov’s scheme the passive is not a valency-decreasing alternation since the semantic valency remains unchanged. However, as Kulikov himself notes, the syntactic valency

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004292529_003

the characterization of the passive

19

The prototypical approach advocates characterization of a passive clause based on a set of morphological, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic features [see Givón (1981), Shibatani (1985), Comrie (2008), among others]. In these studies typically the following functions are attributed to passive clauses: (i)

agent defocusing: concealing or blurring the identity of the subject/agent of the corresponding active clause (ii) patient profiling: a non-subject/agent of the corresponding active clause assumes the topic function (iii) de-activization/stativization: semantically the passive clause becomes less-active or more-stative as compared to the corresponding active clause Givón (1981: 168) outlines major syntactic properties pertaining to the structural characterization of various types of passives attested cross-linguistically and argues that various passive clauses can be ranked on a continuum of passivization on the basis of the following four scalar typological dimensions: (a) the degree to which the coding properties of the subject/agent of the active clause have been “acquired” by the new (non-agent) topic of the passive clause, (b) the degree to which the subject/agent of the active clause has been suppressed in the passive clause, (c) the degree to which the semantic and syntactic characteristics of ‘activeness’ or ‘transitivity’ has been retained by the passive clause, and (d) the degree to which topic properties have been “acquired” by the subject of the passive clause. In a similar vein, Shibatani (1985: 837), in his investigation of the passive and related expressions in the languages of the world, defines the passive clause in terms of a prototype which is characterized by four criteria: (a) pragmatic function, (b) semantic properties, (c) syntactic properties, and (d) morphological properties. Shibatani argues that the primary pragmatic function of the passive is agent defocusing. On the semantic side, although the semantic valence of the verb in the passive is the same as that of the verb in the corre-

decreases by either the demotion of the initial Subject to an Oblique Object or the removal of it from the structure. In Panini’s treatment of the passive the agent is expressed with the third case and what is left over gets the nominative (see chapter 3, section 2.2 for details). As noted before in chapter one, I treat the passive alternation as a valency-decreasing mechanism under the syntactic interpretation of the term valency. Marathi has two non-canonical passives in which the valency does not decrease: (i) completion passive [see chapter 4, section 2.1.3] and (ii) potential passive (or transimpersonals) [see chapter 4, section 2.1.4].

20

chapter 2

sponding active clause, the semantic role of the grammatical/morphological subject of the passive is “typically” an affected entity, unlike that of the corresponding active clause (e.g. John was killed by Bill). The syntactic valence of the passive clause is typically one less than that of its corresponding active clause. Morphologically the predicate of the passive clause compared to the one in the corresponding active clause is a marked form. Shibatani adopts a traditional view of grammatical voice as a category that signals an marked vs. unmarked pattern of mapping between the basic syntactic functions of subject and object and the basic semantic roles of agent and patient. In an active clause, the agent occupies the subject slot, and is an argument of the predicate although it may not show up in pro-drop languages. However, in a passive clause the agent is ousted from the syntactic slot of subject, and is demoted to the role of an adjunct, if present or may be deleted altogether. The passive, therefore, can be seen as a means of defocusing the agent, partially or completely. Shibatani also points out that, rather than arguing about whether a given expression should be considered passive or not, a description must be offered as to what extent the expression in question is similar to or different from the prototype. Comrie (2008) discusses various criteria for defining passives: formal markedness, direction of derivation, frequency, orientation (p-orientation vs. aorientation), absence vs. presence of lexico-semantic restrictions. He includes other potential candidates (multiple passives, functional passive, and impersonal passive), and concludes that it is useful to define a prototypical or canonical passive in terms of a set of criteria rather than attempting to establish a set of necessary-and-sufficient conditions to identify passives. He proposes the following criteria to define a prototypical passive: (i) markedness—the passive is morphologically more complex and less frequent than the corresponding active, (ii) lack of semantic or lexical restrictions on passive formation, and (iii) lack of truth-functional difference between active and passive. The typological studies by Givón, Shibatani and Comrie reviewed above agree: (i) the passive clause needs to be defined in terms of a prototype based on a set of criteria rather than a set of necessary-and-sufficient conditions and (ii) a given expression in a language needs to be assessed and described in terms of the extent to which the expression in question is similar to or different from the canonical passive. They differ, however, as to which criteria to include or exclude and which criteria to emphasize or de-emphasize vis-àvis other criteria [see Siewierska (1984), chapter one for details]. The salient characteristic features of a passive clause proposed in Givón (1981), Shibatani (1985), and Comrie (2008), are summarized below.

21

the characterization of the passive

(1) Salient characteristic features of a canonical/prototypical passive clause Features

Morphological Syntactic Semantic Pragmatic Productivity Frequency

More morphological material than the corresponding active form Agent demotion (detransitization) Promotion of non-agent to subject (p-orientation) Semantic valence Affectedness of the subject (= patient) Defocusing of agent Profiling (topicalization) of patient All verbs or a specific sub-class of verbs (lexico-semantic restrictions) Usually less frequent than active

Givón (1981)

Shibatani (1985)

Comrie (2008)

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓ ✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

In this study, I adopt the prototypical approach summarized in (1) above for the identification of passive clauses in Marathi and describe their functions.

3

✓

Formal Repertoire of Marathi Passives

In her extensive survey of passives, Siewierska (1984, chapter 4) points out that different languages employ different verbs as passive auxiliaries—be (e.g., English, Spanish, Polish), become (e.g., German, Swedish, Latvian), go (e.g., Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi, Maithili), receive/get (e.g., Welsh, English), suffer (e.g., Tamil, Kannada, Burmese, Thai) and come (e.g., Italian, Kurdish, Kashmiri, Maithili, Gujarati). Even eat may be used with a limited number of verbs in Old Chinese, Sinhalese and Dhangar-Kurux [Haspelmath (1990: 38) also provides a similar list]. Secondly, Siewierska observes that many languages possess more than one periphrastic passive auxiliary—be and become (e.g., Swedish, Latvian, Polish, Finnish, Nez Perce), be and get (e.g., English) or become and go (e.g. Bengali) and that these auxiliary verbs are not always freely interchangeable. In Polish, Dutch, Icelandic, German, and Finnish, for example, the be and become passives are governed by different factors and are used for different purposes. The use of a given auxiliary in languages that possess more than one such auxiliary is determined by a variety of semantic, syntactic, and stylistic factors. The passives in Marathi, which employ

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either go or come as passive auxiliaries as exemplified below, are a case in point. (2) lokpāl vidheyak ye-t-yā pāvsāḷi adhivešan-ā-t ombudsman bill.nsg come-prs-obl monsoon session-obl-in sansad-e-samor sādar kel-e jā-il parliament-obl-before present do.passptcp-nsg go-fut ‘The ombudsman bill will be tabled before the parliament in the coming monsoon session.’ (www.krushival.in/index.php?option=com_content...) (3) bhraṣṭāčār hadd-pār kar-ṇ-yā-sāthi sansad-e-t sašakt corruption boundary-cross do-inf-obl-for parliament-obl-in strong lokpāl bil sādar kar-ṇ-yā-t yāv-e ombudsman bill.nsg present do-inf-obl-loc come.sbjv-nsg ‘For driving out corruption a strong ombudsman bill should be tabled in the parliament.’ (divyamarathi.bhaskar.com/.../print_photo_feature_article.php?) In (2) and (3) the productive periphrastic passives consist of a transitive verb with either a past participle marker -l- followed by the verb jā- ‘go’ (past tense: gel-{ā/i/yā/e or a}) as in example (2), or a locative form of the infinitive (-ṇyā-t) followed by the verb ye- ‘come’ as in example (3). The passive clause may optionally include an agent np marked by an oblique postposition -kaḍun ‘by’ (or rarely by -dvāre or -karvi ‘via’). Hereafter, the passive using jā- ‘go’ as a passive marker will be referred to as the go passive, and that using ye- ‘come’, as the come passive. The go and come passives are included in traditional grammars of Marathi. In addition to them, I propose identifying one more expression as passive and call it the become passive (see chapter 4, section 2.1.2 for details). In the next chapter a critical review of earlier analyses of the Marathi passive is offered.

chapter 3

Previous Studies of Marathi Passives 1

Introduction

The goal of this chapter is to provide a critical review of previous studies of Marathi passives in traditional grammars (karmaṇī prayog ‘use of verbal affix to express the patient’) and modern linguistic treatments with a view to highlighting: (i) the insights they offer, (ii) the issues on which I do not agree and (iii) the issues which have escaped the attention of my predecessors or which have not been sufficiently explored. Detailed treatment of these controversial, unexplored and underexplored issues will be provided in the next chapter. The traditional grammars under review are Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), Beames ([1879] 1970), and Damle ([1911] 1970). Tarkhadkar and Damle are traditional descriptions of Marathi grammar written in Marathi. Beames is a comparative grammar of seven New Indo-Aryan (nia) languages: Hindi, Panjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, Oṛiya, and Bengali. Tarkhadkar and Damle follow the Indian grammatical tradition and occasionally describe Marathi in comparison and contrast with Sanskrit. Beames, on the other hand, adopts a Western comparative philological approach and at various places compares IndoAryan languages with other Indo-European languages: Sanskrit, Latin, Greek, French, German etc. Modern linguistic works under review are Pandharipande (1981), Rosen & Wali (1989), Masica (1991), Pandharipande (1997), Wali (2004), Dhongde & Wali (2009).1 Before providing a critical review of the lesser known traditional grammars a few introductory remarks are in order. Dadoba Pandurang Tarkhadkar’s mahārāṣṭr-bhāṣece vyākaraṇ (A Grammar of the Maharashtra Language) published in 1836 is probably the first serious attempt by a native speaker to write a systematic and comprehensive grammar of Marathi, for native speakers and in

1 Pandharipande (1981) is a comprehensive cross-linguistic study of the passive in five IndoAryan languages (viz. Hindi, Marathi, Nepali, Kashmiri and Punjabi), and one Dravidian language (viz. Kannada) carried out in the relational grammar framework. Pandharipande (1997) is a reference grammar which includes the findings of her 1981 study. Similarly, the reference grammar by Dhongde & Wali (2009) encapsulates Wali’s previous research, viz. Rosen & Wali (1989) and Wali (2004).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004292529_004

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the native language.2 For this great achievement Dadoba Pandurang Tarkhadkar is fondly called the ‘pāṇini’ of Marathi. Damle’s grammar written in Marathi (866 pages) remains the most comprehensive Marathi grammar to date (for a very brief summary of Marathi grammarians, see Dhongde & Wali 2009: 5). John Beames was a civil servant in British India whose comparative grammar of Indo-Aryan languages was published in English in three volumes during 1872– 1879: Volume i (on sounds), Volume ii (the noun and pronoun), and Volume iii (the Verb). The third volume of his grammar, Beames ([1879] 1970), discusses passives and causatives.

2

Review of the Previous Work

The following review of previous work on Marathi’s passives covers four aspects: (i) their historical development, (ii) their syntactic properties, (iii) their semantic/pragmatic properties, and (iv) expressions used in lieu of the passive. 2.1 Historical Development As noted in chapters one and two, the modern Marathi passive is analytic/ periphrastic in nature employing jā-ṇe ‘to go’ and ye-ṇe ‘to come’ as passive auxiliaries. Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), Beames ([1879] 1970), and Damle ([1911] 1970) claim that the modern analytic/periphrastic passives have replaced the old synthetic/suffixal -iǰ- passive.3 Bloch ([1914] 1970: 270) notes that the origin of the periphrastic passive is obscure. It is possible that the periphrastic passive forms do not have their origin in the synthetic passive forms, but the latter simply replaced the former. Among traditional grammarians Damle’s treatment of the historical development of the Marathi passive is bit more detailed and it is briefly summarized below.

2 The 11th edition of this grammar, the one to which I have access, was published in 1899, seventeen years after Tarkhadkar’s death in 1882. In the preface to this edition it is stated that the first lithographed edition, published in 1836, contained 192 pages. The 11th edition published in 1899 has 394 pages. In the preface Tarkhadkar lamented that in the past 25 years there had been a trend of increasing neglect of Marathi and growing emphasis on learning English. The debate on preference for English and neglect of Marathi (and other domestic Indian languages) continues to date. 3 The synthetic/suffixal passive (-iǰ -) vestigially survives in few lexicalized expressions such as the conjuction mhaṇ-j-e (‘that is to say’, lit. is said), and an abnormal verb pāh.i-j-e (‘is necessary’, lit. ‘is seen’) [cf. Chipalunkar ([1893] 1971: 93), Bloch ([1914] 1970: 241)]. Master (1964: 136) notes that čāhiye ‘is wanted, is needed’ in Hindi is also from the Sanskrit root čakṣ ‘to see’.

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Damle ([1911] 1970: 162–163) notes that in old Marathi (from the 13th century a.d.) passive forms of verbs were derived by augmenting the verb stem with the suffix -iǰ -, which went out fashion. The suffixal passive was eventually replaced by a ‘new’ form, viz. one that uses go or come as a passive auxiliary verb. He refers to the synthetic/suffixal passive as pūrāṇ karmaṇī (old passive) and the analytic/periphrastic passive as navin karmaṇī (new passive) and offers the following examples (op. cit.: 375, 615–618).4 pūrāṇ karmaṇī (old passive) sevan kar-ije-t-em........ (1) myām tirthā-c-e i.instr holy.water-gen-n drinking.n do-pass-prs-n ‘I drink the holy water …’ (Lit. By me the holy water is drunk.) navin karmaṇī (new passive) (2) a. šipāy-ā-kaḍun cor dhar.i-l-ā jā-t-o guard-obl-by thief.msg catch-passptcp-msg go-prs-3msg ‘The thief is caught by the guard.’ b. šipāy-ā-kaḍun cor dhar-ṇ-yā-t ye-t-o guard-obl-by thief.msg catch-inf-obl-loc come-prs-3msg ‘The thief is caught by the guard.’ Damle adds that the new passive form is rarely found in Moropant’s poetry (18th century) and that he is not aware when the new passive form came into being adding that it is the job of historical linguists to ascertain when the new passive form emerged [op. cit.: 619–620, also see Bloch ([1914] 1970: 241)]. Damle uses the term karmaṇī with two different interpretations: (i) syntactic interpretation, viz. the verb agreeing with the object in number, and gender, and (ii) semantic interpretation: whether or not the agent is defocused [pradhānakartruk (agent-prominent) karmaṇī vs. gauṇakartruk (agentdefocused/demoted) karmaṇī, see discussion below]. The pūrāṇ karmaṇī (old passive) in (1) is a passive in the syntactic sense where the verb agrees with the notional object since the notional subject (or agent) is in the instrumental. The navin karmaṇī (new passive) in (2) is a passive in both syntactic and semantic senses (see section 2.2 below for details).

4 Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899: 257) calls the new passive as the karmakartarī use.

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Masica (1991), in his comprehensive areal survey of Indo-Aryan languages, provides a brief diachronic account of the passive in those Indo-Aryan languages such as Marwari and Gujarati which inherited the suffixal passive from Sanskrit. In Marathi and other New Indo-Aryan languages the passive suffix went out of fashion and periphrastic use of auxiliary verbs for expressing the passive emerged. Masica adds that the use of come as a passive auxiliary is found in a few languages like Marathi, Gujarati, and Kashmiri (op.cit.: 317). Expect for Pardeshi (2000a, b), modern linguistic works on Marathi passives do not discuss the come passive at all. 2.2 Syntactic Properties In discussions of the syntactic properties of the passives, the influence of the respective grammatical traditions is very clear. Marathi traditional grammarians, Tarkhadkar and Damle, for example, draw on the Sanskrit grammatical tradition (elaborated below). Beames ([1879] 1970), on the other hand, follows the Western comparative philological approach. Modern linguistic works adopt the theoretical framework of the author’s choice. Pandharipande (1981), Rosen & Wali (1989) analyze Marathi passives in the relational grammar framework, while Wali (2004) uses gb theory and the Minimalist program. The syntactic issues discussed in these works differ considerably depending on the tradition they follow. In view of this, these works are reviewed with respect to the tradition they follow. In the Paninian/Indian tradition the alternation of passive voice with active voice is controlled through the mahāvikalp or ‘great option’. This allows the verbal affix to express either Agent or Patient (rule 4.3.67 & 69: the verbal affix expresses either kartr or karman, rule 1.4.23: defines kāraka ‘Participant role’, rule 1.4.49: defines karman ‘Patient’, and rule 1.4.54: defines kartr ‘Agent’). If the verbal affix expresses Agent then the Patient is unexpressed. If unexpressed by the verbal affix then the second case dvitiyā ‘accusative’ is used for Patient (rule 2.3.1: anabhihite ‘if not already expressed’, rule 2.3.2: use second case for ‘Patient’). If, however, the speaker chooses to have the Patient expressed by the verbal affix, then the Agent, left unexpressed, and gets the third case trutiyā ‘instrumental’ (rule 2.3.18: use third case for ‘Agent’). Finally any nominal whose kāraka ‘Participant role’ has been expressed by the verbal affix is given the first case prathamā ‘Nominative’ (rule 2.3.46: use first case if no kāraka has been left unexpressed). Traditional Marathi grammarians discuss concord of the verb with one of its non-agent arguments as a syntactic property of the new passive (navin karmaṇī). The kartarī prayog (subjectival/active use) and karmaṇī prayog (objectival/passive use) display a contrast in terms of their verbal concord: in the

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kartarī prayog the verbal affix expresses the agent-subject, while in the karmaṇī prayog the verbal affix expresses the patient-object. The notion of prayog (use/application) reflects the influence of the Sanskrit tradition. The Sanskrit examples below are adopted from Speijer ([1886]1973: 3). kartarī prayog: the verbal affix expresses the agent-subject (3) devadattaḥ kaṭam karoti Devadatta.nom mat.acc make ‘Devadatta makes a mat.’ karmaṇī prayog: the verbal affix expresses the patient-object (4) devadattena kaṭaḥ kriyate Devadatta.ins mat.nom make.pass ‘The mat is made by Devadatta.’ Tarkhadkar (op. cit.: 171–173) discusses four prayog (uses) in Marathi: kartarī, karmaṇī, bhāvi, and bhāvakartarī. The verb agrees with the agent-subject in the kartarī use, and with the patient-object (when unmarked by case or postposition) in the karmaṇī use. In the bhāvi use since both the subject and object are case-marked the verb neither agrees with the subject nor with the object and assumes the default form, namely, third person neuter singular (3nsg) as shown in (5).5 t-yā-lā mār-l-a (5) a. mi i.erg he-obl-acc beat-pst-3nsg ‘I beat him.’ b. tu t-yā-lā mār-l-a-s kā? you.erg he-obl-acc beat-pst-3nsg-2sg q ‘Did you beat him?’

5 As noted in chapter one, the first and the second person ergative subject is not overtly marked with a postposition [see (5a)]. Further, in the case of second person ergative subject, the verb agrees with the subject in person and number and with the object in gender and number in the ergative tenses [see (5b)].

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c. t-yā-ne tu-lā mār-l-a kā? he-erg you-acc beat-pst-3nsg q ‘Did he beat you?’ The bhāvakartarī use involves impersonal verbs (such as to dawn, to dusk, to feel queasy), or potential forms of intransitive (unergative) verbs (such as walk or speak) expressing ability or inability of the subject, in which the verb assumes the default form (3nsg) due to the lack of an unmarked nominal entity with which the verb can agree as shown in the examples in (6) from Tarkhadkar (op. cit.: 172). (6) a. malā kaḷmaḷ-t-ẽ i.dat feel.queasy-prs-3nsg ‘I feel queasy.’ b. tyās cāl-av-t-ẽ he.dat walk-passcaus-prs-3nsg ‘He can walk.’ c. ti-č-yā-nẽ bol-av-l-ẽ nāhĩ she-gen-obl-erg speak-passcaus-pst-3nsg neg ‘She could (not bring herself to) speak.’ Tarkhadkar adds that the agreement pattern is subject to change according to the tense and mood. In addition to the four patterns of concord mentioned above, Tarkhadkar identifies one more which he calls the karmakartarī use (op. cit.: 174–175, 256–260). He defines the karmakartarī as the one in which the object (karman) of a verb is converted to a subject (kartṛ) by the addition of some auxiliary verb or by some other means without changing the meaning of the proposition. In the karmakartarī use the new subject controls the verb concord. Note the following kartarī use [example (7)] and its corresponding karmakartarī counterpart [example (8)] from Tarkhadkar (op. cit.: 257). Tarkhadkar treats the postposition -ṇẽ on the agent in (8) as causal instrumental (nimittārthi trutiyā) marker, which can be substituted by the postposition -kaḍun ‘by’. (7) to vāgh mār.i-t-o he tiger kill-prs-3msg ‘He kills a tiger.’

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(8) {t-yā-ṇẽ/t-yāj-kaḍun} vāgh mār.i-l-ā jā-t-o he-obl-by tiger.msg kill-passptcp-msg go-prs-3msg ‘A tiger is killed by him.’ The use of the verb jā- ‘to go’ as an auxiliary in conjunction with the main verb in the past participial form indicates that the patient (vāgh ‘the tiger’) of the action denoted by the verb functions as subject of the clause. The agent (tyā-ṇẽ ‘he-obl-by’) is marked with the causal instrumental (nimittārthi trutiyā) marker -ṇẽ or by the postposition -kaḍun ‘by’. The use of the postposition -ṇẽ on the agent in a passive expression is no longer grammatical in the modern language. In the go passive in modern Marathi the agent is marked by the postposition -kaḍun ‘by’ [see example (2a)]. Although only transitive verbs can have karmakartarī form, Tarkhadkar stresses that not all transitive verbs in Marathi have the karmakartarī use (see 2.4 for details). Tarkhadkar’s karmakartarī use is what Damle calls navin karmaṇī (new passive) in (2) above. Damle (op. cit. 620) criticizes Tarkhadkar’s use of the term karmakartarī as being misleading since in the karmakartarī the verb does not agree with the notional agent-subject as in the kartarī use, but with the notional object as in the karmaṇī use. Damle ([1911]1970: 608–634) also discusses four prayogs classified on the basis of the pattern of concord between the verb and one of its arguments: kartarī, karmaṇī, bhāvi, and sankirṇ. The definitions of kartarī, karmaṇī, and bhāvi are the same as those of Tarkhadkar. The sankirṇ use displays a hybrid form of agreement: (i) kartru.karma.sankar in which the verb agrees with the subject in person and number and with the object in gender and number, and (ii) karma.bhāva.sankar where the verb does not assume the default form (third person neuter singular) although both the subject and object are case-marked, but instead agrees with the case-marked object. Damle also points out that verbal concord in Marathi is subject to change according to tense and mood. As mentioned in the previous section Damle uses the term karmaṇī prayog with two different interpretations: (i) syntactic interpretation, viz. the verb agreeing with the object in person, number and gender and (ii) semantic interpretation: whether or not the agent is defocused. Damle argues that not all Marathi karmaṇī uses are functionally similar to the Sanskrit karmaṇī or the passive in English (op.cit.: 615–617). He divides the Marathi karmaṇī into two types: pradhānakartruk (agent-prominent) and gauṇakartruk (agent-defocused/demoted) and offers the illustrative examples of them given below (op. cit.: 615–616). The pradhānakartruk (agent-prominent) karmaṇī are passive in the structural sense (verb agreeing with the notional object rather than the notional agent-subject i.e. the ergative-absolutive alignment) while the gauṇakartruk (agent-defocused/demoted) karmaṇī are passive in both the

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syntactic (i.e. verb agreeing with the notional object rather than the notional agent-subject) and the semantic sense (the agent is non-prominent or defocused). Only the gauṇakartruk (agent-defocused/demoted) karmaṇī are functionally similar to the Sanskrit karmaṇī or the passive in English. pradhānakartruk (agent-prominent) karmaṇī6 (9) t-yā-nẽ kām kel-ẽ he-obl-erg work.nsg do.pst-nsg ‘He did the work.’ (10) t-yā-nẽ kām kar-āv-ẽ he-obl-erg work.nsg do-sbjv-nsg ‘He should do the work.’ (11) t-yā-lā hā rumāl soḍ-āv-ā lāg-t-o he-obl-dat this handkerchief.msg untie-ptcp-msg need-prs-msg ‘He needs to untie this handkerchief.’ gauṇakartruk (agent-demoted/defocused) karmaṇī (12) t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun kām kel-ẽ jā-t-ẽ he-obl-gen-obl-by work.nsg do.passptcp-nsg go-prs-nsg ‘The work is done by him.’ Damle argues that only the gauṇakartruk (agent-demoted/defocused) karmaṇī should be treated as a passive. He emphasizes that the semantic/functional criterion of gauṇakartruk (agent demotion/defocusing) is a key factor in the identification of a passive (op. cit.: 617). In addition to this semantic/functional criterion, Damle provides two formal criteria for identifying a gauṇkartruk (agent demoted/defocused) karmaṇī clause: (a) the case marking on the agent and (b) the form of the verb. On the basis of these two criteria Damle proposes four sub-groups of the gauṇakartruk (agent demoted/defocused) karmaṇī: (i) pūrāṇ karmaṇī [old passive, (1) above], (ii) navin karmaṇī [new passive, (2) above], (iii) samāpan karmaṇī [completion passive, (13) below], and (iv) šaky

6 Damle (op. cit.: 616) gives a structural criterion to identify the pradhānakartruk (agentprominent) namely that the agent-subject instrumental/ergative maker -nẽ cannot be substituted by the causal instrumental/ergative marker -č-yā-nẽ (-gen-obl-erg).

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karmaṇī [potential passive, (14) below]. In all these four gauṇakartruk (agent demoted/defocused) karmaṇī clauses the agent is in a non-nominative case and morphologically the verb compared to its active counterpart is marked. samāpan karmaṇī (completion passive) (13) t-yā-c-ẽ patr lih-un jhāl-e he-obl-gen-nsg letter.nsg write-cvb become.pst-3nsg ‘He finished writing his letter.’ šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) (14) {t-yā-lā/t-yā-č-yā-ne} kām kar-av-t-e he-obl-dat/he-obl-gen-obl-by work.nsg do-passcaus-prs-3nsg ‘He is able to do the work.’ From the point of view of verbal morphology, the pūrāṇ karmaṇī (old passive) is synthetic/suffixal. The navin karmaṇī (new passive) is analytic/periphrastic, using go, or come as passive marker auxiliary verbs. The go passive and come passive are the prototypical passives used in modern Marathi in which the agent-subject can be omitted. The samāpan karmaṇī (completion passive) involves a concatenation of the main verb in the conjunctive participle form in -un followed by the auxiliary verb become as a marker of completion. In samāpan karmaṇī, unlike the navin karmaṇī (new passive), the agent-subject cannot be omitted and occurs in the genitive case. The šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) involves the suffix -av, which is homophonous with the causative marker in the modern language (more on this below in 2.3). Each passive involves a different non-nominative marking of the agent as shown in examples (12) through (14). In sharp contrast to Marathi traditional grammarians, Beames ([1879] 1970: 71–75) does not talk at all about the concord of the verb with one of its arguments. He describes the analytic/periphrastic passive as a ‘regular’ passive based on its agent-demotion function. Modern linguistic accounts, as noted before, are carried out in different theoretical frameworks: Pandharipande (1981), Rosen & Wali (1989) in relational grammar and Wali (2004) in a generative grammar framework (Government and Binding model and Minimalist Program). In my review of these works theory-internal issues are discussed only cursorily. Syntactic aspects figuring prominently in modern linguistic studies are: (i) deep structure representation of the passive clause and (ii) subject properties acquired by the surface sub-

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ject of the passive clause (i.e. the object of the corresponding active clause) and those lost by the subject of the corresponding active clause. Rosen & Wali (1989) pursues both aspects, while Pandharipande (1981) and Wali (2004) mainly explore the second one. Rosen & Wali (1989: 1–2) analyze Marathi passives in a relational grammar framework. They argue that Marathi has two types of passives, which are identical in surface form, but differ in their meanings: (i) Regular passive (rp) and (ii) Capability passive (cp), as exemplified below. Regular passive (rp) (15) mini-kaḍun ravi-lā pakaḍ-l-a gel-a Mini-by Ravi-acc catch-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg ‘Ravi was caught by Mini.’ Capability passive (cp) (16) mini-kaḍun ravi-lā pakaḍ(-av)-l-a gel-a nāhi Mini-by Ravi-acc catch-(caus)-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg neg ‘Mini was unable/could not bring herself to catch Ravi.’ The affix -av (which is homophonous with that of the causative) can occur only in the capability passive [cp, example (16)] and is optional. In the absence of this affix, the regular passive [rp, in (15)] and the capability passive [cp, in (16)] are identical in form and meaning. In function the cps are more felicitous in the negative while rps are equally felicitous in both the affirmative and the negative. Rosen & Wali claim that despite their identical surface structure, rp and cp [without (-av)] are syntactically distinct: the former has a personal passive relational network; the latter, an impersonal one as shown below (op. cit.: 2–3).

figure 1

Relational networks for Marathi rp and cp (adapted from Rosen & Wali 1989: 2–3)

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In the rp the object (initial 2 in the relational grammar framework) advances to the subject position (final 1 in the relational grammar framework), while in the cp the object does not advance to the subject position (no advancement of initial 2 to final 1 position). While in Marathi rps can be formed only from transitive verbs, cps can be formed from both transitive and intransitive verbs. Rosen & Wali provide the following examples of the cp based on intransitive verbs (op. cit.: 31). (17) lili- kaḍun cāl-l-a jā-t nāhi Lili-obl walk-passptcp-nsg go-prs neg ‘Lili cannot walk.’ (18) unhāḷ-yā-t ghar-ā-t bas-l-a jā-t nāhi summer-obl-in house-obl-in sit-passptcp-nsg go-prs neg ‘In summer one cannot stay in the house (it being so hot).’ Rosen & Wali argue that when compared to other theories then prevailing, relational grammar can handle the rp and the cp in a better way since, although their surface realization is the same, relational grammar can explain how they structurally differ in terms of their abstract representations in the form of the relational networks shown in Fig. 1 above (i.e. how one form has more than one meaning). As per my intuition, (16)–(18) have incapacity sense only if -av is present and the agent-subject is marked with dat. Attested example with -av are given below. (19) ti-lā ajun cāl-va-t nāhi. ajun pureši tākad nāhi. She-dat yet walk-passcuas-prs not yet enough strength not ‘She cannot walk yet. (She) does not have enough strength yet.’ (https://books.google.co.jp/books?id=d3mLAwAAQBAJ) (20) ukāḍ-yā-muḷe mule.bāḷe raḍ-at as-un koṇi jhop-u hear-obl-due.to kids cry-inf be-cvb no.one sleep-s.inf šak-at nāhi, ghar-ā-t bas-va-t nāhi can-inf not house-obl-in sit-passcuas-prs not ‘Due to heat kids are crying hence no one can sleep or manage to sit in the house.’ (http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/maharashtra/ahmednagar/ no-light/articleshow/35462148.cms)

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Wali ([2004] 2006) is a modification of the proposal made in Rosen & Wali (1989). In Rosen & Wali (1989: 7) the following example is identified as a regular passive (rp) and is assigned a personal passive network, although the subject of the personal passive (i.e. the logical object of the active), Ravi, is marked with -lā in the final 1-arc of the relational network. (21) mini-kaḍun ravi-lā pakaḍ-l-a jā-t-a / gel-a Mini-by Ravi-acc catch-passptcp-nsg go-prs-nsg / go.pst-nsg ‘Ravi is being caught/was caught by Mini.’ Wali ([2004] 2006: 117–123) argues that in this sentence neither does the lā marked np (subject of the passive clause) acquire all the subject properties nor does the -kaḍun marked np (subject of the corresponding active clause) lose all the subject properties. The subject properties are distributed over these two nps in this sentence. She claims that the demoted subject of the active clause (the oblique -kaḍun marked np) and not the promoted object (-lā marked np which functions as the subject of the passive) controls the reflexive possessive āplyā as shown in (22a), while the promoted object (-lā marked subject) controls the reflexive possessive svatāčyā as shown in (22b). (22) a. minii-kaḍun ravij-lā āplyā(i/*j) kholi-t dāmb-l-a Mini-by Ravi-acc self’s room-in dump-passptcp-nsg gel-a go.pst-nsg ‘Ravi was dumped in self’s (Mini’s/*Ravi’s) room by Mini.’ b. minii-kaḍun ravij-lā svatāčyā(*i/j) kholi-t dāmb-l-a Mini-by Ravi-acc self’s room-in dump-passptcp-nsg gel-a go.pst-nsg ‘Ravi was dumped in self’s (*Mini’s/Ravi’s) room by Mini.’ The grammatical judgments of reflexive binding in (22) are not categorical as Wali proposes. They are also not consistent or reliable across speakers. Wali further claims that although both the -lā marked subject, and the kaḍun marked oblique np enjoy subject status, the two are not on a par: the promoted subject (-lā marked np) is higher on the subject property scale than the demoted subject (-kaḍun marked oblique np) according to the hierarchy proposed in Ura (2000). Wali argues that gb theory fails to account for the sub-

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ject properties of the passive oblique np and that Ura (2000)’s Feature-checking theory couched in the minimalist framework explains the preservation of subject properties by the -kaḍun marked np and acquistion of subject properties by the -lā marked np while retaining its object case. Wali (2004: 116) argues that example (21) encodes impersonal passive morphology with syntactic properties of “anti-impersonal passive”, a clause in which obj is promoted to subject (subj), but subj is not (fully) demoted, giving rise to two subjects co-present within a single clause. Pandharipande (1981: 16, 272) observes that in Marathi: (i) only syntactically transitive verbs undergo passivization, (ii) only direct objects and no other constituent can be promoted to the subject of the passive, and (iii) the agent phrase may be (usually is) absent. Rosen & Wali (1989) treats (17) and (18), which feature an intransitive base verb, as capability passives. These examples would not be treated as passive by Pandharipande since they do not feature a transitive verb (in her work she neglects discussing Marathi passives based on intransitive verbs). Further, Pandharipande discusses an issue that played an important role in relational grammar studies of the time: whether the function of the passive is to promote the direct object of the active clause to the subject of the passive clause or to demote the subject of the active clause or both. With the help of syntactic behavioural tests such as conjunction reduction, reflexivization, raising, two types of participialization and equi-np deletion, Pandharipande shows that in Marathi passives neither object promotion nor subject demotion is complete (for details see op. cit.: 47–59). Pandharipande (1997: 399) briefly discusses the following construction and refers to it as an “impersonal passive”. (23) sagaḷi mahatv-ā-č-i kāme jhāl-i all important-obl-gen-npl jobs.npl become.pst-npl ‘All important jobs got done.’ She mentions that this construction typically lacks the surface agent/subject and the verb is invariably hoṇe ‘to happen’. She does not discuss the functional distribution of this construction, however. As discussed in the next chapter, I term this construction as the become passive and explore its functional distribution in comparison to the go and the come passives. To sum up this section, Damle made a significant contribution to the identification of the passive, maintaining that only agent demoting (gauṇakartruk karmaṇī) clauses should be treated as passive. It is noteworthy that agent defocusing is recognized as the primary function of the passive clause in modern linguistic work as well [see Givón (1981), Keenan (1981), Shibatani (1985), among

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others]. Tarkhadkar points out that not all transitive verbs have passive counterparts and offers various alternatives to the passive (see section 2.4 for examples). In modern linguistic work, Rosen & Wali and Pandharipande, using a battery of syntactic tests, shed light on the syntactic correlates of passivization: subject/agent demotion (loss of subject properties by the subject of the corresponding active clause), and object/patient promotion (acquisition of subject properties by the object of the active clause which becomes the surface subject of the passive clause). 2.3 Semantic and Pragmatic Properties In traditional grammars of Marathi, there is no discussion of the semantic aspects of the passives. Both Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899) and Damle ([1911] 1970) recognize go and come passives, but remain silent on their semantic distribution. Beames ([1879] 1970), Pandharipande (1981), Rosen & Wali (1989), Pandharipande (1997), Wali (2004), Dhongde & Wali (2009) do not discuss the come passive at all. The semantic distribution of the go and come passive remains an unexplored issue. Traditional grammarians do talk about the domain of use of the passive, as opposed to active, however (see 2.4). About the use of karmakartarī sentence in (8) Tarkhadkar (op. cit.: 256–257) notes that it is widely used in essays/articles and court speech, but is not suited to ordinary adult speech. On the use of navin karmaṇī (new passive which is the same as Tarkhadkar’s karmakartarī) in (2) Damle (op. cit.: 619) remarks that the agent in such passives is often omitted. Beames (op. cit.: 31) observes that, in the modern Indo-Aryan languages he investigates, by having recourse to intransitive verbs (which often translate into English as passives or in Romance languages as reflexive verbs) the use of the passive is avoided (I treat the expressions using such intransitive verbs as “become” passives in chapter 4). From these observations it can be inferred that the use of the passive is genre sensitive and is primarily used in formal registers (legal documents, essays etc.). Semantic aspects of Marathi passive are explored at length in modern linguistic works, especially in Pandharipande (1981). She claims that the passive is a governed rule in that it applies to a semantically definable class of verbs: viz. those expressing volitional activity. On the function of the passive Pandharipande claims that the basic semantic function of passives sentences in Marathi (and other languages she analyzes) is to express a volitional act—regardless of whether or not the ex-subject (subject of the active clause) is expressed (op. cit.: 127). This observation is not factually supported. Non-volitional verb like visarṇe ‘to forget’ can yield passives as shown in the following example.

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muddām nāhi visar-at. gošṭi (24) to mhaṇ.ā-l-ā mi he say-pst-msg i.nom deliberately not forget-prs things.fpl jā-t-āt māǰhā-kaḍun visar-l-yā i.gen-by forget-passptcp-fpl go-prs-fpl ‘He said “I don’t deliberately forget. Things are forgotten by me.” ’ (http://www.navprabha.com/?p=3238, accessed on 8 June 2015) Furthermore, Pandharipande claims that the Marathi passive has (among others) two special functions: (a) expression of capabilitative meaning and (b) expression of prescriptive meaning. Exploring the capabilitative meaning at length, Pandharipande claims that a passive sentence which retains the subject of the corresponding active sentence expresses the capability of the agent to perform or not perform the act denoted by the root verb (op. cit.: 120–123). The corresponding active sentence lacks the capabilitative meaning. Therefore, according to Pandhariande, in order to express the capabilitative meaning the passive must be used. In support of this claim, she provides the following example (op. cit.: 122) (25) māǰh-yā-kaḍun kām kel-e gel-e nāhi i.gen-obl-by work.nsg do.passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg neg ‘I was not able to do the work (in spite of my efforts; external conditions).’ She argues that the type of capability expressed by the passive in (25) does not fully duplicate the function of other expressions conveying capabilitative meaning such as v-u šakṇe (v-s.inf ‘can’). In Marathi, the (in)capabilitative meaning expressed by the passive is felt to result from the ex-subject/agent’s efforts and is determined by agent-external conditions, such as weather etc. (op. cit.: 123). She calls this ‘externally determined capability.’ The externally determined capability has two sub-groups: with effort and with/without effort. The diagrammatic representation of the passive and other expressions conveying the capabilitative meaning for Marathi as presented in Pandharipande (op. cit.: 124) is given below (the original diagram contains other languages not shown here).

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figure 2

Distribution of Passive and other expressions conveying capability of the agent subject [adapted from Pandharipande (1981: 124)]

As shown in Figure 2, the go passive in Marathi under Pandharipande’s analysis expresses ‘externally determined capability’ with effort (op. cit.: 124). According to Pandharipande, the (in)capability meaning expressed by the ‘x-lā/ne … v+av’ expression illustrated in example (26a) below, in contrast to the passive in (26b), is determined by agent-internal conditions such as headache, hatred, happiness, physical/psychological pain, etc. which she refers to as ‘internally determined capability’ (1981: 122–126). (26) a. malā/māǰh-yā-ne kām kar-av-l-a nāhi i.dat/i.gen-obl-by work.nsg do-caus-pst-nsg neg ‘I was not able to do the work (due to a headache, pain, etc.).’ dukhat hota ki māǰh-yā-kaḍun pustak b. ???mājha ḍoka itka i.gen head so.much aching was that i.gen-obl-by book vāc-l-a gel-a nāhi read-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg neg ‘I had such a headache that I was not able to read the book.’ On the expression using the modal verb šakṇe ‘can; be able’, Pandharipande notes that it is neutral as to whether the capability is determined by: (i) internal conditions, (ii) external conditions (+effort) or (iii) external conditions (+/− effort). Owing to this, the expression using the modal verb šakṇe ‘can; be able’ can be used in all the conditions as shown in the Figure 2. Pandharipande adds that the capability meaning expressed by the passive cannot be defined purely in terms of syntax or semantics of the passive, hence not all passives in the languages that she considers express the capabilitative meaning: if the agent is deleted the capability meaning is lost (op. cit.: 126). She adds that for a passive to express capabilitative meaning hearer or reader’s knowledge about the nature of the capability (or absence of capability) is essential. If the hearer or reader

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does not know the nature of capability (internal or external), the passive is interpreted as simply expressing a volitional act, even if the agent is present in the sentence in question (1981: 127). (27) kamiṭi-kaḍun prastāv manjur kel-ā gel-ā committee-by proposal.msg approval do.passptcp-msg go.pst-msg nāhi neg ‘The proposal was not approved by the committee.’ In a later work, Pandharipande (1997: 396) makes exactly the opposite claim with regard to the capabilitative meaning of the Marathi passive, namely, that the capability of the agent expressed by the passive is determined by agentinternal factors such as the physical or psychological condition of the agent. In support of this claim she provides the following example. (28) rām-kaḍun pustak vāc-l-a gel-a nāhi Ram-by book.nsg read-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg neg ‘The book was not read by Ram.’ (i.e. Ram was unable to read the book.) Pandharipande adds that the inability reading in the above example stems from subject-internal reasons such as headache, or a state of mind because of which Ram was unable to read the book, and not from the agent-external factors such as unavailability of sufficient light or the small size of the letters (1997: 396). Pandharipande’s radically opposite claims [Pandharipande (1981) vs. Pandharipande (1997)] regarding the factors conditioning the inability reading leaves one wondering as to which one is correct. The findings of Rosen & Wali (1989) on the capability reading of the Marathi passive (capability passive) are included in Dhongde & Wali (2009: 190). They note that the capability passive expresses psycho-physical incapacity of the agent and that the capability passive differs from the standard passive (go passive) in the following 4 aspects: (i) the capability passive is usually used in a negative form although non-negative forms (especially interrrogative) are also attested, (ii) the agent-subject can be marked with three different postpositions, namely, x-kaḍun ‘x-by’, x-lā ‘x-dat’, and x-čyā-ne ‘x-gen-by’, (iii) it can be derived from both intransitive and transitive verbs, and (iv) the base verb, in some cases, may be augmented with the suffix -av which is homophonous with the causative suffix but does not have a causal implication. In modern linguistic works on Indo-Aryan languages such as Hindi, Nepali, Kashmiri and Punjabi, the passive is often described as having an incapability

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meaning when occurring in the negative [see Pandharipande (1981): 120–127 for Hindi, Marathi, Nepali, Kashmiri and Punjabi; Kellogg 1876, Kachru (2006): 176– 177 for Hindi; and Bhatia (1993): 234–235 for Punjabi, among others]. Beames (op. cit.: 72), based on information from Kellogg, remarks that the passive in Indian languages is frequently used with the negative for expressing the meaning that the speaker is unable or unwilling to do a thing. It is noteworthy that in Tarkhadkar’s or Damle’s grammar there is no statement that “new” passive has/can have an inability/incapability meaning. Damle discusses šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) illustrated in (14) [repeated below as (29)], but this is different from the gauṇakartruk (agent-defocused) karmaṇī illustrated in (12) [repeated below as (30)]. .

šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) (29) {t-yā-lā/t-yā-č-yā-ne} kām kar-av-t-e he-obl-acc/he-obl-gen-obl-by work.nsg do-passcaus-prs-nsg ‘He is able to do the work.’ gauṇakartruk (agent-demoted/defocused) karmaṇī (30) t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun kām kel-ẽ jā-t-ẽ he-obl-gen-obl-by work.nsg do.passptcp-nsg go-prs-nsg ‘The work is done by him.’ The verb in the šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) contains the suffix -av, which is homophonous with the causative suffix. Note the following example. prayojak (causative) expression kām kar-av-l-e (31) ti-ne t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun she-erg he-obl-gen-obl-by work.nsg do-caus-pst-nsg ‘She had him do the work.’ Damle (op. cit.: 161) points out that in the case of šaky karmaṇī (potential passive), the subject of the root verb and that of the potential suffix -av is the same as shown in (29), while in the case of the causative the subject of the root verb and that of the causative suffix -av are different, as shown in (31). On the basis of this, Damle argues that the šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) and the prayojak (causative) expression are different both semantically and syntactically and should therefore be distinguished.

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In sum, while modern linguistic works ascribe capabilitative meaning to the periphrastic passive, traditional grammars don’t. The capabilitative meaning expressed by the go passive will be discussed in chapter 4 (section 3.5). One more meaning that Pandharipande (1981: 127–128) ascribes to the go passive is the prescriptive meaning. She claims that passive sentences lacking an agent phrase may express a social convention, and thereby prescribe a particular mode of behaviour (1981: 127–128). asa bol-l-a (32) āplyā šikšak-ā-č-yā-viruddh one’s teacher-obl-gen-obl-against like.this say-passptcp-nsg jā-t nāhi go-prs neg (a) Lit. ‘It is not talked like this against one’s own teacher.’ [‘One does not speak against one’s teacher in this way.’] (b) ‘You should not talk like this against your (own) teacher.’ While other expressions in Marathi (simple present, optative, future, imperative) also may convey the prescriptive meaning, Pandharipande claims that in Marathi, the passive conveys it with the highest degree of politeness (1981: 128–129). According to her, like the capability meaning, the prescriptive interpretation of the passive is pragmatically conditioned. The prescriptive meaning is not expressed by all passives lacking an agent, as shown in the following example (1981: 133–134). (33) amerik-e-t āmbe vik-l-e jā-t nāhi-t America-obl-in mangos.mpl sell-passptcp-mpl go-ptcp neg-mpl ‘Mangos are not sold in America.’ According to Pandharipande, the interpretation of the meaning of the above sentence would differ depending on the pragmatic condition of whether the hearer is involved in the business related to selling fruit in America. If the hearer is not involved in the fruit business in America, the implied meaning would be ‘Mangos are not sold in America’ as a piece of information. On the other hand, if the hearer is involved in the fruit business in America, (33) could convey the prescriptive meaning such as ‘It is not customary to sell mangos in America and, therefore, I suggest that you not do it either.’ This subtle difference in pragmatic interpretation has not been noticed before. An important contribution of Pandharipande (1981, chapter 6) to the understanding of the Marathi passive is the elucidation of the semantics and pragmatics of postpositions used for marking the downgraded agent. In Marathi

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there are two postpositions employed for this purpose: -kaḍun ‘by’ and -dvārā ‘via’. She argues that while these postpositions are interchangeable in some contexts, in others they display a semantic contrast: -kaḍun ‘by’ expresses direct agency, while -dvārā ‘via’ expresses indirect agency in both passives as well as causatives (1981: 222). She adds that the distribution of these postpositions cannot be accounted for purely in terms of their semantics. Rather pragmatic factors such as speaker’s knowledge, style, register etc. play a role in determining the choice of one over the other. In formal registers, where the instrumentality or authority, and not necessarily the direct agency of the agent is to be expressed, the postposition -dvārā ‘via’ is used instead of -kaḍun ‘by’ as shown in the following example [example (85) from Pandharipande 1981: 214]. (34) sarkār-dvārā t-yā-lā sučnā dil-i government-by he-obl-dat information.fsg give.passptcp-fsg gel-i ki t-yā-ne hartāḷ-ā-t bhāg ghe-u go.pst-fsg that he-obl-erg strike-obl-in participation take-s.inf naye should.not ‘He was informed by the government that he should not take part in the strike.’ 2.4 Expressions Used in lieu of the Passive Citing the following examples Tarkhadkar (op. cit.: 257) makes the significant observation that not all transitive verbs have karmakartarī (“object as subject” or passive) use and that the passive, if it is ‘forcefully’ used, in many occasions sounds unnatural as shown in the following examples.7 (35) a. hā rath t-yāj-kaḍun hāk-l-ā jā-t-o this chariot.msg he-obl-by drive-passptcp-msg go-prs-msg ‘This chariot is driven by him.’ b. hi poḷi ti-j-kaḍun bhāj-l-i jā-t-ye this bread.fsg she-obl-by raost-passptcp-fsg go-prs-fsg ‘This (Indian) bread is roasted by her.’

7 Tarkhadkar (op. cit.: 173) lists the following transitive verbs which do not have karmakartarī use: samajṇe ‘to understand’, visarṇe ‘to forget’, umagṇe ‘to comprehend’, shivṇe ‘to touch’, etc. These are among the half a dozen or so verbs which take nominative of agent in the ergative tenses.

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On the other hand, one often needs to use an expression like the passive since it allows the concealment of an agent. Tarkhadkar discusses in great detail the mechanisms exemplified below which can be used in lieu of the karmakartarī expression. (a) Not mentioning the agent (36) kām kel-ẽ tar paise miḷ-t-āt work.nsg do.pst-3nsg then money.mpl get-prs-mpl ‘If one works one get’s money.’ (b) Using a transitive verb intransitively (37) yā jāt-yā-ne he harbāre cāŋle daḷ-ṇār this hand.mill-obl-ins these beans.mpl well grind-prsptcp nāhĩ-t neg-pl ‘With this hand-mill these beans cannot be ground well.’ (38) yā lākḍ-ā-n-ni hi sāri imārat bāndh.i-l-i these wood-obl-pl-ins this whole building.fsg be built-pst-fsg ‘This whole building is built using these woods.’ (c) Using a 3pl form of the verb (39) čhāpkhān-yā-t nirāḷi-c šāi vāpar-t-āt printing.press-obl-in different-emph ink.f use-prs-3pl ‘In a printing press, (they) use an altogether different ink.’ (40) yā deš-ā-t hi lipi lih.i-t-āt this country-obl-loc this script.f write-prs-3pl ‘In this country (they) write in this script.’ (d) Using a complex predicate formed by the locative of the infinitive of the main verb in -ṇyāt and come as an auxiliary verb (41) puḍhẽ hi maslat kar-ṇ-yā-t ye-il ahead this discussion do-inf-obl-loc come-fut ‘This discussion will take place later./We will get to this discussion later.’

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(42) ethẽ ek ghar bāndh-ṇ-yā-t ālẽ tar barẽ here one house build-inf-obl-loc come.pst then better ‘It would be better if a house were built here.’ (e) Using a compound verb formed by a conjunctive participle (converb) of the main verb in -un and take as a vector verb (43) to tethẽ gel-ā āṇi t-yā-ṇẽ āpl-yā-s mār-un he there go.pst-msg and he-obl-erg self-obl-acc beat-cvb ghe.t-l-e take-pst-nsg ‘He went there and got himself beaten (by someone).’ In examples (36) through (43), the agent of the action denoted by the verb cannot be overtly expressed. In other words, these alternative mechanisms share a common semantic characteristic viz. agent defocusing (via complete erasure). This observation offers a significant insight into the function of the passive as well as the pragmatic-functional relation of the passive expression to other expressions.

3

Contributions of the Previous Studies and Outstanding Issues

Let us summarize the contributions of previous studies. Tarkhadkar and Damle put forward claims about the diachronic development of the passive from synthetic to analytic. They discuss both go and come passives, but they do not say anything about capability meanings of the periphrastic passive. Damle points out that only agent-defocusing karmaṇī expressions should be treated as passives. Tarkhadkar points out that not all transitive verbs can yield a passive (see footnote 7 for examples) and offers a list of expressions which can be used as a substitutes for the passive [section 2.4, examples (36)–(43)]. Wali and Pandharipande offer a detailed account of syntactic aspects, namely, distribution of subject properties between the subject of the passive and the ex-subject of the active. Both recognize the possibility of the passives having a capability meaning. Pandharipande offers many valuable insights, especially on the semantics of markers of demoted-agent and the pragmatics of the passive. The foregoing discussion is displayed in a table below.

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previous studies of marathi passives table 1

Features of Marathi passive discusses in the previous works

Features of Marathi passive

Diachronic development Verbs not yielding passive Capability meaning (of go passive) Syntactic aspects Semantics of notional agent markers Pragmatic aspects Substitute expressions Impersonal passive in -av

Tarkhadkar Beames Damle Rosen & Wali Pandharipande ([1836] 1899) ([1879] ([1911] (1989), Wali (1981) 1970) 1970) ([2004] 2006) yes yes no no no no yes yes

yes no yes no no no no yes

yes yes no no no no no yes

no no yes yes no no no yes

no yes yes yes yes yes no yes

There are issues which remain unexplored. One of them is unraveling the similarities and differences between the go and come passives. Both Tarkhadkar and Damle offer examples of go and come passives, but do not discuss whether or not these passive clauses are semantically identical (and thereby interchangeable in all or almost all contexts). Modern studies do not mention the come passive at all. Also, yet one more variety of passive has not been sufficiently explored so far [except for Pardeshi (2000a, b)]. Pandharipande (1997: 399) offers a brief discussion of this construction and analyzes it as an “impersonal passive”. In chapter 4 (section 2.1.2) I demonstrate that this expression is functionally similar to the go and come passive. I term this third passive the become passive and address the issue of the semantic and functional distribution of go, come and become passives in chapter 4 (section 3.1 and 3.2). There are two issues in which I have a slight disagreement with past studies: (i) Pandharipande’s claim that all syntactically transitive verbs undergo passivization in Marathi. Recall that Tarkhadkar notes that not all transitive verbs yield passive (see footnote 7) and (ii) Pandharipande claims that the basic semantic function of passive sentences in Marathi (and the other languages that she analyzes) is to express a volitional act—regardless of whether or not the ex-subject (subject of the active clause) is expressed (op. cit.: 127). I will demonstrate in the following chapter that not all syntactically transitive verbs are equally susceptible to passivization (chapter 4, section 2.2). I will also show that, although not very productive, the go passive involving the ex-subject can also be used to express the spontaneous (non-volitional) occurrence of an event expressed by the base verb.

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There are two more functions of the passive expressions that remain unexplored: (i) expressing spontaneity of occurrence of an event (go passive), and (ii) expressing deference to the agent-subject (go, come and become passives). A comprehensive description of various passive forms and the functions they serve will be offered in chapter 4 (section 3).

chapter 4

A Comprehensive Account of the Marathi Passives 1

Introduction

In the previous chapter the contributions of past studies to the understanding of the Marathi passives were summarized. Issues of disagreement with past studies, together with issues underexplored and unexplored till now, were also highlighted. Issues of disagreement include the claims that: (a) all syntactically transitive verbs undergo passivization and (b) the passive conveys a volitional act—regardless of whether or not the ex-subject (subject of the active clause) is expressed. Unexplored/underexplored issues include: (c) explication of one additional passive expression which will be referred to as the become passive, (d) the semantic properties of the go, come, become passives, (e) explication of two functions reported in earlier works: expressing completion of an event and expressing (in)capability of the agent, (f) detailed description of two functions not reported so far, viz. expression of deference to the agent, and denotation of spontaneity of occurrence of an event. Finally, the summary of correspondence between various passive forms and the functions they serve will be presented. In this chapter a comprehensive account of the Marathi passives is presented through a detailed characterization of their formal, and semantic/pragmatic aspects. These aspects are intertwined and it is difficult to dissociate them. However, for the convenience of exposition, I will broadly divide them into two: formal aspects and semantic/pragmatic aspects. In the course of presenting a comprehensive account of the Marathi passives, the issues listed above in (a) through (f) will be addressed at appropriate places.

2

Formal Aspects of the Marathi Passives

This section discusses two formal aspects of Marathi passives, the formal repertoire of passives (section 2.1) and the relationship between passivizability and transitivity of the base verb (section 2.2).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004292529_005

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2.1 The Formal Repertoire of Passives In this section I will discuss two expressions which can be considered as prototypical passives and three others which are peripheral/non-prototypical passives. 2.1.1 The go and the come Passive First, let us take a look at the go and come passive. As in many of the languages of the world reported in Siewierska (1984, chapter 4) and Haspelmath (1990: 38), in its formation of passives Marathi employs two different auxiliary verbs, viz. go, and come. As noted in the previous chapter, traditional Marathi grammarians discuss the go and the come passives. Modern Marathi grammars, on the other hand, discuss only the go passive and remain silent on the come passive. In the go and the come passive in Marathi only the direct object (do) and no other constituent can be promoted to the subject (subj) of the passive clause, as shown in example (1) below. (1a) is an active sentence, (1b) is the go passive with the do of the active clause promoted to the subj, (1c) is the come passive with the do of the active clause promoted to the subj, (1d) is the go passive with io of the active clause promoted to the subj, and (1e) is the come passive with io of the active clause promoted to the subj. Note that, while (1b) and (1c) are grammatical, (1d) and (1e) are infelicitous (see Pandharipande 1997: 396). (1) a. t-yā-ne ti-lā paise dil-e he-obl-erg she-dat money.mpl give.pst-mpl ‘He gave her money.’ b. t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun ti-lā paise dil-e he-obl-gen-obl-by she-dat money.mpl give.passptcp-mpl gel-e go.pst-mpl ‘The money was given to her by him.’ ti-lā paise de-ṇ-yā-t c. t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun he-obl-gen-obl-by she-dat money.mpl give-inf-obl-loc āl-e come.pst-mpl ‘The money was given to her by him.’

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ti paise dil-i d. *t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun he-obl-gen-obl-by she.nom money.mpl give.passptcp-fsg gel-i go.pst-fsg ‘She was given money by him.’ e. *t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun ti paise de-ṇ-yā-t he-obl-gen-obl-by she.nom money.mpl give-inf-obl-loc āl-i come.pst-fsg ‘She was given money by him.’ The promotion of the notional patient (= do) to subj is limited to cases in which the predicate is a non-conjunct verb as in (1a) above [also see examples (12), (13) and (14) below]. If the predicate is a conjunct verb (i.e. combination of unincorporated noun-plus-verb), instead of the notional patient (= do), it is the unincorporated noun that gets promoted to the subject position [see examples (15), (16) and (17) below]. In a few cases of conjunct verbs like aṭak hoṇe (arrest become) ‘be arrested’, the action noun aṭak ‘arrest’ may or may not be incorporated. If the action noun is incorporated, then the notional patient (= do) is promoted to subject, whereas if the action noun is not incorporated, then instead of the do, the action noun is promoted to subject. This general rule holds for all types of passives. The go and come passives illustrated above are productive periphrastic passives in Marathi. The verbal morphology of the go passive consists of a transitive verb with a passive participle marker -l- followed by @ which in turn is followed by the passive auxiliary verb jā- ‘go’ [past tense: gel-@ where @ is agreement marker, ā (msg), i (fsg, npl), e (mpl, nsg), a (nsg) and yā (fpl)]. The verbal morphology of the come passive consists of a transitive verb in the locative oblique -ṇyāt infinitival form followed by the passive auxiliary verb ye‘come’ [past tense: āl-@]. In both (1b) and (1c), the agent (the so called agentive passive) is present and it is marked with the oblique form of the genitive followed by the post-position -kaḍun ‘by’. If the notional agent is the noun and present in the clause it gets just the oblique marker -kaḍun ‘by’. In many if not most cases the notional agent is not expressed [see discussion below example (4)]. The agent in the passive can also be marked with the postposition, karvi ‘by’ and -dvāre ‘via’. As Pandharipande (1981: 195–197) rightly points out, the agent marked with -kaḍun ‘by’ and -karvi ‘by’ is directly and physically involved in the event depicted by the passive, in contrast to the agent marked by -dvāre ‘via’, which is typically indirectly involved in the event depicted by

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the passive. An attested example of the passive with an agent marked by -dvāre ‘via’ marked agent is given below. (2) sarkār-dvāre cālav.i-l-yā jā-ṇār-yā government-via operate-passptcp-obl.pl go-prsptcp-obl tās don udyogdhand-yā-n-č-yā kām-ā-n-c-e business-obl-pl-gen-obl.pl work-obl-pl-gen-mpl hours.mpl two mahin-yā-n-sāṭhi kami kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e āhe-t month-obl-pl-for less do-inf-obl-loc come.pst-mpl be.prs-3pl ‘The working hours of the businesses run by the government are reduced for a period of two months.’ (http://marathi.webdunia.com/newsworld/news/international/0807/20/ 1080720037_1.htm) In example (1) above, the do (paise ‘money’) is inanimate, hence it does not take an overt accusative marker. If the do is animate, it may or may not be marked with the accusative marker as shown in examples (3) and (4) below (the accusative and the dative markers are identical: -lā in the case of singular and -nā in the case of plural). Example (3a) is an attested example of a go passive from an online source. Examples (3b) and (3c) are coined examples. (3b) is an agentive go passive, and (3c) is an active clause corresponding to the passives in (3a) and (3b). Example (4a) is an attested example of a come passive from an online source. Examples (4b) and (4c) are coined examples. (4b) is a agentive come passive and (4c) is an active clause corresponding to the passives in (4a) and (4b). (3) a. gāvkar-yā-n-č-yā-pāṭhimb-yā-muḷe cor villager-obl-pl-gen-obl-support-obl-due.to thief.msg pakaḍ-l-ā gel-ā catch-passptcp-msg go.pst-msg ‘Due to the support of the villagers the thief was caught.’ (policenama.blogspot.com/2010_05_01_archive.html) b. polis-ā-n-kaḍun cor pakaḍ-l-ā gel-ā police-obl-pl-by thief.msg catch-passptcp-msg go.pst-msg ‘The thief was caught by the police.’ c. polis-ā-n-ni cor pakaḍ-l-ā police-obl-pl-erg thief.msg catch-pst-msg ‘The police caught the thief.’

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(4) a. vruddh va bāyk-ā-n-nā-hi badaḍ-ṇ-yā-t old.people and female-obl-pl-acc-also beat-inf-obl-loc āl-e come.pst-3nsg ‘Old people and females were also beaten.’ (http://mr.wikipedia.org/wiki/) b. polis-ā-n-kaḍun vruddh va bāyk-ā-n-nā-hi police-obl-pl-by old.people and female-obl-pl-acc-also badaḍ-ṇ-yā-t āl-e beat-inf-obl-loc come.pst-3nsg ‘Old people and females were also beaten by the police.’ c. polis-ā-n-ni vruddh va bāyk-ā-n-nā-hi police-obl-pl-erg old.people and female-obl-pl-acc-also badaḍ-l-e beat-pst-3nsg ‘The police beat old people and females also.’ A quick look at the online data (Google search made on 20 Feb 2015) reveals that compared to agentive passives (i.e. those with overt agents) agent-less passives are far more frequent. For the search string ‘cor pakaḍlā gelā (the thief was caught)’ almost all hits are of agent-less passives (24 out of 26 hits are agent-less passives). The active form ‘cor pakaḍlā (x caught the thief)’ is far more frequent (73 hits) than the passive form (26 hits). The agentive passive in Marathi grammar may be a calque on the Sanskrit agentive passive šaṭhau puruṣaistāḍyete ‘The two thieves are beaten by the people’ or the English agentive passive ‘The thief was caught by the police.’ Transitive verbs implying a physical or psychological effect/impact on the direct object seem to yield passives readily. One more example each of the go passive [example (5)] and the come passive [example (6)] is given below. In both examples, the (a) versions are attested examples of agentless passives, the (b) versions are coined examples of agentive passives corresponding to the agentless passives in (a) and the (c) versions are coined examples of active clauses corresponding to the agentive passives in (b). The verbal morphology is shown in boldface.

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(5) a. adhikār-yā-lā lāc ghe-tānā rangehāt pakaḍ-l-a officer-obl-acc bribe take-while red-handed catch-passptcp-nsg gel-a go.pst-nsg ‘The officer was caught red-handed while taking bribe.’ (kalamnaama.com/kotyadhish-karanari-pwd/) b. polis-ā-n-kaḍun adhikār-yā-lā lāc ghe-tānā rangehāt police-obl-pl-by officer-obl-acc bribe take-while red-handed pakaḍ-l-a gel-a catch-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg ‘The officer was caught red-handed while taking bribe by the police.’ c. polis-ā-n-ni adhikār-yā-lā lāc ghe-tānā rangehāt police-obl-pl-erg officer-obl-acc bribe take-while red-handed pakaḍ-l-a catch-pst-nsg ‘The police caught the officer red-handed while taking bribe.’ (6) a. nehru aṇi any net-yā-n-nā pakaḍ-ṇ-yā-t Nehru and other leader-obl-pl-acc catch-inf-obl-loc āl-a come.pst-nsg ‘Nehru and other leaders were arrested.’ (https://books.google.co.jp/books?id=fXuLAwAAQBAJ) b. polis-ā-n-kaḍun nehru aṇi any net-yā-n-nā police-obl-pl-by Nehru and other leader-obl-pl-acc pakaḍ-ṇ-yā-t āl-a catch-inf-obl-loc come.pst-nsg ‘Nehru and other leaders were arrested by the police.’ c. polis-ā-n-ni nehru aṇi any net-yā-n-nā police-obl-pl-erg Nehru and other leader-obl-pl-acc pakaḍ-l-a catch-pst-nsg ‘The police arrested Nehru and other leaders.’ Let us see to what extent the go and come passives in (5a, b) and (6a, b), respectively, possess the salient characteristic features of a passive clause pro-

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posed in the typological literature. Example (1) from chapter 2 summarizing the salient characteristic features of a canonical/prototypical passive clause is reproduced below for ease of reference. (7) Salient characteristic features of a canonical/prototypical passive clause Features

Morphological Syntactic Semantic Pragmatic Productivity Frequency

More morphological material than the active form Agent demotion (detransitization) Promotion of non-agent to subject (p-orientation) Semantic valence Affectedness of the subject (= patient) Defocusing of agent Profiling (topicalization) of patient All verbs or a specific sub-class of verbs (lexico-semantic restrictions) Usually less frequent than active

Givón (1981)

Shibatani (1985)

Comrie (2008)

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓ ✓

✓ ✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

It is clear that the go and come passives are marked (have more morphological material) as compared to their corresponding active clauses and that the agent in the passives is defocused either by deleting it altogether as in (5a) and (6a) or syntactically downgrading it from the status of obligatory argument to optional adjunct (marked with -kaḍun ‘by’) as in (5b) and (6b). In examples (8) and (9) below, the go passive [in (5b)] and the come passive [in (6b)] appear in subordinate clauses. The gap control test (aka conjunction reduction test or equi-np reduction test) in examples (8) and (9) shows that the affected entity can be potentially gapped under coreference with the subject of the matrix clause, implying that it can also be the subject of the subordinate passive clause. (8) [polis-ā-n-kaḍun Ɵi lāc ghe-tānā rangehāt police-obl-pl-by bribe take-while red-handed pakaḍ-l-a gel-yā-ne] adhikāri-i catch.passptcp-nsg go.pst-obl-due.to office.nom.msg ghābar-un gel-ā get.frightened-cvb go.pst-msg ‘The officeri got frightened due to self (= Ɵi) being caught red-handed while taking bribe by the police.’

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(9) [polis-ā-n-kaḍun Ɵi/j pakaḍ-ṇ-yā-t āl-yā-ne] police-obl-pl-by catch-inf-obl-loc come.pst-obl-due.to upoṣaṇ suru nehru aṇi anya net-yā-n-nii Nehru and other leaders-obl-pl-erg hunger.strike.nsg start kel-a do.pst-nsg ‘Neharu and other leadersi started hunger strike because {theyi/xj} were arrested by the police.’ Further, the predicate consisting of an agent and a patient remains semantically bi-valent. Almost all transitive verbs yield the go and the come passive in Marathi (verbs requiring experiencer subject do not undergo passivization). Furthermore, as mentioned above, in the majority of cases agent is not expressed in the go and come passive and the passive clauses are less frequent than the corresponding active clauses. Thus, the go and the come passive in (1b, c), (3a, b), (4a, b), (5a, b) and (6a, b) respectively, possess most of the salient characteristic features of a typical passive clause listed in (7), and therefore can be regarded as bona-fide passive. 2.1.2 The become Passive While the go and the come passives have been long recognized as passives par excellence by traditional Marathi grammarians there is one more expression in Marathi, shown in example (10a) below, which is functionally very similar to the go and the come passives. The corresponding active clause is given in (10b). (10) a. ḍārvin-var kaṭhor ṭikā jhāl-i Darwin-on severe criticism.fsg become.pst-fsg ‘Darwin was severely criticized.’ (www.balaee.com/#!dnyanganga/mr/.../614/0/611) b. lok-ā-n-ni ḍārvin-var kaṭhor ṭikā kel-i people-obl-pl-erg Darwin-on severe criticism.fsg do.pst-fsg ‘The people severely criticized Darwin.’ For the time being let us refer to this as the invisible agent intransitive expression (or agent-implying intransitive expression). Invisible agent intransitive expressions are widely used in Marathi (and other South Asian languages). Such expressions in Marathi involve lexically simplex intransitive verbs or lexically complex intransitive verbs consisting of {Action Noun implying agency + light verb} as shown in (11) below. Lexically simplex agent-implying intransi-

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tive verbs are few in number (see 11a), while lexically complex agent-implying intransitive verbs form a substantial class (see 11b). In the latter, the light verb in most cases is hoṇe ‘become’, but in few cases other light verbs (such as nighṇe ‘leave’, lāgṇe ‘be planted’, etc.) are used. As a cover term for the verbs occupying the light verb slot in this expression, I use the verb become. Postposition required for the undergoer (x), if any, is also shown in (11b). (11) a. Lexically simplex agent-implying intransitive verbs ṭharṇe (be decided), šijṇe (be cooked), banṇe (be ready), sudharṇe (be improved), etc. b. Lexically complex agent-implying intransitive verbs x{-lā aṭak/-lā šikšā/-var kārvāi/-či hakālpaṭṭi}+ hoṇe [arrest/punishment/legal.action/expulsion]+ become x{-či stuti/-či nindā/-cā apmān/-var ṭikā/-cā satkār}+ hoṇe [praise/criticism/insult/criticism/felicitation]+ become x{-či nivaḍ/-či nemṇuk/-či badli/-či padānvati/-ce pramošan}+ hoṇe [selection/appointment/transfer/demotion/promotion]+ become x{-cā nirṇay/-t badal/-či suṭkā/-či hatyā}+ hoṇe [decision/change/release/assassination]+ become (x-cā) pāy nighṇe [foot leave ‘to leave a place’] rop lāgṇe ‘sampling be planted, take root’ A few representative examples of the verbs in (11a) and (11b) are given below. As mentioned before, if the predicate is a non-conjunct verb as in (11a), it is the notional patient which is promoted to the subject [see examples (12), (13) and (14) below]. However, if the predicate is a conjunct verb (i.e. combination of unincorporated noun-plus-verb) as in (11b), then it is the unincorporated noun that gets promoted to the subject position [see examples (15), (16) and (17) below]. In a few cases like aṭak hoṇe ‘be arrested’, the action noun aṭak ‘arrest’ may or may not be incorporated. If the action noun is not incorporated it is promoted to subject, if it is incorporated, then the notional patient is promoted to subject. (12) mohanlāl-č-yā gāyan-ā-c-ā kāryakram Mohanlal-gen-obl singing-obl-gen-msg program.msg ṭhar-l-ā hot-ā be.decided-pst-msg be.pst-msg ‘Monhanlal’s singing program had been scheduled.’ (https://books.google.co.jp/books?id=1JFkAwAAQBAJ)

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(13) pālik-e-č-i nav-i imārat municipal.corporation-obl-gen-fsg new-fsg building.fsg ban-l-i be.built-pst-fsg ‘The new building of the municipal corporation has been completed.’ (http://aadharnewsworld.com/swatantra_vidarbha/swatantra_vidarbha .html) (14) bhāǰi šij-l-i ki gyās-var-un bāju-lā curry.fsg be.cooked-pst-fsg when gas-on-from side-dat kar-āv-i do-sbjv-fsg ‘When the curry has cooked it should be moved away from the gas.’ (nilamsrecipes.blogspot.com/.../bhogichi-bhaji_14.html) (15) bɒmb-sphoṭ khaṭl-yā-t sanǰay-datt-lā sahā-varṣ-ā-č-i bomb-blast case-obl-in Sanjay-Dutt-dat six-years-obl-gen-fsg šikšā jhāl-i sakt-majuri-č-i hard-labour-gen.fsg punishment.fsg become.pst-fsg ‘In the bombing case Sanjay Dutt was punished by 6 years of hard labour.’ (mr.upakram.org/node/621) (16) t-yā-n-č-yā pārthiv-ā-var udyā anty-sanskār he-obl-pl-gen-obl remains-obl-on tomorrow last-rites.mpl ho-til become-fut.mpl ‘Last rites of his remains will be performed tomorrow.’ (sakāḷ, Aug. 15, 2005) (17) rāǰy-bhar-ā-t-il 20 ai.e.es. adhikār-yā-n-č-i state-through.out-obl-in-adj 20 i.a.s. officer-obl-pl-gen-fsg badli jhāl-i transfer.fsg become.pst-fsg ‘Across the whole state twenty i.a.s. (Indian Administrative Service) officers were transferred.’ (www.eprabhat.net/news/248-story.aspx) To what extent are the invisible agent intransitive expressions in (10a) and (12)– (17) similar to or different from the canonical go and the come passives? In the following pairs of Marathi examples the (a) versions are invisible agent intransitive expressions, (b) versions are go passives, (c) versions are the come

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passives, and (d) versions are active counterparts of the agentive passive versions in (b) and (c). (18) a. (*atirek-yā-kaḍun) pantpradhān-ā-n-č-i extremist-obl-by prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-fsg hatyā jhāl-i assassination.fsg become.pst-fsg Lit. ‘Prime Minister’s assassination became.’/‘The Prime Minister was assassinated (*by the extremist).’ b. (atirek-yā-kaḍun) pantpradhān-ā-n-č-i extremist-obl-by prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-fsg hatyā kel-i gel-i assassination.fsg do.passptcp-fsg go.pst-fsg ‘The Prime Minister was assassinated (by the extremist).’ c. (atirek-yā-kaḍun) pantpradhān-ā-n-č-i extremist-obl-by prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-fsg hatyā kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-i assassination.fsg do-inf-obl-loc come.pst-fsg ‘The Prime Minister was assassinated (by the extremist).’ d. atirek-yā-ne pantpradhān-ā-n-č-i extremist-obl-erg prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-fsg hatyā kel-i assassination.fsg do.pst-fsg ‘The extremist assassinated the Prime Minister.’ The triplet of sentences in (18a, b, c) are semantically alike in that they all have or imply an agent. They differ from each other, however, in terms of overt encoding of the agent: the invisible agent intransitive expression [(18a)] rarely permit the presence of an agent [see example (19) below for such an exception], while the go passive [(18b)] and the come passive [(18c)] are felicitous with the agent (albeit adjunct) present. Note that in the active counterpart [(18d)] corresponding to agentive passives in (18b) and (18c), the agent appears as an obligatory argument (subject), which cannot be omitted. On comparing the features of the invisible agent intransitive expression in (18a) with the salient features of a prototypical passive clause listed in (7) it is clear that: (i) functionally, (18a) defocuses the agent noun phrase almost completely; (ii) in the real world, the participants in the situation expressed in (18a) are two-which is

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the same as in its active counterpart in (18d); and (iii) syntactically, the valency of the verb hoṇe in (18a) as compared to its active counterpart karṇe in (18d) is less by one. However, the invisible agent intransitive expression differs from the prototypical characteristics of a passive clause, in at least three respects. First, the invisible agent intransitive expression does not necessarily have more morphological material than the active. Compare example (19) and (20) below. The invisible agent intransitive expression (19) t-yā-veḷ-i ek prakār-e sākhḷi tayār ho-un that-obl-time-at one way-by chain ready become-cvb ban-l-yā āhe-t māǰh-yā-kaḍun rikām-yā viki i.gen-obl-by empty-fpl Wiki.fpl get.ready-pst-fpl be.prs-pl ‘At that time, in a way a chain (of hyperlinks) got formed and many empty Wikis were created by me.’ (mr.wikipedia.org/wiki/) active corresponding to (19) (20) sadhyā j-yā viki mi ban-av.i-l-yā now rel-nompl Wiki.fpl i.nom get.ready-caus-pst-fpl āhe-t t-yā vistār kar-ṇ-yā-c-ā majh-ā be.prs-pl corel-nompl expand do-inf-obl-gen-msg i.gen-msg praytn rāh-il attempt.msg remain-fut.msg ‘My attempt would be to expand the Wikis that I have created now.’ (mr.wikipedia.org/wiki/) Second, unlike go and come passives, the invisible agent intransitive expression rarely permits presence of an agent. In (12) through (18) the agent is pragmatically implied, but is not lexically expressed. Example (19) is a rare example of an invisible agent intransitive expression that permits the presence of an agent. Finally, the invisible agent intransitive expression is lexically restricted in that not all verbs have a corresponding invisible agent intransitive counterpart (aka anticausative). In view of the foregoing facts, I regard the invisible agent intransitive expression as a non-prototypical passive and name it the become passive.1 1 The become passive (invisible agent intransitive expression) has been analyzed as an “impersonal passive” by Pandharipande (1997: 399). She offers the following example:

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Like the go passive, the agent featuring become passive with the negative polarity on the verb conveys the incapacity meaning as shown in the following examples. soneri kāmgiri jhāl-i nāhi (21) t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun he-obl-gen-obl-by golden performance.fsg become.pst-fsg neg ‘He was not able to deliver a glittering performance.’ (article.wn.com/.../WNATd79068a27019ba902fe95002.) (22) ervi ase šarthi-c-e prayatn t-yā-č-yā-kaḍun other.times such die.hard-gen-mpl efforts.mpl he-obl-gen-obl-by jhāl-e nāhi-t become.pst-mpl neg-pl ‘He was not able to make such die hard efforts other times.’ (www.esakal.com/esakal/05312007/SportsB2C9E2EA69.htm, accessed on 8 June 2015) Should what I regard as the become passive be analyzed as the anti-causative? In his discussion of the morphological relationship between intransitive and transitive/causative verbs in Hindi, Masica (1976: 44) discusses verb pairs such as: kaṭ-/kāṭ- (to be cut/to cut), khud-/khod- (to be dug/to dig), lad-/lād- (to be loaded/to load), dhul-/dho- (to be washed/to wash), bik-/beč- (to be sold/to sell), bãṭ-/bããṭ- (to be divide/to divide), bãdh-/bããdh- (to be tied/to tie), mãjh/mããjh- (to be scoured/to scour), čhid-/čhed- (to be pierced/to pierce), etc. To this list many others can be added: pis-/pīs- (to be ground /to grind), sil-/sī(to be stitched/to stitch), čhap-/čhāp- (to be printed/to print) etc. About the intransitive stem in such pairs, Masica (op. cit: 47) observes that these verbs are semantically passive (‘mediopassive’), in which the erstwhile agent is deleted or usually not brought into the picture and they serve to focus attention only on the change of state of the object. He adds that Western languages would use a passive (English) or a reflexive forms (German, French, Spanish) in such situations. Many of these intransitive verbs are treated as ‘anti-causative’ based on the direction of the phonological derivation (see Hook 1996, Haspelmath 1993). Further, differences of derivational direction are shown to correlate with differences in text frequency, that is, a form which is derived from another form tends to be less frequent in texts (Hook 1996). However, in the case of bi-lexemic (a)

sagaḷi mahatv-ā-č-i kāme jhāl-i all important-obl-gen-npl jobs.npl become.pst-npl ‘All important jobs were completed.’

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agent-implying intransitive verbs as in (11b) the direction of derivation cannot be established with the help of phonological rules. A quick look at the online data (raw counts, Google search made on 21 Feb 2015) reveals that the become passives are almost as frequent as their corresponding active counterpart (that is, there is no asymmetry in the frequency of the active and the becomepassive) as shown in Table 1 below. Therefore the frequency cannot help in establishing the direction of derivation either. In Table 1 the frequencies of the corresponding go, come, and completion passive [see 2.1.3 below] are also given. table 1

Relative frequency of the active form, become passive, go passive, come passive and completion passive

Active form [frequency]

become form [frequency]

go passive [frequency]

come passive [frequency]

Completion passive [frequency]

-ca ṭhar-av-l-a ‘x decided y’ [3] ṭikā kel-i ‘x criticized y’ [113] šikšā kel-i ‘x punished y’ [174] anty-sanskār kel-e ‘x performed last rites on y’ [131] manjur kel-e ‘x sanctioned y’ [197] kharc kel-e ‘x spent y’ [173] hatyā kel-i ‘x murdered y’ [153]

-ca ṭhar-l-a ‘y was decided’ [8] ṭikā jhāl-i ‘y was criticized’ [150] šikšā jhāl-i ‘y was punished’ [185] anty-sanskār jhāl-e ‘last rites were performed on y’ [96] manjur jhāl-e ‘y was sanctioned’ [183] kharc jhāl-e ‘y was spent’ [154] hatyā jhāl-i ‘y was murdered’ [155]

-ca ṭhar-av-l-a gel-a ‘y was decided’ [0] ṭikā kel-i gel-i ‘y was criticized’ [26] šikšā kel-i gel-i ‘y was punished’ [17] anty-sanskār kel-e gel-e ‘last rites were performed on y’ [16]

-ca ṭhar-av-ṇ-yā-t āl-a ‘y was decided’ [0] ṭikā kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-i ‘y was criticized’ [70] šikšā kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-i ‘y was punished’ [22] anty-sanskār kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e ‘last rites were performed on y’ [77]

ṭhar-un jhāl-a ‘was decided’ [0] ṭikā kar-un jhāl-i ‘y was criticized’ [4] šikšā kar-un jhāl-i ‘y was punished’ [3] anty-sanskār kar-un jhāl-e ‘last rites were performed on y’ [0]

manjur kel-e gel-e ‘y was sanctioned’ [18] kharc kel-e gel-e ‘y was spent’ [28] hatyā kel-i gel-i ‘y was murdered’ [46]

manjur jhāl-e kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e ‘y was sanctioned’ [119] kharc kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e ‘y was spent’ [84] hatyā kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e ‘y was murdered’ [96]

manjur kar-un jhāl-e ‘y was sanctioned’ [0] kharc kar-un jhāl-e ‘y was sanctioned’ [9] hatyā kar-un jhāl-i ‘y was murdered’ [0]

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The become passives are far more frequent than their corresponding go and come counterparts. I speculate that the higher frequency of the become passive can be considered as a reflection of the become-language characteristic (suppressing the agent) à la Ikegami (1991). However a more detailed study is required to confirm this idea.2 Both the passive and the anticausative involve promotion of the direct object, and probably due to this shared feature in some languages such as Russian, Spanish, Swahili, etc. they are marked alike [cf. Comrie (1985): 328– 330]. However, Comrie (1985: 326) notes that semantically the passive and the anticausative differ from each other in a crucial way: Passive and anticausative differ in that, even where the former has no agentive phrase, the existence of some person or thing bringing about the situation is implied, whereas the anticausative is consistent with the situation coming about spontaneously [cf. also Siewierska (1984: 78)]. As seen above become passives pragmatically imply an agent but rarely permit its overt expression. If anticausatives are defined in the way Comrie does (1985: 326) become passives cannot be treated as anticausative. Making a clear-cut distinction between the passive and the anti-causative is a very complex and vexing issue [see Kulikov (1998) for problems related to this issue]. I leave the issue of treating (or not treating) the become passives as anti-causative for future research. In descriptions of South Asian languages, often the become passives are not distinguished from the so-called ‘spontaneous’ expression, perhaps because the spontaneous expression formally resembles the become passive. Compare the become passive in (23) with the spontaneous expression in (24). The spontaneous expression consists of {Spontaneous Process Noun void of agency + become} as its predicate and depicts eventualities that happen on their own accord without intervention of an agent.

2 Beames ([1879] 1970: 47), remarking on the relationship of passive and what he calls “neuter stems” (the become passives in my terms or ‘mediopassives’ in Masica’s terms), speculates that, owing to the large number of neuter stems, the regular passive is not very much used in the Indo-Aryan languages he analyzes (Hindi, Panjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, Oriya and Bengali). As noted above, the frequency of become passives in Marathi is higher than the corresponding go and come passives. Beames does not treat neuter stems as passive, while I do.

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(23) pantpradhān-ā-n-č-i hatyā jhāl-i prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-fsg murder.fsg become.pst-fsg Lit. ‘Prime Minister’s murder became.’ (‘The Prime Minister was murdered.’) (24) pantpradhān-ā-n-c-e nidhan jhāl-e prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-nsg death.nsg become.pst-nsg Lit. ‘Prime Minister’s death became.’ (‘The Prime Minister died.’) Both (23) and (24) describe the death of the Prime Minister and they show a formal resemblance. However, semantically they differ crucially in that, while the become passive in (23) typically involves an unexpressed agent, the spontaneous expression in (24) is devoid of one. Owing to this crucial difference, the {Action Noun implying agency + become} or the become-passive in (23) has an active transitive counterpart, namely, {Action Noun implying agency + do} expression as shown in (25), while the {Spontaneous Process Noun void of agency + become} or the spontaneous expression in (24) lacks an active counterpart containing an agent as shown in (26). (25) atireky-ā-ne pantpradhān-ā-n-č-i hatyā extremist-obl-erg prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-fsg murder.fsg kel-i do.pst-fsg ‘The extremist assassinated the Prime Minister.’ (26) *atireky-ā-ne pantpradhān-ā-n-c-e nidhan extremist-obl-erg prime.minister-obl-pl-gen-nsg death.nsg kel-e do.pst-nsg ‘The extremist killed the Prime Minister.’ To sum up, the {Action Noun implying agency + become} expression in (23) is a ‘passive’ (the become-passive), while the {Spontaneous Process Noun devoid of agency +become} in (24) is an agent-immune ‘spontaneous’ expression. As briefly noted in chapter 3, Damle ([1911] 1970: 617) discusses two more passive constructions: the samāpan karmaṇī (completion passive) and the šaky karmaṇī (potential passive). I will describe the formal aspects of these two expressions below and discuss whether they can be treated as passive.

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2.1.3 The samāpan karmaṇī (Completion Passive) The samāpan karmaṇī (completion passive) involves a concatenation of the transitive main verb in the conjunctive participle form in -un followed by the auxiliary verb become as a marker of completion. The corresponding active clause is also given. Note that notional agent in the active is in the nominative while that in the completion passive is in the genitive and is obligatory (but can be dropped if it can be understood from the context). (27) a. tumhi āj-c-ā pepar vāc-l-ā-t kā? you.pl today-gen-msg newspaper.msg read-pst-msg-2ppl q ‘Did you read today’s newspaper?’ [Active] b. tum-c-ā āj-c-ā pepar vāc-un you-gen-msg today-gen-msg newspaper.msg read-cvb jhāl-ā as-el tar uṭh-ā....... become.pst-msg be-fut then get.up-imp ‘If you have finished reading today’s newspaper then get up …’ (www.loksatta.com/daily/20060108/lr02.htm) [completion passive] Can the samāpan karmaṇī be treated as passive? Comparing the characteristic features of the samāpan karmaṇī with those of a canonical passive clause listed in (7) it is clear that: (i) the samāpan karmaṇī has more morphological material than the corresponding active form, (ii) the non-agent is promoted to the subject, (iii) the semantic valance is the same as that of the active, (iv) although unlike the go and come passive the agent-subject cannot be omitted, it occurs in the non-nominative (genitive) case and therefore can be considered to be partially defocused, (v) the samāpan karmaṇī has lexico-semantic restrictions [widely used for Activities (not so much for Accomplishments and not at all for States or Achievments)], and (vi) it is less frequent than the corresponding active [Active (pepar vāclā) 65 hits vs. samāpan karmaṇī (pepar vācun jhālā): 17 hits, Google search made on 17th June 2015]. Given the partial defocusing of agent, I treat the samāpan karmaṇī as a non-canonical passive. Unlike the canonical the go and the come passive and like the non-canonical šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) discussed below, the samāpan karmaṇī can be formed from intransitive (unergative) verbs in addition to almost all transitive verbs. 2.1.4 The šaky karmaṇī (Potential Passive) As mentioned in chapter 3, section 2.2, Damle ([1911]1970: 617) identifies the expressions in (28b, c) and (29b, c) below as the examples of šaky karmaṇī

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(potential passive) containing the suffix -av, which is homophonous with the causative marker in the modern language. The main verb can be transitive or intransitive (unergative). An experiencer-agent in the potential passive can be either in the dative (-lā) or in the causal instrumental (-č-yā-ne), unlike the corresponding active in which it is in the nominative. (28) a. nau tās ti cāl-l-i nine hours she.nom walk-pst-fsg ‘She walked for nine hours.’ [active] (http://www.majhapaper.com/) b. ti-lā ajun cāl-v-at nāhi ajun pureši tākad she-dat yet walk-passcaus-prs neg yet enough strength.f nāhi neg ‘She is not yet able to walk. She does not have enough strength.’ [potential passive with agent in dative] (https://books.google.co.jp/books?id=d3mLAwAAQBAJ) c. ātā māǰh-yā-ne cāl-v-at nāhi now i.gen-obl-by walk-passcaus-prs neg ‘Now I cannot manage to walk.’ [potential passive with agent in causal instrumental] (saneguruji.net/sane/?option=com, accessed on 8 June 2015) tum-c-e sarva likhāṇ vāc-l-a (29) a. mi i.erg you-gen-n all writing.n read-pst-n ‘I read all your writings.’ [active] (adijoshi.blogspot.com/2009/05/blog-post_18.html) b. jag-ṇ-yā-pāsun-c-e as-a dur as-lel-a likhāṇ malā live-inf-obl-from-gen-n like-n far be-pstptcp-n writing.n i.dat vāc-av-l-a nāhi read-passcaus-pst-n neg ‘I could not read such writing which is so far from real life.’ (http://www.miloonsaryajani.com/node/286?page=1) c. māǰh-yā-ne te dukkhad patr vāc-av-l-a nāhi i.gen-obl-by that sad letter.n read- passcaus-pst-n neg ‘I could not bring myself to read that sad letter.’

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The semantic difference between the two variants of the potential passive, viz. (i) the one in which the agent is marked with the dative (-lā) and (ii) the one in which the agent is marked with the causal instrumental (-č-yā-ne) is very subtle and hard to pin down. The šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) expressions apparently permit the pleonastic addition of the go passive as shown in examples below. In the following examples the (a) versions are the so-called šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) and (b) versions are the corresponding pleonastic addition of the go passive. (30) a. t-yā-n-nā dhir dhar-av-l-ā nāhi he-obl-pl-dat patience.m hold-passcaus-pst-m neg ‘He could not keep his patience.’ (aatbaaher.blogspot.com/2011_12_01_archive.html) b. maun suṭ-e-paryant-hi t-yā-n-nā dhir silence release-obl-up.to-even he-obl-pl-dat patience.m dhar-av-l-ā gel-ā nāhi hold-passcaus-pst-m go.pst-m neg ‘He could not keep patient even until the end of his vow of silence.’ (http://myblog-common-nonsense.blogspot.jp/2011_10_09_archive .html) (31) a. mul-ā-č-yā ḍoḷ- yā-t pāṇi pāh-un malā boy-obl-gen-obl eye-obl-loc water see-cp i.dat rāh-av-l-a nāhi remain.still-passcaus-pst-3nsg neg ‘On seeing tears in the eyes of the boy I could not remain still (hold myself back).’ (https://www.facebook.com/MarwadiAreTheKing) b. ti-lā asa hāt joḍ-lel-a pāh-un ramyā-lā she-dat like hand.m join-pstptcp-3nsg see-cp Ramya-dat rāh-av-l-a gel-a nāhi remain.still-passcaus-pst-3nsg go.pst-3nsg neg ‘Having seen her putting her hands together in supplication, Ramya could not remain still (hold himself back).’ (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?id...fbid..)

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(32) a. āi-č-yā ḍoḷ-yā-t-l-e pāṇi t-yā-lā mother-gen-obl eye-obl-in-adj-n water.n he-obl-dat nāhi bagh-av-l-a see-passcaus-pst-nsg neg ‘He could not bear to see the tears in his mother’s eyes.’ (nileshgadre.blogspot.com/2007/01/blog-post_23.html) b. pallavi-lā he sagaḷa bagh-av-l-a gel-a Pallavi-dat this all see-passcaus-ptcp-3nsg go.pst-3nsg nāhi neg ‘Pallavi could not bear to see this.’ (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?id...fbid...) Comparing the characteristic features of the šaky karmaṇī with those of a canonical passive clause listed in (7) it is clear that: (i) the šaky karmaṇī has more morphological material than the corresponding active form, (ii) the nonagent (if available and unmarked) is promoted to the subject, (iii) the semantic valance is the same as that of the active, (iv) although the agent-subject cannot be omitted (unlike the go and come passive), it occurs in the non-nominative (dative or causal instrumental) case and thus can be considered to be partially defocused, (v) the šaky karmaṇī has lexico-semantic restrictions [widely used for Activities and Accomplishments and not at all for States or Achievments], and (vi) it is far less frequent than active [Active (vartmānpatr vācla) 8 hits vs. šaky karmaṇī (vartmānpatr vācavla nāhi): 1 hit, Google search made on 17th June 2015]. Given the partial defocusing of agent, I treat the šaky karmaṇī as a non-canonical passive. Unlike the canonical the go and the come passive and like the non-canonical completion passive, the šaky karmaṇī can be formed from intransitive (unergative) verbs as well as from a few transitive verbs. The šaky karmaṇī can also be analyzed as ‘transimpersonal’ expression which consist of an indefinite/dummy subject and an experiencer causee [cf. Malchukov (2008), Malchukov and Siewierska (eds.) (2011)]. The foregoing description covers a wide spectrum of formal types of passives in Marathi. In the next section I will discuss the relationship between passivizability and transitivity of the base verb. 2.2

Relationship between Passivizability and Transitivity of the Base Verb As noted in the previous chapter, earlier treatments of Marathi passives claim that only transitive verbs are amenable to passivization. The crucial part of this

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claim is the term ‘transitive verb’. It seems that the group of transitive verbs is understood or assumed to be a homogenous group with all members enjoying the same status, that is the same degree of transitivity. If this assumption were valid, then all clauses featuring transitive verbs should yield passives. The following discussion demonstrates that while clauses featuring some transitive verbs (those with a high degree of transitivity, such as verbs of destruction) readily yield passives, others (the so-called ‘ingestive’ or semi-transitive verbs) are less susceptible to passivization. In their pioneering work, Hopper & Thompson (1980) adopt a prototype approach to the characterization of the notion of transitivity. A prototype approach claims that not all members of a category enjoy equal status. Some members are more typical or “central” exemplars of a category than others. Likewise, within the category of transitive verbs, some transitive verbs are more typically transitive than others. The degree of transitivity of a clause (not a lexical verb in isolation) can be determined by comparing the clause with the transitive prototype shown in (33) below. Note that transitivity is determined not in terms of a single feature (say presence or absence of a direct object) but by a composite score on battery or set of features (a through j). (33) Transitive prototype: Hopper & Thompson (1980: 252) Transitivity High a.

Participants

2 or more participants a and o b. Kinesis Action c. Aspect Telic d. Punctuality Punctual e. Volitionality Volitional f. Affirmation Affirmative g. Mode Realis h. Agency A high in potency i. Affectedness of o o totally affected j. Individuation of o o highly individuated

Low 1 participant Non-action Atelic Non-punctual Non-volitional Negative Irrealis A low in potency o not affected o non-individuated

Clauses featuring verbs of destruction such as John killed Bill, John broke the vase, John burned the letter, etc., for example, involve a volitional, telic action

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instigated by a potent agent, which impinges on and affects a highly individuated object causing a change in its state. Using the yardstick of the transitive prototype to judge, most of the clauses featuring verbs of destruction can be regarded as having a high degree of transitivity. Let us consider another group of transitive verbs, which Masica (1976: 46) calls semi-transitive or ingestive verbs. This group consists of verbs such as eat, drink, learn, understand, see, hear, and read, which share a common semantic feature, viz. taking something into the body or mind literally or figuratively. In the case of semi-transitive or ingestive verbs, like verbs of destruction, the volitional action instigated by a potent agent affects the object. However, unlike verbs of destruction, due to the ingestion of the object into body or mind, physically or literally, the action of the agents affects the agents themselves in most cases. Næss (2007) explicitly argues that clauses featuring semi-transitive or ingestive verbs have a lesser degree of transitivity than those featuring verbs of destruction. She defines a prototypical transitive clause as one depicting an event involving two distinct and independent participants which bear distinct semantic roles: one instigating agent and one affected patient. Under her (overly constrained) definition, agents are volitional instigators and patients are affected participants. Volitionality, instigation, and affectedness are considered as binary features and, according to the maximally distinguished argument hypothesis she advocates, agents are [+volitional, +instigator, -affected], and patients are [-volitional, instigator, + affected]. Viewing semi-transitive or ingestive verbs in terms of Næss’s maximally distinguished argument hypothesis, the agents of ingestives are not typical agents, since they are [+volitional, +instigator, +/-affected], in contrast to the agents of verbs of destruction, which are [+volitional, +instigator, -affected]. In sum, most clauses featuring semi-transitive or ingestive verbs can be regarded as less transitive than most of those featuring verbs of destruction. An important question is whether there is any correlation between the degree of transitivity and amenability to passivization? I demonstrate below that the answer to this question is yes through a small-scale corpus-based study of the Marathi passive based on two verbs of destruction, break and burn, and two semi-transitive or ingestive verbs, eat, and learn. For Marathi, a freely accessible and balanced corpus containing data from different genres is not yet available either on the web or elsewhere. However, a substantial amount of raw data is available on the web in the form of news reports, blogs, essays, etc., which can be searched using Google. The possible forms of the go passive are: v-l-ā gel-ā (masculine singular), v-l-e gel-e (masculine plural and neuter singular), v-l-i gel-i (feminine singular, neuter plural), v-l-yā gel-yā (feminine plural for all numbers and genders), and v-l-a gel-a (the

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colloquial form of the neuter singular). On the 30th of January 2015 I mined active and passive clauses built on break, burn, eat, and learn from online sources. In order to limit the search to a manageable number, I chose forms in the feminine plural for all numbers and genders: v-l-yā (active) vs. v-l-yā gel-yā (the go passive).3 The raw counts obtained are given below in Table 2. table 2

Verb

break burn eat learn

Raw counts of the active and passive clause vis-à-vis verb type

Active (a)

Passive (b)

Total (a+b)

Frequency of passive (b/a+b)%

173 142 159 174

38 34 10 3

211 176 169 177

18 % 19 % 5% 1.6 %

The results of the corpus search show an interesting asymmetry in the distribution of the passives based on the verbs of destruction vis-à-vis semi-transitive verbs in terms of their frequency. First, the frequency counts clearly show that clauses featuring verbs of destruction in Marathi are more susceptible to passive formation than those featuring the semi-transitive verbs, even though both are transitive verbs in the syntactic sense (i.e. both take a direct object). Pandharipande (1981: 16, 272) claims that in Hindi, Marathi, Nepali, Kashmiri, Panjabi (Indo-Aryan languages) and Kannada (a Dravidian language): (i) verbs which do not express a volitional act typically fail to undergo the passive and (ii) in Marathi and Kannada, in addition to the general constraint in (i), there

3 In order to find a raw counts, the form in question is put into double quotes in the Google search bar so as to get exact matches for the search string. A precaution needs to be taken in Google searches since the search engine often counts the same token a multiple number of times (n-plicates). To a large extent these n-plicates can be purged by clicking on the rightmost page of the search results (the page numbers appear at the bottom of the search result page) till the search engine shows a message that it has come to the end. However, even doing this, the filtered results may still contain repetitions of the same string, but to a lesser extent. One needs to physically go through the filtered search results and purge repetitions manually in order to get exact frequency counts. This is a very time and energy consuming task. I did not do this laborious task for the present search. While the frequency counts are not precise, nonetheless, in my view they are suggestive. They provide a glimpse into the asymmetric distribution which cannot be guessed at on the basis of intuition alone.

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is a syntactic constraint that only transitive verbs undergo passivization. However, as seen before, the Marathi completion passive (and the so-called potential passive) can be based on intransitive verb. Data in Table 2 suggests that, among the class of transitive verbs, clauses featuring verbs of destruction (high transitivity clauses) are more susceptible to passivization than those featuring semi-transitive verbs (low-transitivity clauses) [For extensive discussion on statistical approach to active vs. passive alternation see Myhill (1992) chapter 4]. In this connection it is interesting to note the observation by Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899: 256–257) that in Marathi not all transitive verbs yield a passive (see chapter 3, section 2.4). Tarkhadkar does not elaborate on what kind of transitive verbs resist passivization. However, from the results of the corpus-based study presented above, it can be said that clauses with a lower degree of transitivity (such as those featuring semi-transitive verbs) are less amenable to passivization. The passives featuring verbs of destruction (high-transitivity clauses) typically convey a volitional action by a specific/definite agent, which may or may not be overtly expressed in the clause. A few attested examples are given below in support of this observation. The (a) versions are agent-less passives and the (b) versions are passives with agents expressed. As noted before, online data searches reveals that passives with agents expressed are rather rare. Relevant verb forms are shown in boldface. (34) a. sarva hallekhor-hi mār-l-e gel-e all attackers.mpl-also kill-passptcp-mpl go.pst-mpl ‘All attackers were also killed.’ (www.marathinewsindia.com/.../143) b. jamāv-ā-var hallā kar-ṇār-e sarva hallekhor mob-obl-on attack do-prsptcp-mpl all attackers.mpl polis-ā-n-kaḍun mār-l-e gel-e police-obl-pl-by kill-passptcp-mpl go.pst-mpl ‘All attackers who attacked the mob were killed by the police.’ (www.livesatara.com) (35) a. mukhy-pravešdvār-ā-javaḷ-il āṭh jhāde main-entrance.gate-obl-near-adj eight trees.npl toḍ-ṇ-yā-t āl-i hot-i break-inf-obl-loc come.pst-npl be.pst-npl ‘Eight trees near the entrance gate were felled.’ (72.78.249.126/esakal/.../4784007265707534755.htm)

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b. vij-bil thak-l-yā-ne mahāvitaraṇ-kampani-kaḍun electricity-bill not.pay-pst-obl-due.to Mahavitaran-company-by yā yojnā-n-c-e vij-kanekšan these project-pl-gen-nsg electricity-connection.nsg toḍ-ṇ-yā-t āl-e āhe break-inf-obl-loc come.pst-nsg be.prs ‘Since the electricity bill has not been paid, the electric supply of these projects has been cut off by the Mahavitaran company.’ (sanvadnews.com/2015/02/04/15-days-from-viduta/) (36) a. t-yā-č-i gāḍi va bāik jāḷ-l-i he-obl-gen-fsg car.fsg and bike.fsg burn-passptcp-fsg gel-i go.pst-fsg ‘His car and bike were burnt.’ (maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/.../8089033.cms) b. lāṭvaṇ-hāyskul-č-yā kapāṭ-ā-t-il Latvan-high.school-gen-obl cupboard-obl-in-adj mahatv-ā-č-i kāgadpatre adnyāt-ā-kaḍun importance-obl-gen-npl documents.npl unknown.person-obl-by jāḷ-l-i gel-i burn-passptcp-npl go.pst-npl ‘Important documents in the cupboard of Latvan high school were burnt by an unknown person.’ (www.konkantoday.com/index.php?...id) In sharp contrast to passives featuring verbs of destruction, those featuring semi-transitive verbs typically depict generic events (not bound to specific time) or repetitive events with non-specific agents. These non-specific agents are usually absent in the passive clause. A few attested examples are given below in support of this observation. Relevant verb forms are shown in boldface. (37) a. āvḷā koṇtyā.hi rup-ā-t khā.l-l-ā Indian.gooseberry.msg any form-obl-in eat-passptcp-msg gel-ā tari.hi to āplyā šarir-ā-sāṭhi guṇkāri-c go.pst-msg yet that self’s body-obl-for beneficial-emph āhe be.prs

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‘The Indian gooseberry (Phyllanthus emblica) eaten in any form is beneficial for one’s body.’ (www.mykidsfood.com) mās kāhi deš-ā-t b. mākḍ-ā-c-e monkey-obl-gen-n meat.n some countries-obl-in cav-i-ne khā.l-l-a jā-t-a relish-obl-with eat-passptcp-nsg go-prs-nsg ‘In some countries the meat of monkeys is eaten with relish.’ (www.saptahiksakal.com/.../4826712533641205868.htm, accessed on 8 June 2015) (38) a. pāṇi agadi kami pyāyl-e gel-e tar water.n excessively less drink.passptcp-n go.pst-n then mutr.pinḍ-ā-t doš utpann ho-t-o kidney-obl-in problem.msg create become-prs-msg ‘If water is drunk in insufficient quantity, then problems in the kidney arise.’ (www.esakal.com/NewsDetails.aspx?...4...) b. jar tase as-t-e tar dāru-bandi as-lel-yā if like.that be-irr-n then alcohol-ban be-pstptcp-obl gujrāt-e-t dāru pyāl-i gel-i n-as-t-i Gujarat-obl-in alcohol.f drink.passptcp-f go.pst-f neg-be-irr-f ‘If that were the case, alcohol would not be consumed in the dry Gujarat state.’ (www.loksatta.com/daily/20060218/ch04.htm) (39) a. vyākraṇ šik-l-yā-nantar-ac bhāṣā grammar learn-pst-obl-after-emph language.fsg šik-l-i jā-t-e ase nāhi learn-passptcp-fsg go-prs-fsg thus not ‘It is not the case that a language is learnt only after learning the grammar.’ (kalidasvanjpe.marathisrushti.com/serve/index.php? article)

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b. šāstr.šuddh va naisargik paddhat-i-ne bhāṣā scientific and natural method-obl-by language.fsg šik-l-i gel-i pāhije learn-passptcp-fsg go.pst-fsg should ‘A language should be learnt by following a scientific and natural method.’ (www.loksatta.com/.../new-software-developed-for-self) What can be a plausible functional explanation for lower susceptibility of the semi-transitive or ingestive verbs to passivization? The lower susceptibility of ingestive verbs to passivization may be related to the fact that in their active voice they inherently express an action that affects the agent and in this sense ingestive verbs lack a canonical agent that can be defocused through passivization. The difference in amenability to passivization between canonical transitive verbs and less-canonical semi-transitive verbs suggests that passivizability of a verb is not sensitive to the syntactic/polar (dichotomous) interpretation of transitivity. Echoing Shibatani (2000), I claim that transitivity in its relationship to the passive should be understood in semantic/scalar terms, rather than in terms of a dichotomy.

3

Semantic/Pragmatic Aspects of the Marathi Passives

In this section I discuss the following semantic and pragmatic aspects of Marathi passives: (i) semantic properties of the go, come, and become passives (section 3.1), (ii) functional distribution of the go, come, and become passives (section 3.2), (iii) expressing completion of an event (section 3.3), (iv) expressing spontaneity of occurrence of the event (3.4), (v) expressing (in)capability of the agent (section 3.5), and (vi) expressing deference to the agent (section 3.6). Finally, a summary of the correspondence between various passive forms and the functions they serve will be presented (3.7). 3.1 Semantic Properties of the go, the come and the become Passives As noted in chapter three, many previous studies of the Marathi passive do not discuss the come passive [for example, Beames ([1879] 1970), Pandharipande (1981), Pandharipande (1997), Dhongde & Wali (2009)]. Among the few studies that do mention it, it is treated as semantically identical with the go passive [Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), Damle ([1911] 1970)]. In this section, based on my previous work [Pardeshi (2000a, b)], I argue that: (i) the go and the come

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passives are not semantically identical and thus are not interchangeable in all contexts. There are contexts where the come passive is ‘preferred’ over the go passive and (ii) the notion of ‘planning’ involved in bringing about the event often plays a key role in the preferred use of the come passive over the go passive. It is true that in many cases the go passive and the come passive are roughly interchangeable as shown in the following example. (40) a. hi yojnā rābavi-ṇ-yā-c-e ṭharav.i-l-e this plan implement-inf-obl-gen-nsg decide-passptcp-nsg gel-e āhe go.pst-nsg be.prs ‘It has been decided that this plan should be implemented.’ (www.ncp.org.in) b. hi yojnā rābavi-ṇ-yā-c-e ṭharav.i-ṇ-yā-t this plan implement-inf-obl-gen-nsg decide-inf-obl-loc āl-e āhe come.pst-nsg be.prs ‘It has been decided that this plan should be implemented.’ (www.loksatta.com/daily/20031128/nmv02.htm) The substitutability of the go passive with the come passive and vice versa in some contexts does not means that they do not differ in meaning. Indeed, there are contexts where the come passive is preferred over the go passive. What are the factors that promote the use of the come passive as against the go passive? I claim that come passives are typically employed to depict a meticulously planned event in which the agent plays the role of the planner, and brings about the event with the aim of achieving a desired outcome. go passives, on the other hand, are neutral or underspecified with respect meticulous planning on the part of the agent. It should be noted that the notion of ‘planning’ is not a matter of ‘all or nothing’ but rather a matter of degree. The higher the degree of planning, the greater the chances of the speaker employing the come passive and vice versa. From this claim, one can expect that in the case of a meticulously planned event, the go passive may be less preferred. Conversely, in the case of a non-meticulously planned event, the come passive should be less preferred. To confirm this claim empirically, I chose four highly planned/plannable activities by a specific agent, viz. to plant a bomb, to attack, to dismiss and to withdraw and four less planned/plannable activities

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by generic agents, viz. to read, to speak, to eat, and to say. Attested examples from online sources given below show that in either case, both go and come passive are used. Examples (41)–(44) are of highly planned/plannable activities and examples (45)–(48) are of less planned/plannable activities. (41) a. hā bɒmb sabhā-sthān-ā-pāsun šambhar miṭar this bomb.msg assembly-venue-obl-from hundred meter antar-ā-var ubh-yā kelel-yā ekā moṭār-i-t distance-obl-on parked-obl do.pstptcp-obl one motor-obl-in ṭhev-ṇ-yā-t āl-ā hot-ā keep-inf-obl-loc come.pst-msg be.pst-msg ‘This bomb was planted in a vehicle parked a hundred meters away from the assembly house.’ (The daily kesri internet edition dated 15th Feb. 98 vruttavišeš column) b. dahašatvād-yā-n-kaḍun-ac hā bɒmb ṭhev-lā extremist-obl-pl-by-emph this bomb.msg keep-passptcp-msg gel-ā ase polis-ā-n-c-e mhaṇṇe āhe go.pst-msg such police-obl-pl-gen-n saying.n be.prs ‘According to police this bomb was indeed planted by the extremists.’ (http://www.majhapaper.com/2013/10/30/) (42) a. sarv.pratham karjhāi-n-č-yā nivās.sthān-i tar t-yā-nantar at.first Karzai-pl-gen-obl residence-at and that-obl-after tābaḍtob polis mukhyālay-ā-var hallā immediately police headquarter-obl-on attack.msg kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-ā do-inf-obl-loc come.pst-msg ‘An attack was made at first on the residence of Karzai and then on the police headquarters.’ (newsportal.deshonnati.hp/detailednews.php?, accessed on 8 June 2015) b. āj sansad-e-var hallā kel-ā today parliament.house-obl-on attack.msg do.passptcp-msg gel-ā go.pst-msg ‘An attack was made on the parliament house today.’ (orkut.google.com/c5489543-t2a65788dbfe8d8ff.html)

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kalyāṇ-siŋ y-ā-n-c-e (43) a. uttarpradeš-ā-t-il Uttarpradesh-obl-loc-adj Kalyan-Singh he-obl-pl-gen-nsg sarkār baḍtarph kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e government.nsg dismiss do-inf-obl-loc come.pst-nsg ‘The Kalyan Singh government in Uttar Pradesh was dismissed.’ (The daily kesari internet edition dated 22nd Feb. 98 vruttavišeṣ column) b. kyāpṭan rasel-lā mātra nokari-t-un baḍtarph captain Russell-acc however service-in-from dismiss kel-e gel-e do.passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg ‘Captain Russell was dismissed from the service, however.’ (http://advertiseblogger.blogspot.jp/2010/06/bhaucha-dhakka -mumbai.html) (44) a. prasār.mādhyam-ā-n-ni satat kelel-yā mass.media-obl-pl-erg constantly do.pstptcp-obl ārop-ā-n-muḷe pararāṣṭr-mantri naṭvar-sing allegation-obl-pl-due.to external.affairs-minister Natwar-Singh y-ā-n-č-yā-kaḍun khāte kāḍh-un he-obl-pl-gen-obl-from portfolio.nsg withdraw-cvb ghe-ṇ-yā-t āl-e āhe take-inf-obl-loc come.pst-nsg be.prs ‘Due to continuous allegations leveled against the Foreign Minister Mr. Natwar Singh by the mass media his portfolio has been withdrawn from him.’ (sakāḷ, Nov. 16, 2005) b. t-yā-n-č-yā-kaḍ-il pararāṣṭr khāte he-obl-pl-gen-side-adj external.affairs portfolio.nsg kāḍh-un ghe.t-l-e gel-e āhe withdraw-cvb take-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg be.prs ‘The external affairs portfolio which he holds has been withdrawn from him.’ (www.esakal.com/NewsDetails.aspx?)

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(45) a. jānevāri mahin-yā-pāsun sarva-c vartmānpatr-ā-n-madhye January month-obl-from all-emph newspaper-obl-pl-in ek-ac-ek bātmi satat vāc-ṇ-yā-t one-emph-one news.fsg continuously read- inf-obl-loc ye-t āhe come-prs be.prs ‘Since January one continuously gets to read one and the same news in all the newspapers.’ (http://www.tarunbharat.net/Encyc/2014/6/14/) b. geli čāḷis varṣe hi kādambari vāc-l-i jā-t past forty years this novel.fsg read-passptcp-fsg go-prs āhe be.prs ‘This novel has been read for the past 40 years.’ (sakāḷ, Feb. 23, 2004) (46) a. mātrubhāṣā marāṭhi as-l-i-tari anek ṭhikaṇ-i mother.tongue Marathi.f be-pst-f-even.though many place-at hindi bhāṣā bol-ṇ-yā-t ye-t-e Hindi language speak-inf-obl-loc come-prs-fsg ‘Even though mother tongue is Marathi, Hindi is spoken at various places.’ (www.lokmat.com/storypage.php?catid=323&newsid) b. mahārāṣṭr-gujrāt sim-e-var ḍāngi-bhāṣā Maharashtra-Gujarat border-obl-on Dangi-language.fsg bol-l-i jā-t-e speak-passptcp-fsg go-prs-fsg ‘On the Maharashtra-Gujarat border Dangi language is spoken.’ (blog.prathambooks.org/2009_06_01_archive.html) (47) a. dar-varš-i mahārāṣṭr-ā-t 360 lākhā-n-c-ā every-year-in Maharashtra-obl-in 360 hundred.thousand-pl-gen-m guṭkhā khā-ṇ-yā-t ye-t-o chewing.tobacco eat-inf-obl-loc come-prs-m ‘In Maharashtra, chewing tobacco worth 360 hundred thousand rupees is eaten (consumed) every year.’ (m.esakal.com/news.aspx? nid … sid=15&sn)

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b. lasuṇ sarv jag-bhar-ā-t khā.l-l-ā jā-t-o garlic all world-throughout-obl-in eat-passptcp-m go-prs-m ‘Garlic is eaten all over the world.’ (www.marathiworld.com/muktangan-m/netbhet-jan4) (48) a. tẽvhā-pāsun sokreṭis-var t-yā-c-ā prabhāv paḍ-l-ā that.time-from Socrates-on he-obl-gen-m influence.m fall-pst-m as-āvā ase mhaṇ-ṇ-yā-t ye-t-e be-sbjv like say-inf-obl-loc come-prs-nsg ‘It is said that Socrates might have been influenced by him since then.’ (tattvabhan.blogspot.com/2014/06/blog-post_8376.html) b. puṇ-yā-c-i sanskruti ātā bighaḍ-at cāl-l-i āhe ase Pune-obl-gen-f culture.f now spoil-ing move-pst-f be.prs like mhaṇ-l-e jā-t-e say-passptcp-nsg go-prs-nsg ‘It is said that Pune culture has been declining these days.’ (orkut.google.com/c12792978-t6b0e5ee13822c302.html) In order to find out whether there is any preference for the go or the come passive vis-à-vis the type of the activity (highly planned/plannable vs. less planned/plannable), I mined the go and come passives for the aforementioned eight activities using Google. The results of the search are tabulated below. table 3

Raw counts of the go and come passives vis-à-vis activity type

Type of activity

More planned/plannable activities to plant a bomb to attack to dismiss to withdraw

go passive

come passive

Sub-total

Total

Sub-total

6 25 17 4

52 (a)

27 89 55 24

Row total

Total

195 (c)

(a)+(c) = 247

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Type of activity

go passive Sub-total

Total

Less planned/plannable activities to read to speak to eat to say

110 73 107 202

Column total

(a)+(b)= 544

492 (b)

come passive Sub-total

36 4 5 96

Row total

Total

141 (d)

(c)+(d)= 336

(b)+(d) = 633

(a)+(b)+(c)+(d) = 880

In order to determine if there are nonrandom associations between two categorical variables, viz. type of activity (rows of the table) and type of passive expression used (columns of the table), I carried out the Fisher’s exact test. The two-tailed p value is less than 0.0001. This means that the association between rows (highly planned vs. less planned activities) and columns (go and come passive) is considered to be extremely statistically significant. In other words, although both go and come passives can be and in fact are used to express highly planned/plannable activities as well as less planned/plannable activities, their distribution is extremely unlikely to be considered to be random. The come passive is preferred over the go passive if the activity depicted by the clause is highly planned by a specific agent as in (41)–(44). On the other hand, in the case of events of a generic nature as in (45)–(48), go passives are preferred over the come passive. It should be stressed that the preference for one over the other is a statistically significant tendency and not an absolute norm. I discuss below one semantic factor, viz. human vs. nonhuman agent that promote or suppress the use of the go and the come passive. Passive expressions with non-human agents are always couched in the form of the go passive, and never in the form of the come passive. This fact receives a natural explanation under my proposal, in that non-human agents lack the ability to do any kind of planning in order to bring about an event. Note the following examples.

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90% parāgibhavan (49) a. āpl-yā pik-ā-n-c-e our-obl crop-obl-pl-gen-nsg 90% pollination.nsg kiṭak-ā-n-kaḍun kel-e jā-t-e insect-obl-pl-by do.passptcp-npl go-prs-nsg ‘Pollination of 90% of our crop is done by insects.’ (www.lokprabha.com/20091211/tharar.htm) b. * āpl-yā pik-ā-n-c-e 90% parāgibhavan our-obl crop-obl-pl-gen-nsg 90% pollination.nsg kiṭak-ā-n-kaḍun kar-ṇ-yā-t ye-t-e insect-obl-pl-by do-inf-obl-loc come-prs-nsg ‘Pollination of 90% of our crop is done by insects.’ (50) a. pakṣy-ā-n-kaḍun biyā pasar-av-l-yā jā-t-āt bird-obl-pl-by seeds.fpl spread-caus-passptcp-fpl go-prs-pl ‘The seeds are spread by the birds.’ (www.marathivishwakosh.in/index.php?option) b. * pakṣy-ā-n-kaḍun biyā pasar-av-ṇ-yā-t bird-obl-pl-by seeds.fpl spread-caus-inf-obl-loc ye-t-āt come-prs-pl ‘The seeds are spread by the birds.’ Does the notion ‘planning’ have any bearing on the distribution of the become passive? In the discussion of the formal similarities and differences between the agent-less become passive and the agentive go and come passives in section 2.1, I have shown that although in the real world the become passive involves an agent, the agents are rarely lexically/overtly expressed. Owing to this constraint, the implications of meticulous planning can be tested only with the help of adverbs. Two attested examples of a become passive are given in (51) and (52). sabhāpati mhaṇun (51) t-yā-n-č-i loksabh-e-c-e he-obl-pl-gen-fsg lower.house-obl-gen-mpl speaker.msg as nivaḍ jhā-l-i election.fsg become-pst-fsg ‘Lit. His election as speaker of the lower house occurred/ He was elected as speaker of the lower house.’ (marathivishwakosh.in/khandas/.../index.php?)

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(52) āpl-yā dešā-lā kalā-n-c-ā moṭhā vārsā our-obl country-dat art-pl-gen-msg great heritage.msg lābh-l-ā āhe t-yā-c-e prayatnpurvak get-pst-msg be.prs that-obl-gen-n with.systematic.efforts jatan jhāl-e pāhije preservation.n become.pst-n should.be ‘Our country has got a great heritage of many arts. It should be preserved with systematic efforts.’ (www.loksatta.com/daily/20041030/wastu.htm) The become passive in and of itself is neutral with respect to the notion of planning. The presence of an adverb qualifying the planned activity on the part of the covert agent as in (52) brings to light the notion of planning. In the absence of such an adverb as in (51) the notion of planning remains underspecified. To summarize the findings so far, the evidence presented in the foregoing discussion lends support to my proposal that the notion of ‘planning’ plays an important role in the preferential use of the come vis-à-vis the go passive. 3.2

The Functional Distribution of the go, the come, and the become Passives Marathi has three passives: the go, the come, and the become passives. As asserted in many typological studies [Givón (1981), Shibatani (1985), Croft (1990), to name a few], all of them perform the pragmatic function of agent defocusing. How are the go, the come, and the become passives distributed functionally? I have addressed this rarely noticed issue in my previous work, Pardeshi (2006). In subsequent research I revised my earlier analysis which is reported below. A close scrutiny of the data reveals that the become passive (bp), the come passive (cp), and the go passive (gp) form a continuum in their degree of agent defocusing with the bp occupying the higher end, and cp and gp the lower one. The gps is placed to the left of cp in Fig. 1 as well as Fig. 2 below since (i) in the case of events of a generic nature, gp is preferred over the cp as shown in Table 3 above and (ii) gps can be used for expressing a spontaneous event conceived to be occurring without intervention of an agent (see 3.4).

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Continuum of agent defocusing

Irrespective of the presence or absence of an agent phrase, the degree of agent defocusing can be shown by looking at the agent’s specificity. As noted in the previous section, as a statistically significant tendency, the come passive is preferred over the go passive if the activity is highly planned by a specific agent [as in (41)–(44)], while in the case of events involving a generic/non-specific agents [as in (45)–(48)], the go passive is preferred over the come passive as shown in the following examples. (53) ǰ-yā polis-ā-n-ni lāc ghet-l-i rel-obl police-obl-pl-erg bribe.fsg take-pst-fsg t-yā-n-nā nilambit kar-ṇ-yā-t āl-e āhe corel-obl-pl-acc suspend do-inf-obl-loc come.pst-nsg be.prs ‘Those police who have taken bribes have been suspended (from their services).’ (www.saptahiksakal.com/SaptahikSakal/20130814/5717025065715547055 .htm) (54) geli čāḷis varṣe hi kādambari vāc-l-i jā-t āhe past forty years this novel.fsg read-passptcp-fsg go-prs be.prs ‘This novel has been read for the past 40 years.’ (sakāḷ, Feb. 23, 2004)

figure 2

Continuum of specificity of the agent

Note that there is an inverse correlation between the degree of agent defocusing and the degree of agent specificity. In other words, the higher the degree of agent defocusing, the lower the degree of agent specificity. The functional differences among the become passive, the go passive and the come passive are quite subtle. In this example bp, gp and cp are used in adjacent clauses.

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(55) siddharāmaiyā-n-nā upa-mukhya-mantri pad-ā-var-un Siddharamayya.obl-pl-acc deputy-chief-minister post-obl-on-from āl-yā-ne tya pakš-ā-t haṭav-ṇ-yā-t remove-inf-obl-loc come.pst-obl-since that party-obl-loc gaṭbāǰi uphāḷ-un āl-i āhe. t-yā-muḷe factionalism.fsg boil.up-cvb come.pst-fsg be.prs that-obl-due.to sarkār kosaḷ-un navy-ā-ne nivaḍṇukā government collapse-cvb new-obl-by elections ho-ṇy-ā-č-i šakyatā vartav.i-l-i become-inf-obl-gen-fsg possibility.fsg predict-passptcp-fsg jā-t āhe go-prs be.prs ‘Since Mr. Siddharamayaa has been removed (cp) from the post of Deputy Chief Minister, factionalism in that party has surfaced. Due to this, the possibility of a collapse of the government and elections being called (bp) afresh is being predicted (gp).’ (sakāḷ, Aug. 8, 2005) Example (55) above nicely demonstrates the subtle meaning differences among the cp, the gp, and the bp with respect to agent defocusing and agent specificity. While all the relevant clauses in this example lack overt agents, it is clear that: (i) the cp implies existence of a specific agent, (ii) the gp refers to a non-specific, indefinite agent, and (iii) the bp only hints at the presence of an agent [see Pardeshi (2006: 204–207)]. Passives in Marathi described so far are diverse both in form as well as their function/meaning. The form-function correspondence is discussed below. 3.3 Expressing Completion of an Event As noted in chapter 3, section 2.2, Damle ([1911]1970: 617), offering the example in (56a), points out that one of the gauṇakartruk (agent demoted/defocused) karmaṇī (objectival use/passive) clauses in Marathi highlights the completion of an event. Damle refers to it as samāpan karmaṇī [completion passive]. Note that the agent is in the genitive and the verb form is a concatenation of the converbial form of the main verb (v-un) plus the auxiliary verb ho-ṇe ‘to become’. A coined version of the corresponding active clause is given in (56b) [also see section 2.1.3].

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samāpan karmaṇī (completion passive) (56) a. t-yā-c-ẽ patr lih-un jhāl-e he-obl-gen-nsg letter.nsg write-cvb become.pst-3nsg Lit. ‘His writing of the letter is completed.’ ‘He finished writing his letter.’ b. t-yā-ne patr lih-l-e he-obl-erg letter.nsg write-pst-nsg ‘He wrote the letter.’ The agent may not necessarily be present in the clause but it can be either definite/specific as in (57) or indefinite/non-specific as in (58). (57) āj višvās-pāṭil-ā-n-c-e pānipat vāc-un today Vishwas-Patil-obl-pl-gen.nsg Panipat read-cvb jhāl-e become.pst-3nsg Lit. ‘Today, (my) reading of ‘Panipat’ by Vishwanath Patil was completed.’ ‘Today (I) completed reading Vishwas Patil’s ‘Panipat’.’ (http://pramodgurav.blogspot.jp/2012/12/panipat-by-vishwas-patil-some -excerpts.html) (58) pratyek pān vāc-un jhāl-e ki pustikā each page.nsg read-cvb become.pst-3nsg then booklet.fsg miṭ-un čintan jhāl-e pāhije close-cvb thinking.nsg become.pst-3nsg want ‘After reading each page, the booklet should be closed and mulled over.’ (http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/rssarticleshow/30299128 .cms?prtpage=1) In (58) the first clause is a completion passive (v-un + become) and the following clause is the become (n + become) passive. In both, the agent is indefinite/non-specific. Unlike go and come passives, completion passives can be built on intransitive verbs as in (59) and (60).

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(59) thoḍā veḷ samudr-ā-javaḷ-č-yā dagaḍ-ā-var bas-un little time sea-obl-near-gen-obl rock-obl-on sit-cvb spāiḍarmæn vičār kar-u jhāl-yā-var become.pst-obl-after spider.man.msg thought do-s.inf lāglā start-pst-msg ‘After sitting on the rock near the sea for a while Spider man started thinking.’ (www.manogat.com/node/13205) (60) dhā-un jhāl-yā-var ithe lih-āy-lā visar-u run-cvb become.pst-obl-after here write-l.inf-dat forget-s.inf nako-s not-2sg ‘After you complete running don’t forget to write here (on the net bulletin).’ (http://www.maayboli.com/node/33436?page=5) The completion passive is widely used in spoken as well as written language. 3.4 Expressing Spontaneity of Occurrence of an Event Another use of go passives that has gone largely unnoticed, except for Pardeshi (2000a, b), is to depict an event which is conceived of as occurring spontaneously (on its own accord) without the instigation of an intentional agent [although in the world of sciences such events in reality may be brought about by agents (human or non-human such as natural forces: storm, earthquake, volcanic eruption, waves, rock, tsunami, tornado, flood, accidents etc.)]. Usually, inactive intransitive verbs (so-called unaccusative verbs) are used in describing spontaneous events. However, if such intransitive verbs are not available, agent-defocusing forms such as the passive are used as shown in the following examples. (61) a. t-i kebal tuṭ-l-i va t-i-c-ā kāhi that-fsg cable.fsg break-pst-fsg and that-fsg-gen-obl some bhāg pāt-yā-n-nā gunḍāḷ-l-ā gel-ā part.m blade-obl-pl-dat wind-passptcp-m go.pst-m ‘That cable broke and some part of it got wound to the blades.’ (https://books.google.co.jp/books?isbn=8184980795)

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b. parantu gurutvākarṣaṇ n-as-l-yā-ne h-ā but gravity neg-be-pst-obl-due.to this-msg rakt.pravāh khāli na khec-l-ā jā-t-ā var blood.flow.msg down not pull-passptcp-msg go-prs-ptcp up oḍh-l-ā jā-t-o pull-passptcp-msg go-prs-msg ‘But due to the lack of gravity blood flow instead of going down goes up.’ (http://prahaar.in/feature/shodh-bodh/262064) shakti c. iŋjin-madhy-e spārk jhāl-yā-nantar engine-middle-in spark.msg become.pst-obl-after power.fsg nirmāṇ ho-t-e āṇi pisṭan veg-ā-ne khāli creation become-prs-fsg and piston.msg force-obl-with down ḍhakal-l-ā jā-t-o push-passptcp-msg go-prs-msg ‘After a spark in the engine, power is created and the piston is pushed down with force.’ (www.loksatta.com/.../common-car-troubles-their-cause) (62) a. te vimān ati-pračanḍ hav-e-č-yā that airplane.nsg extreme-enormous air-obl-gen-obl jhot-ā-ne4 unc phek-l-e gel-e gust-obl-instr high throw-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg ‘That airplane was thrown high up by an extremely enormous gust of air.’ (https://books.google.co.jp/books?isbn=9380232659) b. ek-ā moṭh-yā bhukamp-ā-t noses h-e šahar one-obl big-obl earthquake-obl-in Naxos this-n city.nsg jamin-i-t gāḍ-l-e gel-e ground-obl-in.to bury-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg ‘In a big earthquake the city of Naxos was buried in the ground.’ (sagarbhandare.blogspot.com/2013/06/blog-post.html)

4 The Marathi ergative marker and the instrumental marker (viz. ne) are homophonous.

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c. h-ā kanṭenar kosaḷ-l-ā āṇi t-yā-khāli this-msg container.msg fall.down-pst-msg and that-obl-under ubh-e as-ṇār-e āṭh rast-yā-č-yā-kaḍ-e-lā road-obl-gen-ob-side-obl-to up.right-mpl be-prsptcp-mpl eight pravāši čiraḍ-l-e gel-e travelers.mpl crush-passptcp-mpl go.pst-mpl ‘This container fell down and eight travelers who were standing on the roadside were crushed under it.’ (http://www.loksatta.com/maharashtra-news) The following examples are of events conceived as occurring spontaneously even though they involve human causers. The complex postposition -hāt-un ‘hand-by’ marking the human causers indicates spontaneity. (63) a. āvhān-ā-ne-c malā baḷ dil-e āṇi challenge-obl-erg-emph me.dat strength.n give.pst-n and māǰh-yā-hāt-un hi sundar āṇi aitihāsik kalākruti i.gen-obl-hand-by this beautiful and historical piece.of.art.fsg sākār-l-i gel-i form-passptcp-fsg go.pst-fsg ‘It is the challenge which gave me the strength and this beautiful and historical piece of art assumed a form by my hands.’ (http://www.lokmat.com/storypage.php?catid=1&newsid=3919950) pratykš-ā-t je sākār-l-a b. māǰh-yā-hāt-un i.gen-obl-hand-by reality-obl-in relp form-passptcp-nsg jā-t hot-a t-yā-c-ā sambandh go-dur be.pst-nsg corelp-obl-gen-m relationship.m neṇiv-e-ši hot-ā unconsciousness-obl-with be.pst-m ‘What was assuming a form in reality by my hands was related to unconsciousness.’ (http://punarvasuprakashan.blogspot.jp/2012/11/blog-post.html) c. bhāvan-e-c-ā utsphurt umāḷā vyakt.kar-ṇe emotion-obl-gen-msg overwhelming outburst.m express-inf māǰh-yā lekhṇi-lā jam-l-e nāhi. mhaṇun i.gen-obl pen-dat be.able.to-pst-3nsg not therefore attā-paryant māǰh-yā-hāt-un kavitā lih-l-i now-up.to i.gen-obl-hand-by poem.fsg write-passptcp-fsg

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gel-i n-as-āv-i. go.pst-fsg neg-be-sbjv-fsg Lit. ‘My pen has not been able to express an overwhelming outburst of emotions. Probably that’s why a poem has yet to be written by me.’ (http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/8818377) d. yā kādambari-či pahili don prakarṇe mi jāṇiv.purvak this novel-gen first two chapter.npl 1sg consciously lihi-l-i parantu nantar-či prakarṇe mātra mi write-pst-npl but after-gen chapters.npl however 1sg lihi-l-i āhet ase mi muḷic mhaṇ-ṇār nāhi. ti write-pst-npl be.prs.pl like 1sg absolutely say-ptcp not those lihi-l-i gel-i asa-c mi mān-t-o write-passptcp-npl go.pst-npl like-emph 1sg believe-prs-m ‘i have consciously written the first two chapters of this novel. However, I would never say that I have written the subsequent chapters. I believe that they wrote themselves.’ (Novel “Hiroshima” introduction p. 7) Notice that the transitive verbs in example (61)–(63) lack a lexical intransitive partner and the go passive form fills in for that missing intransitive partner. In these examples come passives cannot be used probably because they often imply specific agency and thereby intentionality. go passives, which are neutral with respect to specific agency and therefore intentionality, are employed for this purpose. It should be added that the go passive verb forms in (61)–(63) can be and in fact are used to express intentionally instigated events also. In this respect syntactically derived passive forms are different from lexical inactive intransitives, such as jaḷ-ṇe ‘to burn (intr.)’ or phuṭ-ṇe ‘to break (intr.)’ which exclusively expresses an event conceived of as occurring spontaneously of its own accord (although logically it would involve a causal agent) as shown in the following examples. go passives (64) a. ṭivhi čænal-č-yā kāryālay-ā-var tin greneḍ tv channel-gen-obl office-obl-on three grenades.mpl phek-l-e gel-e throw-passptcp-mpl go.pst-mpl ‘Three grenades were thrown at the office of the tv channel.’ (www.batmidar.in/category/attackonjournalist/world/)

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b. nruty.kal-e-c-ā abhyās kar-un shilpe dance.art-obl-gen-m study.m do-cvb sculptures.npl sākār-l-i gel-i form-passptcp-npl go.pst-npl ‘The sculptures were formed after studying the art of dance.’ (http://navshakti.co.in/prarthana/thevasanskruticha/30284/) Lexical inactive (unaccusative) verbs (65) a. y-ā āg-i-t terā hajār don.še ghare this-obl fire-obl-in thirteen thousand two.hundred houses.npl jaḷ-l-i burn (intr)-pst-npl ‘In this fire 13,200 houses burned down.’ (https://books.google.co.jp/books?isbn=8184982844) b. jhāḍ-ā-č-i phāndi kosaḷ-un bambā-č-i tree-obl-gen-fsg branch.fsg fall.down-cvb fire.truck-gen-fsg klinar-č-yā bāju-č-i kāč truck.cleaner-gen-obl side-gen-fsg glass.fsg phuṭ-l-i break(intr.)-pst-fsg ‘The branch of the tree fell down and the glass of the fire truck on the truck cleaner’s side shattered.’ (www.tarunbharat.com/?p=14209) Pandharipande (1981: 127) claims that the passive conveys a volitional act— regardless of whether or not the ex-subject (subject of the active clause) is expressed. This claim is not true, at least in the context where go passives are used to express spontaneity of occurrence as in (62)–(64) above. 3.5 Expressing (In)capability of the Agent In Indo-Aryan languages such as Hindi, Nepali, Kashmiri and Panjabi, the passive is often described as expressing an (in)capability meaning, especially in the negative [see Pandharipande (1981: 120–127) for Hindi, Marathi, Nepali, Kashmiri and Panjabi; Rosen & Wali (1989), Dhongde & Wali (2009: 190) for Marathi; Kachru (2006: 176–177) for Hindi; and Bhatia (1993: 234–235) for Panjabi, among others]. As summarized in the preceding chapter, except those by Tarkhadkar and Damle all the previous studies of the Marathi passive agree that the go passive may express the meaning of (in)capability of the agent. When go

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passives are used to express (in)capability of agent, the presence of the agent whose (in)capability is being referred to is nearly always found. If the agent is not present in the clause it can be identified from the context. Past studies also note that the so-called (in)capability expression are usually more felicitous or at least commoner in negated utterances. The second most common use is in yes/no questions. (66) a. te-hi sahan.kel-a jā-t nāhi that-also tolerate.passptcp-nsg go-prs not ‘That also in not tolerated (by people).’ (http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/lifestyle/gents-/-ladies/ articleshow/15043706.cms?) b. tuǰh-yā-ne hi caṭṇi nusti khal-l-i gel-i you.gen-obl-by this chatni.f as.it.is eat-passptcp-f go.pst-f nāhi tar guḷ-ā-barobar khā not then raw.suger-obl-with eat.imp ‘If you cannot eat this chatni as it is, eat it with raw sugar.’ (suchiworld.blogspot.com/2013_04_01_archive.html) Further, in the (in)capability-of-the-agent function, go passives can be formed from intransitive verbs. (67) a. paḍ-t-āt thoḍi svapn-a mhaṇun jhop-l-a fall-prs-npl few dream-npl therefore sleep-passptcp-nsg jā-t nāhi go-prs neg ‘(I) see few dreams, therefore (I) cannot sleep.’ (http://ugachh.blogspot.jp/2014/02/blog-post.html) b. muḷ-āt kadhi lekčar-lā-c bas-l-a jā-t nāhi root-in never lecture-acc-emph sit- passptcp-nsg go-prs neg ‘Basically, (I) can never sit through even the lectures.’ (http://prahaar.in/umang/185922) Owing to the formal and semantic differences between the agent-defocusing go passives and the (in) capability expressing go passives mentioned above, I have treated them as two separate expressions (homonymy) in my previous studies (Pardeshi 2000a, b). Here, viewing the capability function as a somewhat “off-label” or non-canonical one use as in the previous studies by others, I treat them as a single expression having multiple functions (polysemy).

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A very few become passives also express the (in)capability of the agent. (68) prāṇi.premi asl-yā-ne ti-lā te sahan animal.lover be.pst-obl-since she-dat that.n toleration jhāl-a nāhi became-nsg not ‘Being a animal lover she could not bear that.’ (www.tarunbharat.com/?p=117102) Finally, as seen in section 2.1.4, potential passives also express the (in)capability of the agent [see examples (28b, c) and (29b, c)]. The similarities and differences in the kinds of (in)capability that these passives express is a topic for further research. 3.6 Expressing Deference to the Agent The honorification function of the Marathi passives has gone unnoticed so far. As shown in the examples below the come, go and become passives may be used for expressing deference towards the agent of the action. (69) a. kriḍāpaṭu-āṇi-kalākār-ā-n-c-ā athletes-and-artist-obl-pl-gen-msg mahāpaur-ā-n-č-yā-hast-e satkār kar-ṇ-yā-t mayor-obl-pl-gen-obl-hand-by honour.msg do-inf-obl-loc āl-ā come.pst-m ‘Athletes and artists were honoured by the Mayor.’ (jpnnews.webs.com/news%201%20to%2015 %20aug%202011.htm) b. madhy pradeš-c-e mukhy-mantri šivraǰ sinh āṇi Madhya Pradesh-gen-mpl chief-minister Shivraj Sinha and modi-n-c-ā lāl krišṇ aḍvāni Modi-pl-gen-msg Lal Krishna Advani y-ā-n-č-yā-hast-e satkār kel-ā he-obl-pl-gen-obl-hand-by honour.msg do.passptcp-msg gel-ā go.pst-msg ‘The chief-minister of Madhya Pradesh Mr. Shivraj Sinha and Mr. Modi were honoured by Mr. Lal Krishna Advani (former Deputy Prime Minister of India).’ (http://abpmajha.abplive.in/india/2013/09/25/article194291.ece/)

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c. rājy-alp.sankhyānk-āyog-ā-c-e adhyakṣ state-minority-commission-obl-gen-nsg chairman.nsg mohammad husain y-ā-n-č-yā-hast-e bāpaṭ Mohammad Hussain he-obl-pl-gen-obl-hand-by Bapat y-ā-n-c-a satkār jhāl-ā he-obl-pl-gen-msg honour.msg become.pst-msg ‘Mr. Bapat was honoured by the chairman of state minority commission Mr. Mohammad Hussain.’ (http://online3.esakal.com/NewsDetails.aspx?NewsId= 5433677868826663478 Shibatani (1985:837–838) points out that indirectness is a universal characteristic of honorific speech and it can be achieved by avoiding the singling out of an agent to whom deference is directed. In the Marathi honorific expression avoiding the singling out of an agent is done in one of two ways: coding the agent as plural (even though the agent is a single person) and marking the agent with an oblique marker in a passive. In example (69a, b, c), the mayor who is considered the first citizen of a city, the deputy prime minister, occupant of the second highest office at the national council of ministers, and the chief-minister of a state, occupant of the highest office at the state level, are agents. These are honorable posts and people holding these offices are worthy (or not!) of being accorded deference. To avoid direct reference to such honorable agents, a plural form is used although the agent is a single person. Further, unlike the agent defocusing go and come passive use, in the honorific use the agent is obligatory and is marked with a complex postposition č-yā-hast-e (gen-obl-hand-by). In the case of the agent defocusing use of the become passive the agent usually cannot be lexically expressed. However, in the honorific use of the become passive, the agent, as target of deference, is obligatorily expressed as in (69c). Active clauses corresponding to the passives in (69) can also be used for expressing deference to the agent as shown in (70). (70) šambhar.i pār ke.lel-yā mumbai-kar-ā-n-c-ā 100 years age cross do.pstptcp-obl Mumbai-ite-obl-pl-gen-msg mahāpaur šraddhā jādhav y-ā-n-ni satkār kel-ā mayor Shraddha Jadhav she-obl-pl-erg honour.msg do.pst-msg ‘Mayor Shraddha Jadhav honoured Mumbaiites who crossed 100 years of age.’ (http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/msid-6668910)

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In the online search made on the 13th March 2015 the raw frequency of the active in (70) and the passives in (69) is as follows: active, 204 clauses; go passive, 32; come passive 97; become passive 165. These figures suggest that in the genre of journalistic prose passive are as frequently used as their active counterpart in expressing deference to the agent. 3.7 Form-Meaning Correspondences In the previous section various functions/meanings of Marathi passives were discussed. In the table below the form-meaning correspondences are presented in a summary form: table 4

Form-meaning correspondences

passive form

function

Illustrative examples

go passive: v-l@ ja-@

Agent defocusing/Agent blurring Agent’s (in) capability Deference to the agent Spontaneity of occurrence of an event Agent defousing/Agent blurring Deference to the agent Agent suppression Agent’s (in) capability Deference to the agent

(1b), (3a, b) (66), (67) (69b) (61)–(63) (1c), (4a, b) (69a) (10a), (12)–(17) (68) (69c)

come passive: v-ṇyāt ye-@,

become passive: {Action Noun implying agency + become or other verbs like ‘leave’} and other lexically simplex verbs listed in (11) samāpan karmaṇī (completion Completion of an event passive): v-un ho-@ šaky karmaṇī (potential Agent’s (in) capability passive): v-av-t/l-@

(56a), (57)–(60) (28b, c), (29b, c)

Table 4 above shows that go, come and become passives have more than one function. The form of the predicate is identical, but although always non-nominative the marking of the agent may differ from one function to another. The lexico-semantic restrictions on the main verb, and the presence or absence of the agent may also differ. In my earlier works [Pardeshi (2000a, b)], laying emphasis on the differences, I have argued that the potential expression [(in)ability expression], spontaneous expression, and honorific expression are separate expressions. This is the homonymy position. However, as summarized

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in the chart above, the same form is used to express different meanings. Given the one-to-many correspondences between form and function I have adopted the polysemy position.

4

Summary

In this chapter a comprehensive account of the Marathi passives has been presented through a detailed characterization of their formal, and semantic/pragmatic properties. Issues of disagreement with previous work as well as unexplored issues pertaining to the Marathi passive are addressed. I hope that the comprehensive description and functional analysis offered here will contributes to deepening our understanding of various passive expressions and their functions in Marathi, and in other languages as well.

chapter 5

Definition of the Causative 1

Introduction

Like the passive discussed in previous chapters, the causative is also a productive voice phenomenon in Marathi. Chapters five through seven deal with various types of causatives. Chapter five offers a definition, chapter six offers a critical review of previous work, and chapter seven presents a comprehensive account of the formal, semantic, and pragmatic aspects of Marathi’s causatives.

2

Characterization of the Causative

The causative is one of the most hotly discussed topics in the field of linguistic typology: Kholodovich (ed.) 1969, Nedyalkov & Silnitsky (1973), Shibatani (1976), Shibatani (ed.) (1976), Comrie (1981/1989), Kemmer and Verhagen (1994), Song (1996), Shibatani (ed.) (2002), to name just a few. For additional references see Kulikov (2001). An informal characterization of a “causative situation” proposed in Shibatani (1976: 1–2) states that: (i) conceptually, the causative situation consists of two events, namely the causing event and the caused event, (ii) the causing event may temporally antecedes (usually overlaps with) the caused event, (iii) the speaker recognizes (or imputes) a causal relation between the causing event and the caused event, (iv) the causer believes that the occurrence of the caused event is completely dependent on the occurrence of the causing event, that is to say, if all other conditions remained the same, if the causing event had not taken place, the caused event would not have taken place. As per this characterization, English sentences like I told John to go and I know that John went express a transitive situation, but not a causative situation. This is because the former sentence does not commit the speaker to the belief that the event of John’s going occurred after and as a result of the speaker’s telling him to do so. Hence a sentence like I told John to go but he actually did not go is perfectly fine. In the second example, the event of John’s going is in no way dependent on the speaker’s knowing that the event of John’s going took place. Shibatani points out that the terms ‘transitive’ verbs and ‘causative’ verbs may overlap, but not always. Transitive verbs do not necessarily entail a change of state, while causative verbs do. Thus English transitive verbs such as open and melt are transitive as well as causative, while kick and

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push are transitive but not causative.1 In sum, a causative verb is always transitive, but the converse is not always true. A more formal characterization of a causative situation is offered in Kholodovich ed. (1969), which sets out the well-known typological framework for causatives. In the Kholodovichian framework, the use of natural language to characterize causative is avoided and instead symbols and constants are used as meta-language. Nedyalkov & Silnitsky (1973: 1), in their seminal article couched in the Kholodovichian framework, characterize the causative macrosituation (cs) as consisting of at least two micro-situations, which are connected to each other by the relation of causation, c. The causing or causal micro-situation is the antecedent, and the caused micro-situation is the consequent of a causative macro-situation (cs). Thus in the example of a cs such as ‘We returned because the weather got worse’, ‘the weather got worse’ expresses the antecedent and ‘We returned’ expresses a consequent. The relation of causation c is a constant of the cs, which is the determinative component of the causative macro-situation in that it organizes this situation. In addition to this constant, a cs contains at least four more constants: the agent/actor, or subject of the antecedent of the cs (ri), the causal/causing state [or action or event] (si), the patient, or subject of the consequent of the cs (rj), and the caused state [or action or event] (sj). The macro-causative situation (cs) can be symbolically represented as: cs = [ri si] c [rj sj]. The foregoing characterizations of a causative situation and in turn of the causative expression encoding it, are quite broad in nature. They encompass all expressions that encode a causative situation, regardless of their formal features, including for example, the use of causative or resultative conjunctions (e.g. because, so that) or prepositions (e.g. since, because of, due to, thanks to, etc.) as well as a separate predicate of causation (e.g. to cause, to bring it about that), or a single predicate entailing the notion of cause and result (e.g. to kill). In semantic studies, it is quite common to define causative situations in this broad sense. However, in grammatical descriptions of individual languages and also in functional-typological works, most attention has been paid, in particular, to causative expressions where the notion of causation is contained in the predicate, either with a separate predicate of causation like English make, get, have, cause, send, leave, set or French faire ‘to make’, or with causation as one semantic component of the predicate, as in English kill or Turkish öl-dür 1 A verb like ‘open’ may be transitive but it is not always causative since in appropriate contexts it is possible to cancel the entailment as in the following sentence: I wanted to see if cso files open with WinRAR, so I right clicked on them and opened with WinRAR, but it didn’t open. (https://answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20101205041327AASjPE8).

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‘kill, cause to die’ (cf. öl ‘die’) [Comrie (1989: 165–166)].2 This study focuses on causative expressions, where the notion of causation is contained in the predicate, either with a separate predicate of causation, or with causation as a semantic component of the predicate reflected in its bound morphology, if any. In the following chapter a critical review of previous work on Marathi causatives is presented. 2 The English causative predicates send, leave, set are highly constrained in the range of predicates they can causativize.

chapter 6

Previous Studies of Marathi Causatives 1

Introduction

The goal of this chapter is to provide a critical review of previous studies— traditional as well as modern—of the causatives (prayojak1) in Marathi with a view to highlighting: (i) the insights they offer, (ii) issues that need further exploration, and (iii) issues which have escaped the attention of previous studies. The traditional grammars under review are Beames ([1879] 1970), Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), and Damle ([1911] 1970). Modern linguistic descriptions reviewed are Wali (1979), Wali (1981), and Alsina and Joshi (1991). Before reviewing previous work, let us first take a look at the entire spectrum of the formal types of causative verbs in Marathi. This will serve as a background for the assessing the scope of previous studies. On the basis of the morphological relationship between a non-causative verb and its causative counterpart various formal distinctions are proposed as relevant to the typology of causative verbs. Such relationships are usually classified into three types: lexical, morphological, and syntactic [Comrie (1981: 158–177)]. From a formal perspective, lexical and morphological causative forms can be conflated into one category, viz. synthetic causatives, which are phonologically and syntactically one word. The syntactic (or phrasal) causatives, on the other hand are comprised of more than one word (the main verb plus the causative auxiliary verb) and constitute another category, viz. analytic causatives. Both synthetic and analytic causative verb forms exist in Marathi. There are various ways of forming synthetic causative verbs, as illustrated in example (1) below.

1 Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899: 162) points out that, strictly speaking, the noun prayojak (the original instigator of an act) should qualify the agent-subject (i.e. the causer) and not the causal verb. The causal verb should be referred to as prayojy-prayojak-bhāv-sucak kriyāpad (verb implying causal action instigated by the causer). However, this circumlocution is clumsy to use and not easy to pronounce either. Therefore, in the extended sense of the term prayojak, the causal verb is referred to as prayojak kriyāpad.

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(1) Synthetic causative verbs in Marathi a. Labiles moḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (intr.): moḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (tr.) ughaḍ-ṇe ‘to open’ (intr.): ughaḍ-ṇe ‘to open’ (tr.) bhar-ṇe ‘to fill’ (intr.): bhar-ṇe ‘to fill’ (tr.) daḷ-ṇe ‘to be ground’ (intr.): daḷ-ṇe ‘to grind’ (tr.) sos-ṇe ‘to be endured’ (intr.): sos-ṇe ‘to endure, tolerate’ (tr.) dhar-ṇe ‘to stick to; to be borne, produced; to bear fruit, etc.’: dhar-ṇe ‘to hold, retain; to apply, keep [something] at [a place]’ b. Suppletives ye-ṇe ‘to come’: āṇ-ṇe ‘to bring along’ jā-ṇe ‘to go’: ne-ṇe ‘to take along’ or pāṭhav-ṇe ‘to send’ khā-ṇe ‘to eat’: bharav-ṇe ‘to feed’; khā-u ghāl-ṇe ‘to feed, to treat someone to food’ pi-ṇe ‘to drink’: pāj-ṇe ‘give to drink (to breastfeed)’, ‘to treat someone to a drink’ nigh-ṇe ‘to go out’: kāḍh-ṇe ‘to take out’ pāh-ṇe ‘to see’: dākhav-ṇe ‘to show’ c. Internal consonant change phāṭ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (intr.): phāḍ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (tr.) lāg-ṇe ‘to be attached; applied’ (intr.): lāv-ṇe ‘to attach/apply’ (tr.) d. Internal vowel change mar-ṇe ‘to die’: mār-ṇe ‘to kill’ jaḷ-ṇe ‘to burn’ (intr.): jāḷ-ṇe ‘to burn’ (tr.) paḍ-ṇe ‘to fall down; drop’: pāḍ-ṇe ‘to knock down; to bring down’ (tr.) sudhar-ṇe ‘to improve’ (intr.): sudhār-ṇe ‘to improve’ (tr.) e. Internal vowel and consonant change phuṭ-ṇe ‘to burst’ (intr.): phoḍ-ṇe ‘to burst’ (tr.) tuṭ-ṇe ‘to break’ (intr.): toḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (tr.) suṭ-ṇe ‘to be untied; to be solved; to be let go’ (intr.): soḍ-ṇe ‘to untie; to solve; to release’ (tr.) phiṭ-ṇe ‘to be paid back/off (debt/favour)’: pheḍ-ṇe ‘to clear, pay back/ off (debt/favour)’ f. Suffixation vāḷ-ṇe ‘to dry’ (intr.): vāḷ-av-ṇe ‘to dry’ (tr.) bas-ṇe ‘to sit’: bas-av-ṇe ‘to seat’ aik-ṇe ‘to listen’: aik-av-ṇe ‘to narrate, perform; to scold’ mhaṇ-ṇe ‘to recite something’: mhaṇ-av-ṇe ‘to get someone to recite something’

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(2) Analytic causative auxiliary verbs in Marathi v-āylā lāv-ṇe ‘(lit.) to apply/make’ (coercive causation) [to make x do v] v-{āylā/ṇyās} bhāg pāḍ-ṇe ‘(lit.) make fall into one’s destiny/make it a part of one’s responsibility/compel’ (coercive causation) [to compel x to do v] v-un ghe-ṇe ‘to take’ (benefactive causation) [to get y done by x or to get x to do y] v-u de-ṇe ‘to give’ (permissive causation) [to let x do y] Note that analytic causative auxiliaries can themselves belong to the synthetic set: v-āylā lāg-ṇe [x be made to do v]: v-āylā lāv-ṇe [to make x to do v] v-{āylā/ṇyās} bhāg paḍ-ṇe [x be compelled to do v]: v-{āylā/ṇyās} bhāg pāḍ-ṇe [to compel x to do v] Among the synthetic causatives, compared to the other types, suffixation (1f) is relatively regular and more productive (for a larger list see Appendix).

2

Review of Previous Work

Review of previous work is divided into the following two sections: (i) the morphology of causative verb forms, and (ii) the semantics and syntax of causative expressions, and how the semantic aspects of the causative situation are reflected in the syntax of the causative expression, especially in the grammatical status of the causee (the subject of the base verb). 2.1 The Morphology of Causative Verb Forms Except for (1a), in most previous studies, the transitive verbs illustrated in (1b) through (1f) above are treated as (first) causatives. Second (double or higher order) causatives can be derived by adding the causative suffix -av to stem of the (first) causative. If the (first) causative is of the (1f) type, the second (double or higher order) causative derived from it would have two causative suffixes in a row: kar-(a)v-av-ṇe (do-caus-caus-inf) ‘(for x) to cause y to cause z to do v’. However, such forms are found only in grammars, not in real life. May be the absence of the two causative suffixes in a row [-(a)v-av-] in real life leaves a morphological opportunity for the incapacity causatives such as kar-(a)v-av-t nāhi ‘to be unable to do something’ and their ‘causative passive’ counterparts such as kar-(a)v-av-l-a gel-a nāhi ‘x was unable to bring himself to do something’ [see chapter eight, examples (1) through (3)].

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2.1.1 Treatment of the Diverse Formal Types of First Causative Verbs In his pioneering areal survey of morphological causative verbs in South Asian languages, Masica (1976) notes that among the traditional grammarians there is considerable disagreement regarding the application of the term causative, especially with regard to those verbs that do not have a overt causative marker, as, for instance, English drop, kill, break, etc., whose transitive forms modern theoretical works treat as causatives (op. cit.: 40). This observation holds true for traditional and modern Marathi grammarians as well. Among the Marathi synthetic causatives listed in (1), all traditional grammarians unequivocally treat those in (1f) (which involve an overt causative suffix -av) as causatives. However, on the treatment or classification of verbs in (1a–e) [those which lack an overt causative marker], they are divided. Beames ([1879] 1970: 78) agrees that the transitive verbs in (1a–e) are causative in meaning. However, he treats them as active (i.e. transitive in modern terms), adopting a formal criterion: only those verbs that contain an overt causative marker (as in 1f) are regarded as causative. Thus, in the case of triplets like tuṭ-ṇe ‘to break’ (intr.): toḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (tr.): toḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause someone to break something,’ Beames identifies toḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (tr.) as an active form and toḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause someone to break something’ as causative.2 Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899), and Damle ([1911] 1970), on the other hand, treat (1c) through (1f) as causative [not (1a) or (1b)]. Note that (1c), (1d), and (1e) do not contain an overt causative marker: they all involve stem modification. On the status of suppletive forms in (1b), however, Tarkhadkar and Damle differ. Tarkhadkar agrees that the transitive verbs in (1b) are semantically causative, but adds that it would not be improper to treat them as purely transitive (non-causative). Damle, on the other hand, treats the transitive verbs in (1b) as causative.3 Labile (ambi-transitive) verbs in (1a) seem to have escaped the attention of both Tarkhadkar and Damle, since they do not mention them. Marathi has only a handful of labile verbs. Modern linguistic studies of Marathi causatives, viz. Wali (1979), Wali (1981), and Alsina and Joshi (1991), treat all the forms listed in (1) as causatives. However, none

2 Inferring the direction of derivation based on synchronic form may be misleading in that the direction of historical derivation may be the opposite. That is, an intransitive verb might be derived from a transitive by back formation. In this study I confine myself to a synchronic analysis. 3 It should be added that there are numerous verbs which formally look like causatives, but are not semantically true causal verbs (e.g. karkar-av.i-ṇe ‘to grind the teeth’ derived from karkar ‘a grating sound’). Such stems are built on the model of Sanskrit denominatives and are intransitive. Traditional grammars do not treat them as causative verbs [see, for example, Beames (op. cit.: 84–89)].

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of the previous studies, traditional or modern, discuss the analytic/syntactic causatives in Marathi illustrated in (2). Wali (1979: 414) claims that Marathi does not have an independent causative verb and therefore a periphrastic causative sentence like the English Max caused Mary to die is completely absent in the language. Wali’s observation is simply wrong. She herself notes in a footnote (fn 9, p. 436) that Marathi has a periphrastic causative featuring the coercion auxiliary verb lāv-ṇe. 2.1.2

Treatment of the Second (Double or Higher Grade) Causative Verbs Both traditional as well as modern studies include discussion of so-called second (double or higher grade) causatives. These causatives usually feature causee-agents as intermediaries between the first causer and the ultimate causee in a causal chain. Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899) and Damle ([1911] 1970) observe that double causative verbs can be derived by adding the causative suffix to a synthetic causative verb, as in soḍ-ṇẽ → soḍ-iv-ṇẽ (to untie y → cause x to untie y), kar-iv-ṇẽ → kar-v-iv-ṇẽ (to cause x to do y → to cause z to cause x to do y). They offer the following examples in which the (a) version is noncausative; (b), the first causative; and (c), the second causative. Example (3) is from Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899: 168), while examples (4) and (5) are from Damle ([1911] 1970: 154). (3) a. rāmā tẽ kām kar.i-t-o Rama.msg that job do-prs-msg ‘Rama does that job.’ b. rāmā viṭhu-kaḍun tẽ kām kar-iv-t-o Rama.msg Vithu-by that job do-caus-prs-msg ‘Rama causes Vithu to do that job.’/‘Rama get that job done by Vithu.’ c. rāmā viṭhu-kaḍun govindā-č-yā-hāt-un tẽ kām Rama.msg Vithu-by Govinda-gen-obl-hand-from that job kar-v-iv-t-o do-caus-caus-prs-msg ‘Rama causes Vithu to cause Govinda to do that job.’ (4) a. mul nij-t-ẽ baby.nsg sleep-prs-nsg ‘The baby sleeps.’

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b. dāi mul-ā-lā nij-av.i-t-ẽ nanny.fsg baby-obl-acc sleep-caus-prs-fsg ‘Nanny puts the baby to sleep.’ c. āi dāi-kaḍun mul-ā-lā nij-v-iv-t-ẽ mother.fsg nanny-by baby-obl-acc sleep-caus-caus-prs-fsg ‘Mother causes nanny to put the baby to sleep.’ (5) a. naḷ-ā-nẽ rāmešvar-ā-c-ā setu bāndh.i-l-ā Nal-obl-erg Rameshvar-obl-gen-msg bridge.msg build-pst-msg ‘Nal built the bridge of Rameshvar.’ b. māruti-nẽ naḷ-ā-kaḍun rāmešvar-ā-c-ā setu Maruti-erg Nal-obl-by Rameshvar-obl-gen-msg bridge.msg bāndh-av.i-l-ā build-caus-pst-msg ‘Maruti caused Nal to build the bridge of Rameshvar.’ c. rāmā-nẽ māruti-kaḍun naḷ-ā-č-yā-hāt-ẽ Rama-erg Maruti-by Nal-obl-gen-obl-hand-by rāmešvar-ā-c-ā setu bāndh-av.i-v-l-ā Rameshvar-obl-gen-msg bridge.msg build-caus-caus-pst-msg ‘Rama caused Maruti to cause Nal to build the bridge of Rameshvar.’ Damle ([1911] 1970) observes that, in double causatives, instead of using two causative affixes in a row (-av-av), often only one causative affixes (-av) is used. The use of a single causative affix does not have any impact on the meaning of the double causative, since the three participants (causer1, causee1 and causee2) are present in a fairly fixed order in the sentence and they are also marked differently one from another. In the case of a double causative based on a transitive verb base, the marking of the first and the second causee is kept distinct by using different postpositions. If the root verb is intransitive, the causee is marked with the accusative marker. If the root verb is transitive the causee is marked with one of the following oblique marking postpositions: -kaḍun ‘by’, -karvĩ ‘at the hands of’, or -hātun ‘at the hands of’. Note that intransitive verbs are not classified into active intransitive (volitional intransitive, unergative) and inactive intransitive (non-volitional intransitive, unaccusative) groups in Damle’s work and he gives no example of a causative based on an active intransitive. Damle speculates that in any language the use of double causatives would be rare (op. cit.: 154–155). Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899) also adds that dou-

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ble causatives are rarely used and their use depends on the speaker’s will (op. cit.: 168). Wali (1981:295) observes that these causatives are not commonly used, but they are discussed in grammar books and are also readily accepted by many native speakers, which is prima facie evidence that they are part of native speakers’ linguistic competence (or at least that grammar books affect native intuitions). Although double causatives are mentioned in grammars and linguistic papers, I have not yet found a single example of a double causative in online sources. Therefore, I will not discuss double causatives in the present study. 2.2 The Syntax and Semantics of the Causative Expression The two most widely discussed syntactic issues pertaining to causative expressions are: (i) their underlying syntactic structure and (ii) identifying the grammatical status of the causee (the subject of the base verb). Both these issues are closely related to the semantics of the causative situation. 2.2.1 Underlying Syntactic Structure In studies couched in the generative grammar framework, an abstract underlying structure is posited for the superficially simplex causative expression. Wali (1979) deals with the issue of the nature of the abstract underlying representation of Marathi causatives. She demonstrates that in some causative expressions in Marathi, the reflexive pronoun āpaṇ can occur. This reflexive pronoun requires its antecedent to be in a higher clause, hence its occurrence in a causative expression implies that such a causative expression must have a complex (embedded) underlying structure. Wali also notes that there are other causative expressions in which āpaṇ cannot occur. These expressions imply that such causatives are underlyingly simplex. However, Wali (op. cit.: 406) argues that all causatives in Marathi should be assigned an underlying complex structure and the apparent anomalies/counterexamples (i.e. causative expressions having simplex structure in which āpaṇ cannot occur) should be accounted for by incorporating analogical rules in the grammar. In her later work, viz. Wali (1981), she maintains her claim that all causatives are underlyingly complex, but rejects the analogical solution proposed in Wali (1979), since it fails to account for io (indirect object) duplication in causative clauses in French, Italian, and Old Georgian (op. cit.: 290). Simple structures in languages rarely allow two indirect objects (ios), whereas causatives in those languages do allow two ios. This situation presents a problem for the analogical account, in that there is no simple structure in the language available to analogize with. A similar problem occurs in the case of higher grade causatives (that is causatives involving more than one causee like the double causatives

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discussed above) in Marathi, Gujarati, and other Indic languages (Punjabi, Sindhi, and Kashmiri). The higher grade causatives also may contain multiple ios, but there are no simple structures that contain multiple ios in these languages with which the higher grade causative can analogize. An example of a higher grade causative from Marathi cited in Wali (1981: 296) is given below. (6) mini-ne lili-kaḍun Mini-erg[causer] Lily-by[causee1][io] suši-č-e-karvi vinay-lā patr Sushi-gen-obl-hand.by[causee2][io] Vinay-dat letter.nsg[do] lih-v-av-l-e write-caus-caus-pst-nsg ‘Mini caused Lili to cause Sushi to write a letter to Vinay.’ According to Wali (1981: 296) although there are multiple ios in the higher grade causative, the marking of each of them is different: causee1 with -kaḍun and causee2 with -karvi. The nps to which these postpositions are attached cannot be switched around, although the languages in question have relatively free word order. The fixed order suggests that the causees are hierarchically organized. The non-acceptability judgment on scrambling of elements in double causatives seems to be based on Wali’s intuition. Wali (1981: 306) observes that the causee is a ‘second order agent’ although formally it looks like an io (indirect object) in some languages. From this fact, she argues that a purely syntactic approach is inadequate and there is a need for incorporating a semanticpragmatic component in universal grammar. Wali (1981), while maintaining the complex underlying structure proposal advocated in Wali (1979), abandons the analogical solution and offers a semantic-pragmatic analysis to account for the multiple ios in the higher grade causative and their occurrence in a fixed order. As for Marathi, examples like (6) are only found in grammars and linguistic research papers. I could not find a single example of a double causative on web sources (google search made on 21st June 2015). Higher order causatives will not be discussed in this study. The interested reader should consult Wali (1981). A legitimate question is whether positing an underlying abstract syntactic representation is the only way to account for the phenomenon of reflexive binding (or other phenomena like the scope of adverbial modification)? Can these phenomena be explained even without positing an abstract underlying syntactic representation? Following Shibatani (2002) and Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002), I opt for a semantic approach, which can handle the syntactic

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phenomena in a straightforward way without positing an abstract underlying syntactic representation (see chapter 7, section 5.2). 2.2.2 Grammatical Status of the Causee In the formation of a causative expression, according to the ‘paradigm case’ proposed by Comrie (1985: 335), the causee (subject of the base verb) is demoted down the grammatical relations hierarchy: subject (sub) > Direct object (do) > Indirect object (io) > Oblique object (oo) to the highest unfilled position. Wali (1981) and Alsina and Joshi (1991) discuss an interesting case where the causee can show up either as a io or as an oo. Wali (1981: 305) provides the following example (transcription and glosses partially modified). mini-lā madh cāṭ-av-l-ā (7) a. mi i.erg Mini-dat[io] honey.msg[do] lick-caus-pst-msg ‘I caused Mini to lick the honey (by putting it in her mouth).’ b. mi mini-kaḍun madh cāṭ-av-l-ā i.erg Mini-by[oo] honey.msg[do] lick-caus-pst-msg ‘I had Mini lick the honey (by ordering or instructing her).’ Wali adds that the interpretation of the io (indirect object) causee as patient fits the regular ‘direct’ or contactive situation, wherein the causer physically manipulates the causee. The agent causee shows up as an oo (oblique object), on the other hand, when, for example, an instructee receives instruction from the causer, i.e. a non-contactive (directive) situation. The distinction in the causee’s grammatical status is determined by a more abstract governing factor such as contactive/non-contactive causation (op.cit.: 306). A similar phenomenon has been analyzed by Alsina and Joshi (1991), but in a different framework, viz. lexical-functional grammar. Their primary goal is to provide a principled account of the cross-linguistic variation that is attested in the grammatical functions assigned to the causee. Alsina and Joshi argue that the approaches based purely on syntactic principles cannot explain the syntactico-semantic correlations that they have listed. They claim that the cross-linguistic variation in the grammatical function of the causee is related to the semantics of the causative predicate (op. cit.: 1). Alsina and Joshi divide transitive verbs in Marathi into 3 groups: (i) regular transitives (‘beat’, ‘catch’, ‘shake’ etc.), (ii) ingestive transitive (‘eat’, ‘drink’, ‘see’ etc., termed by them as “nourishment verbs”), and (iii) a special sub-class of ingestive transitives containing only three items (‘smell’, ‘taste’, and ‘lick’). In the case of regular transitive verbs, the causee is realized as an oblique; in

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the case of ingestive or nourishment verbs, it is realized as accusative/dative; while in the case of a special sub-class of ingestive verbs, it appears either as accusative/dative or oblique.4 The examples they provide are given below. I give the example of the special sub-class first, where the causee may show up either as accusative/dative or oblique, and then the remaining two (op. cit.: 6– 7). The causees are shown in boldface. causative based on special-class ingestive transitive (8) a. sumā-ni šyām-lā auṣadh cāṭ-av-l-e Suma-erg Shyam-dat medicine.n lick-caus-pst-n ‘Suma made Shyam lick the medicine.’ [causee in accusative] b. sumā-ni šyām-kaḍun auṣadh cāṭ-av-l-e Suma-erg Shyam-by medicine.n lick-caus-pst-n ‘Suma had the medicine licked by Shyam.’ [causee as oblique] causative based on ingestive transitive (9) sumā-ni rām-lā pāṇi pāj-l-e Suma-erg Ram-dat water.n drink-caus-pst-n ‘Suma made Ram drink water.’ [causee in accusative/dative] causative based on regular transitive (10) sumā-ni rām-{kaḍun/*lā} šyām-lā mār-av-l-e Suma-erg Ram-{by/acc} Shyam-acc beat-caus-pst-nsg ‘Suma made Ram beat Shyam.’ [causee as oblique] Compare example (7) from Wali (1981) with example (8) from Alsina and Joshi. They involve the same base verb, viz. ‘lick’ and the same situation, but with different direct objects (honey vs. medicine). Note that both Wali and Alsina and Joshi stress that a purely syntactic account does not work and that a semantic analysis is necessary in order to account for these cases.

4 In Marathi, if overtly expressed, the accusative case marker is identical to the dative case marker, viz. -lā (in the case of singular) and -nā (in the case of plural). Otherwise, (if the object is inanimate), it is zero.

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Contributions of Previous Studies and Outstanding Issues

As seen in the foregoing section, previous analyses offer valuable insights into the morphology, syntax, and semantics of causatives, especially into the case marking of the causee. Wali (1981) and Alsina and Joshi (1991) discuss cases of variation in the case marking of the causee as exemplified in (7) and (8). They argue that purely syntactic accounts fail to handle such cases and stress the necessity of semantic account. Wali accounts for the variable causee’s role in terms of a higher governing factor such as the inherent mode of causation: contactive [as in (7a)] or non-contactive [as in (7b)]. On the notion of contact she elaborates as follows (op. cit.: 306, emphasis added): … in contactive causation the causer is directly involved in bringing about the action. The causee in such cases becomes a mere patient appropriately represented by the object category. In the non-contactive causation the causer does not directly participate in the action. The rôle of the causer is like that of a super planner or director. It is this rôle that gets modified as an employer, instructor, or a permitting authority depending upon the nuances of the various verbs. The rôle of the causee is then modified accordingly. Alsina and Joshi (1991) claim that the variation in the grammatical function of the causee, either as object or as an oblique as in (8a) and (8b), is sensitive to the semantics of the causative predicate. In their words (op. cit.: 1. emphasis added): The object realization of the base subject implies a direct action of the causer on that argument in order to bring about the caused event, while the oblique realization of the base subject corresponds to a situation in which the causer brings about the caused event without acting on the base subject to achieve this result. I agree with Wali (1981) and Alsina and Joshi (1991) on the point that a semantic explanation is necessary in order to account for phenomena such as the grammatical status of the causee. However, I disagree with their formulations of semantic accounts quoted above. The major problem with these formulations is that they are very vague. Key notions such as contact or directness of causation are not precisely characterized. In the semantics of causation, the distinction between contact vs. distant causation is widely discussed. This distinction has been proposed in Kholo-

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dovich (ed.) (1969), in a 310-page monograph reporting the findings of the typological project on causatives undertaken by the Leningrad/St. Petersburg typological school. In his monograph Kholodovich and his followers offer a comprehensive framework for the description and analysis of morphological and lexical causatives [for a conspectus of the Kholodovichian framework in English, see Nedyalkov and Silnitsky (1973)]. Masica (1976, chapter 3) uses the Kholodovichian framework for describing causatives in South Asian and other languages. He sums up the essence of the Kholodovichian notion of ‘distant’ vs. ‘contact’ causation in terms of presence vs. absence of an intermediary: in distant causation an intermediary is present, while in contact causation, an intermediary is absent (1976: 55). Saksena (1982: 823) criticizes the characterization of the notion of contact as proposed in Kholodovich (ed.) (1969), and adopted by Masica (1976, Chapter 3) and many others in South Asian linguistics. According to Saksena there is a widespread misconception that the concept of contact in causation is a unitary concept, which cannot be further analyzed. She proposes decomposition of the notion of contact into two semantic components: (a) whether or not the causer is personally involved in the verb activity [± involved] and (b) whether or not the causee is affected [±affected]. In the words of Saksena: For causative contact to be initiated, the causer must be personally involved in the verb activity (op. cit.: 824, emphasis added). Shibatani (2002: 11–14) and Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 86–91) point out that despite the immense importance of the notion of contact in the semantics of causativization, this notion has not been satisfactorily and rigorously defined. Regarding Saksena’s notion of ‘personally involved’ causer in the ‘verb activity’ as quoted above, Shibatani (2002: 13) argues that the notions of ‘personal involvement’ and ‘verb activity’ are not precisely defined. Concretely speaking, in a causative event such as ‘breaking a cup’ it is not possible for the causer to get ‘personally involved’ in the activity of breaking the cup, since it is the cup alone that undergoes the change-of-state. As for ‘verb activity’ it is not clear which verb activity she refers to. If it is the entire causative event, then the causer is personally involved in all types of causatives. Otherwise there would be no causation at all. If by verb activity Saksena means the activity denoted by the root verb, still her definition would be problematic, since in a contactive causative situation like parh-ā ‘teach’, the causer does not (necessarily) get involved personally in the activity of learning (parh‘learn or read’), when (s)he teaches. The same criticism applies as well to the description by Wali (1981) and Alsina and Joshi (1991). Like Saksena’s notion of notion of ‘personal involvement’, Wali’s notion of ‘direct involvement’ and Alsina and Joshi’s notion of ‘direct action’ in the foregoing quotes

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from their works remain vague. Also, like Saksena’s notion of ‘verb activity’, Wali’s notion of ‘action’ is unclear. There are numerous ways in which the causer can interact with the causee in order to bring about the caused event. For understanding the intricacies of the interaction between causer and causee, and the consequent repercussions on the form of the causative expression, a more fine-grained semantic analysis is required. While previous analyses have underscored the importance of base/root verb semantics in the phenomenon of causation, they have not presented a coherent framework for capturing the correspondence of meaning with the form that expresses it. Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) propose such a framework, one that takes semantics as a starting point for the description and analysis of causatives. This framework offers insights into an understanding of the semantic similarities and differences among various types of causative situations, and also enables us to capture the form-meaning correspondence in a straightforward way. Further, it also proposes an alternative to the analyses that posit an underlying abstract representation for explaining syntactic phenomena like reflexive binding or scope of adverbial modification and paves the way to accounting for these phenomena without positing underlying abstract representation. I adopt this semantic framework for offering a comprehensive description and detailed analysis of causative situations, and their mapping onto causative forms in Marathi. The major underexplored issue in the grammar of causation in Marathi is the detailed explication of the semantics of a causative situation, and its repercussions on the syntax of the causative expression. In doing this, the semantics of the base/root verb should be taken as a starting point. Another unexplored issue is the description of the semantics and syntax of the analytic (syntactic) or phrasal causatives in (2) above, which are widely used in Marathi. The phrasal causative makes use of various auxiliary verbs to encode causative meaning. Marathi has at least two auxiliary verbs for marking causation [lāvṇe ‘(lit.) to apply/ make’, bhāg pāḍ-ṇe ‘(lit.) make fall in one’s destiny/make it a part of one’s responsibility’/compel] and another two more auxiliary verbs, ghe-ṇe ‘to take’ for expressing self-benefactive causation, and de-ṇe ‘to give’ for expressing permissive causation (for details see chapter 7, section 2.1). In the following chapter a comprehensive and detailed analysis of all types of causatives in Marathi (including the analytical/phrasal causatives) is offered through a detailed characterization of their morphological, semantic, and syntactic properties. Finally, it should be added that the semantic framework adopted for description of Marathi causative does not include causative situations in which the causer is an inanimate entity, state or situation as shown in the following examples [also see Chapter five, examples (1) and (2)].

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(11) a. tsunāmi-ne jag-ā-t-il asankhy kuṭumb-ā-n-nā Tsunami-erg world-obl-in-adj innumerable family-obl-pl-ac udhvast.kel-e devastated.do.pst-3nsg ‘The tsunami has devastated the lives of innumerable families in the world.’ (http://prahaar.in/maharashtra/kokanachamewa/169562) b. pāṇi tancai-ne yeth-il ādivāsi-n-nā bejār water shortage-erg here-adj aboriginal-pl-acc exhausted kel-e..... do.pst-3nsg ‘The water shortage has exhausted the aboriginal people in this place.’ (http://navshakti.co.in/thane/64779/) c. pāvs-ā-ne mumbai-kar-ā-n-nā purte rain-obl-erg Mumbai-ite-obl-pl-acc completely bhij-av-un ṭāk-l-e get.wet-caus-cvb throw-pst-3nsg ‘The rain completely soaked Mumbaiites.’ (http://navshakti.co.in/featured/79830/) The causal situations depicted in (11) can also be rendered using an intransitive (non-causative) predicate as shown in (12) below. (12) a. h-i šahar-e tar bhukamp tsunāmi āg āṇi ātā this-npl city.n-pl top earthquake tsunami fire and now kiraṇotsārg-ā-č-yā dhok-yā-ne radiation-obl-gen-obl danger-obl-due.to udhvast.jhāl-i āhe-t devastated.become.pst-npl be.prs-pl ‘These cities have become devastated by earthquake, tsunami, fire and now due to the radiation.’ (article.wn.com/.../WNATe7f29f0d1611c051f270c6f5a) b. rājy-ā-t-il hajār-o gāv-pāḍ-e state-obl-in-adj thousand-pl town-hamlet-mpl piṇ-yā-č-yā pāṇ-yā-č-yā ṭancāi-ne drink-obl-gen-obl water-obl-gen-obl shortage-due.to

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bejār.jhāl-e āhe-t exhausted.become.pst-mpl be.prs-pl ‘Thousands of towns and hamlets in the state have become exhausted due to drinking water shortage.’ (www.saamana.com/2014/May/25/Link/Utsav2.htm) c. ti-c-e sarv.āng pāvs-ā-ne bhij-l-e ho-t-e she-gen-n entire.body.n rain-obl-due.to get.wet-pst-n be-prs-n ‘Her entire body was soaked by the rain.’ (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?id...fbid) The examples in (11a), (11b) and (11c) are stylistic variants on corresponding intransitives in (12a), (12b) and (12c). The transitive versions are often used in journalistic and literary prose. Unlike the transitives, in the intransitive versions the causer can also be marked with instrumental -muḷe as shown in (13) below. (13) a. mandir-ā-c-ā ek-ac khāmb šillak āhe. bāki temple-obl-gen-obl one-emph pillar.m remaining be.prs rest sarv bahudā bhukamp-ā-muḷe udhvast.jhāl-e all probably earthquake-obl-due.to devastated.become.pst-mpl as-āvet be.fut.pl ‘Only one pillar of the temple is remaining. Rest all are probably become devastated due to the earthquake.’ [cf. (12a)] (http://www.bankapure.com/2013/09/JungliJaigad-Kolkewadi.html) b. japān-madhye 11 mārč 2011 roǰ-i ā-lel-yā Japan-in 11 March 2011 day-on come-pstptcp-obl tsunāmi-muḷe sumāre 20 hajār jaṇ-ā-n-c-ā Tsunami-due.to about 20 thousand people-obl-pl-gen-obl mrutyu jhāl-ā hot-ā death.m become.pst-m be.pst-m ‘In Japan about twenty thousand people died due to the Tsunami that came on the 11th March 2011.’ [cf. (12a)] (http://webmarathi.in/posts/4580)

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sinčan-yojnā-hi c. pāṇi-ṭancāi-muḷe jilh-yā-t-il water-shortage-due.to district-obl-loc-adj irrigation-scheme-also band.paḍ-ṇār āhe-t come.to.end-fut be.prs-pl ‘Due to water shortage the irrigation schemes in the district will also come to an end.’ (http://www.zengatv.zeekalinga.com/marathi/news/pune-western -maharashtra/) d. soyābin pāvs-ā-muḷe bhij-l-e ho-t-e soybean.n rain-obl-due.to get.wet-pst-n be-prs-n ‘The soybean crop was soaked due to the rain.’ (http://www.esakal.com/esakal/20101106/5034498311394886208.htm) I treat the examples in (11) which involve non-human causers as non-canonical causatives and do not discuss them further.

chapter 7

A Comprehensive Account of Marathi Causatives 1

Introduction

In the preceding chapter a critical review of past studies of Marathi causatives was presented. Employing the functional perspective and semantically oriented framework set out in Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) this chapter presents a comprehensive account of the morphology, semantics, and syntax of all types of Marathi causatives: synthetic (lexical/morphological) and analytic (syntactic/periphrastic).

2

The Morphology of Causative Verb Forms

In present day Marathi both synthetic and analytic causatives co-exist. As noted in the previous chapter, all the previous accounts of the Marathi causative focus exclusively on the synthetic (lexical/morphological) causatives. They do not discuss analytic (syntactic/periphrastic) causatives at all. Let us first take a look at the repertoire of Marathi’s causatives. 2.1 Inventory of Formal Types of Causative Verbs From a formal point of view, causatives in Marathi can be broadly classified into two groups: synthetic (lexical and morphological) and analytic (syntactic/periphrastic). As stated in chapter six, synthetic causatives can be further divided into six sub-types on the basis of the morphological relationship between the non-causative and the causative verb. Representative examples of each type are given below. In each example, the (a) version is a causative and the (b) version is the corresponding non-causative. Labile (1) a. ti-ne kheḷṇa moḍ-l-a she-erg toy.nsg break-pst-nsg ‘She broke the toy.’

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b. kheḷṇa moḍ-l-a toy.nsg break-pst-nsg ‘The toy broke (by itself).’ (2) a. rām-ne khiḍki ughaḍ-l-i Ram-erg window.fsg open-pst-fsg ‘Ram opened the window.’ b. khiḍki ughaḍ-l-i window.fsg open-pst-fsg ‘The window opened.’ Suppletive (3) a. ti-ne muli-n-nā kholi-t {āṇ-l-e / ne-l-e / she-erg girl-pl-acc room-in {bring-pst-nsg / take-pst-nsg / pāṭhav-l-e} send-pst-nsg} ‘She {brought/took/sent} the girls into the room.’ b. muli kholi-t {āl-yā / gel-yā} girls.fpl room-into {come.pst-fpl / go.pst-fpl} ‘Girls {came/went} into the room.’ (4) a. dogh-ā-n-ni ekmek-ā-n-nā kek bharav-l-ā both-obl-pl-erg each.other-obl-pl-acc cake.msg feed-pst-msg ‘Both of them fed cake to each other.’ b. dogh-ā-n-ni kek khā.l-l-ā both-obl-pl-erg cake.msg eat-pst-msg ‘Both of them ate cake.’ Internal consonant change (5) a. t-yā bāi-ne kāgad phāḍ-l-ā that-obl lady-erg paper.msg tear (tr)-pst-msg ‘That lady tore the paper.’

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b. (t-yā bāi-c-ā hāt lāg-un) kāgad (that-obl lady-gen-msg hand.msg touch-cvb) paper.msg phāṭ-l-ā tear (intr)-pst-msg ‘The paper tore (due to inadvertent touch of that lady’s hand).’ (6) a. t-yā-ne ghar-ā-lā āg lāv-l-i he-obl-erg house-obl-to fire.fsg apply-pst-fsg ‘He set fire to the house.’ b. ghar-ā-lā āg lāg-l-i house-obl-to fire.fsg attach-pst-fsg ‘The house caught fire.’ Internal vowel change (7) a. atireki lahān-mul-ā-n-nā-hi mār-t-āt extremist.mpl.nom little-kid-obl-pl-acc-also kill-prs-mpl ‘Extremists kill little kids also.’ b. apghāt-ā-t hajāro lahān-mule-hi mar-t-āt accident-obl-in thousands little-kids.npl-also die-prs-npl ‘Thousands of little kids also die in accidents.’ (8) a. t-yā-ne ghar jāḷ-l-a he-erg house.nsg burn (tr)-pst-nsg ‘He burnt the house.’ b. āgi-ne ghar jaḷ-l-a fire-by house.nsg burn (intr)-pst-nsg ‘The house burnt due to the fire.’ Internal vowel and consonant change (9) a. polis-ā-n-ni puḍh-č-ya bāju-c-ā ārsā police-obl-pl-erg front-gen-obl side-gen-msg mirror.msg phoḍ-l-ā break(tr.)-pst-msg ‘The police broke the front mirror.’ (http://marathi.yahoo.com/, accessed on 8 June 2015)

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b. (cenḍu ādaḷ-un) ārsā phuṭ-l-ā ball.msg hit-cvb mirror.msg break(intr.)-pst-msg ‘The mirror broke (due to being hit by the ball).’ (10) a. t-yā dogh-ā-n-ni ti gāṭh soḍ-l-i that-obl two-obl-pl-erg that knot.fsg untie-pst-fsg ‘Those two untied the knot.’ (saneguruji.net/2011-02-28--08-05-51.html?start=85, accessed on 8 June 2015) b. thoḍ-yā vel-ā-ne ti gāṭh suṭ-l-i some-obl time-obl-after that knot.fsg get.untied-pst-fsg ‘After sometime that knot came untied.’ (http://maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/maharashtra/pune/, accessed on 8 June 2015) Suffixation (11) a. āi-ne ḍrāyar-ne kapḍe vāḷ-av-l-e mother-erg dyer-by cloths.mpl dry-caus-pst-mpl ‘Mother dried the cloths in the dryer.’ b. kaḍkaḍit unh-ā-ne kapḍe lagec vāḷ-l-e strong sun.light-obl-by cloths.mpl immediately dry-pst-mpl ‘The cloths dried immediately due to the strong sun light.’ (12) a. guru-ne šiṣy-ā-kaḍun mantr mhaṇ-av-l-e teacher-erg disciple-obl-by mantra.mpl recite-caus-pst-mpl ‘The teacher caused the disciple to recite mantras (Vedic hymns).’ b. šiṣy-ā-ne mantr mhaṇ-l-e disciple-obl-erg mantra.mpl recite-pst-mpl ‘The disciple recited mantras (Vedic hymns).’ In their treatment of synthetic causatives in (1a) through (12a) traditional grammars differ and they do not talk at all about the labiles in (1a). Most modern studies, on the other hand, regard all types of transitive verbs in (1a) through (12a) as causative. A fairly comprehensive list of lexical pairs of non-causative and causative verbs in Marathi (160 pairs) is given in the Appendix. Among the synthetic

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causatives, the suffixing type is the most productive. It should be added that all six types of synthetic forms illustrated in (1a) through (12a) qualify as lexical causatives, because they are not predictable on the basis of their intransitive counterparts. They must be learned individually and therefore must be listed in the lexicon. The -av suffix has a moderately high degree of productivity, as those intransitive verbs that do not have a corresponding synthetic causative forms in (1a)-(10a) take this suffix. On the other hand, it is not fully productive, as it cannot be attached to those verbs having causatives of the (1a)-(10a) pattern; forms such as *ughaḍ-av-ṇe ‘to open’, *khā-av-ṇe ‘to feed’, *mar-avṇe ‘to kill’, etc. do not exist. The -av suffix does not readily combine with transitive verbs. Example (12a) is a rare instance of a suffixal causatives based on a transitive base. While grammars and linguistic research papers do discuss suffixal causatives based on transitive verbs (see chapter 6 for such examples) and such forms are grammatically acceptable, they are rather uncommon in day-to-day speech. The verb soḍ-ṇe ‘to release, to set free’ is one of the few transitive verbs that easily combine with -av. (13) tumc-e bhaviṣy ujval āhe jar ekhād-yā you.gen-n future.n bright be.prs if some-obl kinvā āmdār-ā-č-yā camč-yā-lā mantr-yā-č-yā mla-obl-gen-obl toady-obl-acc minister-obl-gen-obl or turung-ā-t-un soḍ-av-l-e tar! jail-obl-loc-from release-caus-pst-nsg then ‘Your future is bright is you get to release the toady of a minister or a mla (member of the legistative assembly) from the jail!’ (http://www.esakal.com/esakal/20110525/4753664430463934847.htm) In modern Marathi, periphrastic causative forms of transitive bases [see (14)– (17) below] seem to be more common. As briefly noted in the previous chapter, in addition to the synthetic causatives illustrated above Marathi has analytic or phrasal causatives. These causatives involve the ‘auxiliary’ verbs listed below, which are attached to an infinitival form of the base verb. In the following examples, attested data for analytic causatives are given in (a), along with their coined non-causative counterparts in (b).

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lāv-ṇe ‘(lit.) apply, attach/make’; used for coercive causation, e.g.; (14) a. t-yā-n-ni kendr-sarkār-lā cuk durust he-obl-pl-erg central-government-dat mistake.fsg correct kar-āy-lā lāv-l-i do-l.inf-dat make-pst-fsg ‘They made the central government correct the mistake.’ (maharashtratimes.indiatimes.com/.../37662405.cms?) b. kendr-sarkār-lā cuk durust {kar-āy-lā/ central-government-dat mistake.fsg correct do-l.inf-dat/ kar-āv-i} lāg-l-i do-l.inf-f be.attached-pst-fsg ‘The central government had to correcte the mistake.’ bhāg pāḍ-ṇe ‘(lit.) make fall in one’s destiny/make it a part of one’s responsibility/compel’; used for coercive causation, e.g.; (15) a. āhir yā-n-ni mālk-ā-lā kāmgār-ā-n-č-yā Ahir he-obl-pl-erg owner-obl-acc worker-obl-pl-gen-obl ghar-ā-sāṭhi mil-č-i jāgā d.y-āy-lā house-obl-for mill-gen-fsg land.fsg give-l.inf-dat bhāg.pāḍ-l-e compel-pst-nsg ‘Mr. Ahir compelled the owner to turn over the mill’s land for building houses for the workers.’ (Loksatta, dated 21-8-2013) b. mālk-ā-lā kāmgār-ā-n-č-yā ghar-ā-sāṭhi owner-obl-dat worker-obl-pl-gen-obl house-obl-for mil-č-i jāgā {d.y-āy-lā/de-ṇ-yā-s/de-ṇe} mill-gen-fsg land.fsg give-l.inf-dat/give-inf-obl-dat/give-inf bhāg.paḍ-l-e be.compelled-pst-nsg ‘The owner was compelled to turn over the land of the mill for building houses for the workers.’

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de-ṇe ‘(lit.) give/let’; used for permissive causation, e.g.; ghe-u dil-e (16) a. ti-ne-hi malā 4–5 phoṭo she-erg-also i.dat 4–5 photos.mpl take-s.inf let.pst-mpl ‘She also let me take 4 or 5 photos.’ (omkarkelkar.blogspot.com/2012/07/blog-post.html) b. malā 4–5 phoṭo gh.y-āy-lā miḷ-ā-l-e i.dat 4–5 photos.mpl take-l.inf-dat get-obl-pst-mpl ‘I got to take 4 or 5 photos.’ ghe-ṇe ‘(lit.) take/take’; used for benefactive causation, e.g.; (17) a. yā-vibhāg-ā-t-il šeti-hi t-yā-n-ni this-area-obl-loc-adj agriculture.f-also he-obl-pl-erg amerik-e-t-il muḷ rahivāši va aphrik-e-t-un America-obl-loc-adj original residents and Africa-obl-loc-from āṇ-lel-yā nigro-n-kaḍun kar(-av)-un ghe.t-l-i bring-pstptcp-obl Negro-pl-from do-(caus)-cvb take-pst-f ‘{He/She (honorable)} got the land in this area also tilled by the American aboriginals and Negros brought from Africa.’ (encyclopedia.balaee.com/Admin/Content.aspx? title … lang=mr) šeti-hi amerik-e-t-il b. yā-vibhāg-ā-t-il this-area-obl-loc-adj agriculture.f-also America-obl-loc-adj muḷ rahivāši va aphrik-e-t-un āṇ-lel-yā original residents and Africa-obl-loc-from bring-pstptcp-obl nigro-n-ni kel-i Negro-pl-erg do.pst-f ‘The American aboriginals and Negros brought from Africa tilled the land in this area also.’ In the analytic causatives above, the causative auxiliary verbs are glossed as ‘make’ in (14a), ‘compel’ in (15a), and ‘let’ in (16a) instead of their literal meaning. viz. ‘apply/attach’, ‘(lit.) make fall into one’s destiny/make it a part of one’s responsibility’ and ‘give’ respectively, to give an approximate sense of the type of causal meaning they add. As compared to the synthetic causatives, analytic causatives are highly productive. For example, coercive causatives, (14a) and (15a) above, can be formed from all active intransitive (unergative), ingestive/middle type semi-transitive,

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and transitive verbs. The permissive causatives in (16) can be built on all types of verbs: inactive intransitive (unaccusative), active intransitive, ingestive/middle type semi-transitive, and transitive verbs. Self-benefactive causatives in (17) can be built on all transitive verbs, and very rarely on ingestive/middle type semi-transitives. (18) kandāpohe de-un svatahā-lā bagh-av-un ghy-āy-c-e kandapohe give-cvb self-acc see-caus-cvb take-s.inf-gen-nsg ‘Offering Kandepohe (a name of a dish) [to x] and get onself seen [by x for being chosen as a prospective life partener].’ (http://www.misalpav.com/node/11916) Suffice it to say here that, for a systematic understanding of causatives, it is necessary to take into consideration the root verb semantics (see section 3). With this introduction to the repertoire of Marathi causative forms, let us turn to issues of classification, degree of regularity, and degree of synthesis/lexicalization/grammaticalization of these formal types. 2.2 The Formal Continuum of Causative Verbs in Marathi In typological studies it is customary to classify causatives into three formal types: lexical, morphological, and syntactic (analytic or periphrastic) (see Givón 1980, Comrie 1981, 1985). As noted by Givón (1980) and Comrie (1981, 1985) the boundary lines between these three categories are not always clear and borderline cases are not hard to find. It has been also pointed out that these three types form a continuum, and further, each type has its own (sub-)continuum. As for the productivity of these forms, in general, analytic or phrsal causative forms are almost completely productive (except for inactive intransitive and some ingestive/middle type transitive bases). Lexical forms are by definition non-productive. The degree of productivity of morphological causatives varies from one language to other. Shibatani (1973/1975) and Nedyalkov and Silnitsky (1973:7) define the term ‘lexical’ causatives, not in formal terms, but in terms of productivity: lexical causatives refer to those forms which are not fully or broadly productive. This characterization of lexical causatives is adopted in the present work. Due to their semi-regular forms, lexical causative forms need to be learned individually and need to be listed in the lexicon. Thus, in the case of Marathi, in addition to the formal lexical types such as the labile [(1), (2)] and the suppletive type [(3), (4)], morphological forms such as the stem modification type [internal consonant change [(5), (6)], internal vowel change [(7), (8)] and internal consonant and vowel change [(9), (10)]] are also treated as lexical causatives, since they are non-productive (fossilized) and

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non-predictable.1 The productive forms, on the other hand, are those forms that are derived by a regular and productive means. The syntactic (analytic or periphrastic) forms are the typical exemplars of this category.2 The agglutinative -av suffixal forms [(11) and (12)], as noted before, are more productive than lexical causatives, but not completely predictable, and as such they would fall between lexical causatives and productive causatives. Productivity is understood here as a scalar, gradient, and relative concept: some forms are more productive than others. Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 103) propose a refined formal continuum with morphologically unanalyzable causative forms and segmentable analytic forms at opposite poles, and synthetic causative forms lying between the two. According to them, this formal continuum represents the degree of synthesis or fusion and reflects the degree of grammaticalization of the forms in question: morphologically unanalyzable causative forms occupy the high end of the scale and segmentable analytic forms occupy the low end as shown in Table 1. On the formal side, they argue that each of these three classes contains members that show different degrees of synthesis, and that the boundaries between the three main types are also fuzzy. Drawing insights from Givón (1980), they demonstrate that, cross-linguistically, analytic or periphrastic causative constructions in Korean, German, and French, show different degrees of subordination/incorporation of the caused event into the main clause expressing the causing event. The variation in the degree of incorporation is also observed within a language, for example, French faire and the laisser causatives.3 They claim that the variation along formal lines correlates with the degree of grammaticalization on the semantic side. For example, the English verbs cause, persuade, and force retain their literal meaning or simply have no other meaning, but causative get, make, and have no longer convey their basic meanings, showing the semantic bleching/change characteristic of grammaticalization. Viewing the analytic or periphrastic causative in Marathi in this perspective, permissive causative and benefactive causatives show a difference in their degree

1 Some causative forms involving stem modification such as phuṭ-ṇe ‘to burst’ (intr.): phoḍ-ṇe ‘to burst’ (tr.) tuṭ-ṇe ‘to break’ (intr.): toḍ-ṇe ‘to break’ (tr.), phāṭ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (intr.): phāḍ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (tr.), jaḷ-ṇe ‘to burn’ (intr.): jāḷ-ṇe ‘to burn’ (tr.) form a sematic cluster, which can be labelled as ‘verbs of destruction’. 2 The English causative auxiliary verbs such as ‘send’, ‘set’ and ‘leave’ are counterexamples in that they are highly constrined in the range of predicates they can causativize. These auxiliary verbs can be considered as non-protoypical cases of analytic causatives. 3 See Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 104–105) and Achard (2002, section 4) for further details.

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of grammaticalization. The Marathi permissive causative employs the verb deṇe ‘to give’, and the benefactive causative ghe-ṇe ‘to take’ as shown in example (16) and (17) above. When de-ṇe ‘to give’ and ghe-ṇe ‘to take’ are used as main verbs, they naturally require that an object nominal be transferred from the donor/source to the receiver/goal. This lexical requirement is retained in the regular (i.e. non-causative) benefactive construction, where de-ṇe ‘to give’ is used as an auxiliary verb expressing the meaning of benefaction as in (19a). If there is no transferrable object, benefactive conversion is not allowed as shown in (19b). (Non-causative) benefactive construction (19) a. bābā-n-ni sitā-lā skuṭar vikat ghe-un father-pl-erg Sita-dat scooter.fsg purchase take-cvb dil-i give.pst-fsg ‘Father bought Sita a scooter.’ b. *āi-ne sitā-lā bājār-ā-lā jā-un dil-e mother-erg Sita-dat market-obl-all go-cvb give.pst-nsg ‘(Lit.) Mother went Sita to the market.’/ ‘Mother went to the market for Sita.’ In the permissive causative construction using de-ṇe ‘to give’ as an auxiliary verb, the restriction requiring the presence of a transferrable object does not hold, as shown in the following examples. The de-ṇe permissive causative (20) a. bābā-n-ni sitā-lā skuṭar vikat ghe-u father-pl-erg Sita-dat scooter.fsg purchase take-s.inf dil-i give.pst-fsg ‘Father let Sita buy a scooter.’ b. āi-ne sitā-lā bājār-ā-lā jā-u dil-e mother-erg Sita-dat market-obl-all go-s.inf give.pst-nsg ‘Mother let Sita go to the market.’

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Compared to the de-ṇe permissive causative constructions, the ghe-ṇe benefactive causative requires the presence of an object nominal, which can be construed as an object or intangible benefit transferred to the causer. The ghe-ṇe benefactive causative (21) a. rām-ne sitā-kaḍun patra lih-(av)-un ghe.t-l-i Ram-erg Sita-by letter.npl write-caus-cvb take-pst-npl ‘Ram got the letters written by Sita.’ b. *rām-ne sitā-kaḍun bājār-ā-lā jā-un ghe.t-l-e Ram-erg Sita-by market-obl-all go-cvb take-pst-nsg ‘Ram got Sita go to the market.’/ ‘Ram benefitted from Sita’s going to the market.’ From the above examples it is clear that the de-ṇe ‘give’ permissive causatives in (20) are more grammaticalized than ghe-ṇe ‘take’ benefactive causatives in (21).4 From the point of view of degree of synthesis, analytic/phrasal forms are the least synthesized or, in other words, feature components that are clearly separable. They are highly regular, and they are more productive than the other types of causatives discussed in section 2.1 above. The transition from the analytic (periphrastic/syntactic) causatives to the synthetic causatives of the suffixation type is not clear. The suffix -av does not have a lexical meaning of its own, nor does it show any obvious phonological resemblance to an independent lexical item. In the earliest attestation of causative in Sanskrit in the Rig-Veda (Vedic Sanskrit or Old Indo-Aryan), the causative is marked by the verbal suffix -áya- (Cardona 1978). The subsequent development from Old Indo-Aryan thtough Middle Indo-Aryan (Pāli and Prākrits) to New Indo-Aryan (Hindi-urdu, Bengali, Marathi, etc.) as described in Kulikov (2009: 84) is as follows. In early Vedic causatives can only be derived from intransitives and intransitive/transitive (i/t) verbs of perception and communication such as ‘see’, ‘know’, ‘drink’, ‘speak’. In Middle Vedic (Vedic prose or Brāhmaṇas) causatives of transitives such as ‘make’, ‘take/carry’ are attested. Finally, in late Vedic and post-Vedic (Sūtras, Epic Sanskrit) the earliest attestations of double causatives in -āpaya- appears [e.g. aś ‘z eat a’: āśayati ‘y cause z to eat a’ (single causative): aśāpayti ‘x cause y to cause z to eat a’ (dou-

4 Hindi, Gujarati and Kashmiri have give permissive causatives while only Kashmiri has take benefactive causatives as in Marathi (Peter Hook, personal communication).

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ble causative)]. These formations correspond to Middle and New Indo-Aryan double causatives. Edgerton (1946: 95–96) notes that most roots ending in ā take -paya- to form causative as in dā ‘to give’: dāpayati ‘cause to give’. He adds that the -aya- forms may have the same meaning as that of the root verb in addition to the causative meaning: kārayati not only means ‘causes to make or do’ or ‘causes to be made or done’ but also ‘makes, does’. The -paya- forms, unlike the -aya- forms, are invariably causative in meaning and due to their unequivocably causative meaning these forms saw enormous spread in Middle Indic where they become -āpaya-, -āpe- or -āve-. Bloch ([1914] 1970: 240) states that the Marathi casuative suffix -ava- or -avi- is derived from Sanskrit -paya-, Prakrit -ve-. According to Bloch (op. cit.) the Prakrit -ve- normally culminates in the Marathi causative suffix -vi-. The vowel following v is in principle -ā- (as in Hindi, Gujarati, Sindhi, Bengali and Oriya) but in Marathi it is shortened to -aand has an allomorph, viz. -i- giving rise to twin causative suffix: -ava- and -avi-. Like analytic (syntactic/phrasal) causatives, synthetic causatives also show differences with respect to the degree of synthesis and grammaticalization. From the point of view of synthesis, they can be divided into several groups ranging from those featuring an agglutinative affix [example (11), (12)] to pure lexical forms that are morphologically unanalyzable [examples (1) through (10)]. The causative auxiliary verbs such as de-ṇe ‘to give’ or lāv-ṇe ‘to make’ and causative suffix -av are clearly segmentable. Causatives derived by stem modification mechanisms, such as change of internal vowel as in paḍ-ṇe ‘to fall’ vs. pāḍ-ṇe ‘to trip, make fall’, or consonantal changes as in phāṭ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (intr.): phāḍ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (tr.) or both, as in phuṭ-ṇe ‘break (intr.)’ vs. phoḍ -ṇe ‘break (tr.)’ are fusional [examples (5) through (10)]. Finally, there are purely lexical causatives which do not contain any identifiable causative marking at all. Causatives that are identical in form with their non-causative counterparts, such as ughaḍ-ṇe ‘to open’ (intr.): ughaḍ-ṇe ‘to open’ (tr.) [labile in example (1) and (2)], and causatives that are not morphologically related to their causative forms, such as nigh-ṇe ‘to go out’: kāḍh-ṇe ‘to take out’, khā-ṇe ‘to eat’: bharavṇe ‘to feed’ [suppletive in (3) and (4)] fall into this class. Among the synthetic causative forms listed in (1) through (12), the suffix -av is more productive than other mechanisms. However, as noted earlier, these formations are lexically determined and not mutually interchangeable. Purely lexical types (suppletive) are more lexicalized than fusional ones (involving stem modifications), which in turn are more lexicalized than the agglutinative (suffixal) type. The analytic ones are not lexicalized. The formal continuum discussed above can be summarized in the following table representing three related parameters: degree of synthesis, degree of grammaticalization, and degree of regularity/productivity.

126 table 1

chapter 7 Formal continuum of Marathi causative

In the following section, I will show in detail that there is a great deal of functional overlap among the formally distinct types of causative forms. In the functional-typological approach adopted here, a systematic and explicit articulation of the correspondence between the formal dimension and the functional/semantic dimension of the causative forms is presented in the form of a semantic map. My discussion shows how formally distinct types of causative are distributed along the semantic dimension of directness of causation.

3

The Semantics of Causative Situations

As noted in the previous chapter, previous works on Marathi have underscored the importance of base/root verb semantics in the phenomenon of causation. However, they have not presented a coherent framework for understanding the correspondence of meaning with the form that expresses it. Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) propose such a framework which takes semantics as the starting point of analysis, and allows us to capture the form-meaning correspondences in a straightforward way. Let us take a closer look at this framework.

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3.1

(Re)definition of Direct/Indirect Causation: Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 86–91) stress the need to take into consideration the semantics of the base/root verb from which the causative verb is derived. They point out that in Japanese the two classes of intransitive verbs, namely the inactive (unaccusative) and active (unergative) intransitive verbs, differ from each other in terms of verbal derivation. Inactive intransitive verbs usually have a corresponding lexical causative verb and lack a truly productive causative verb. Active intransitive verbs, on the other hand, have a lexical causative counterpart only occasionally. Like transitive verbs, they derive causative forms regularly using the productive causative form as shown in Table 2 below. table 2

Derivation patterns of inactive intransitive, active intransitive and transitive verbs in Japanese

Lexical causative Productive causatives Passives Inactive intransitives yes Active intransitives no Transitives —

no yes yes

no yes yes

In Marathi also the pattern presented in Table 2 is fairly robust (see Appendix). As noted before, among lexical causatives, those derived through the addition of the -av suffix are relatively more productive, compared to those derived through change in internal vowel and/or consonant alternation. A few illustrative examples are given below. (22) a. Inactive intransitive bāṭli phuṭ-l-i bottle.fsg break (intr)-pst-fsg ‘The bottle broke.’ b. Transitive (lexical causative) rām-ne bāṭli phoḍ-l-i Ram-erg bottle.fsg break (tr)-pst-fsg ‘Ram broke the bottle.’

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c. Causative based on inactive intransitive *rām-ne bāṭli phuṭ-av-l-i Ram-erg bottle.fsg break (intr)-caus-pst-fsg ‘Ram caused the bottle to break.’ (23) a. Active intransitive āmhi cāl-l-o we.nom walk-pst-1pl ‘We walked.’ b. (no corresponding lexical causative verb derived through change in internal vowel and/or consonant alternation available) c. Causative based on active intransitive āi-ne āmh-ā-lā {cāl-av-l-e / cāl-āy-lā mother-erg we-obl-acc walk-caus-pst-nsg / walk-l.inf-dat lāv-l-e} make-pst-nsg ‘Mother {caused/made} us to walk.’ (24)

Transitive a. bhim-ā-nẽ ǰarāsandh-ā-s mār-l-e Bhim-obl-erg Jarasandha-obl-acc kill-pst-nsg ‘Bhim killed Jarasandha.’ Causative based on transitive b. kriṣṇ-ā-nẽ bhim-ā-kaḍun ǰarāsandh-ā-s Krishna-obl-erg Bhim-obl-by Jarasandh-obl-acc mār-av-l-e kill-caus-pst-nsg ‘Krishna had Bhim kill Jarasandha.’ (www.maayboli.com) c. kriṣṇ-ā-nẽ bhim-ā-lā ǰarāsandh-ā-s mār-āy-lā Krishna-obl-erg Bhim-obl-acc Jarasandh-obl-acc kill-l.inf-dat lāv-l-e make-pst-nsg ‘Krishna made Bhim kill Jarasandha.’

Many transitive verbs (e.g., toḍ-ṇe ‘break’, mār-ṇe ‘to kill’) express causative meanings in the sense that the agent’s action is a particular process that leads

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to a change of state in the referent of the object nominal. In modern linguistic studies (for example, Shibatani 1973/1975, 1976a, Shibatani and Pardeshi 2002) they are referred to as lexical causatives. As noted before, some traditional grammarians in Marathi have not treated such transitive verbs as (lexical) causatives. Typically they considered causative verb forms to be those forms that were associated with specific morphemes that have a certain degree of productivity. Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 88) point out that although many languages make this distinction between transitive verbs with a causative meaning (lexical causatives) and productive causative forms, making a neat distinction between the two is not always possible. In Marathi, the same causative suffix -av can be used both for deriving transitive verbs with a causative meaning (lexical causative; vāḷ-ṇe ‘to become dry’ → vāḷ-av-ṇe ‘to dry’), as well as for deriving (indirect) causative verbs from transitive base forms, such as kar-ṇe ‘to do something’ → kar-av-ṇe ‘to cause someone to do something’. Furthermore, even in those languages that make a clear distinction between the two types of causative, the productive type may be recruited to fill gaps in the verbal lexicon. Although such possibilities do exist, Shibatani and Pardeshi claim that many languages usually make a formal distinction in expressing the semantic contrast between ‘direct’ and ‘indirect’ causation—lexical causatives typically express ‘direct’ causation, while productive causatives usually express ‘indirect’ causation (to be defined more explicitly below). As noted in the previous chapter, a similar contrast referred to as ‘contact’ versus ‘distant’ causation is proposed in Nedjalkov and Sil’nickij (1969), and was adopted by Masica (1976), Wali (1981), and Saksena (1982) (with reservations), among others. Shibatani and Pardeshi note that these terms have been used rather loosely, either without a rigorous definition or in slightly different senses depending on the authors and the context. Avoiding the terms ‘contact’ versus ‘distant’ causation, Shibatani (1973/1975) uses terms such as ‘manipulative’ versus ‘directive’ causation, which characterize prototypical causational acts involved in the respective causative situations. Lexical causatives often express situations involving physical manipulation of an object or person (the causee) by the causer, whereas productive causatives typically involve the causer’s giving an oral directive or instruction to the causee. These typical correspondences among the semantic type of the causative situation, the formal type of the causative verb, and the morphological productivity of the causative form are summarized in table 3.

130 table 3

chapter 7 Typical correspondences among semantic type of causation, formal type of causative verb form, and morphological productivity of the causative verb form

Semantic type of causative situation

Formal type of causative verb form

Morphological productivity of the causative verb form

Contact/Direct/Manipulative Distant/Indirect/Directive

Lexical Morphological/Syntactic

Non-productive Productive

Later on Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 89–90) propose redefining direct and indirect causation in such a way that direct causation, usually expressed by lexical causative forms, typically has a manipulative interpretation, whereas indirect causation, usually expressed by productive causative forms, typically implies directive interpretation. In other words, lexical causatives represent a situation, in which the causee is conceptualized as a patient who is physically manipulated by the causer, while productive causatives express a situation, in which the causee is also an agent, who, in carrying out the caused event, acts in accordance with the directions of the causer. In the latter case the causation is indirect in the sense that the causer does not usually get physically involved in the execution of the caused event. In sum, direct causation involves an agentive causer and a patientive causee, while indirect causation involves two agentive participants: an agentive causer and an agentive causee (which is also a patient). Although the real world nature of the causee is a good first approximation in characterizing direct vs. indirect causation, it is not the ultimate feature distinguishing direct from indirect causation. Direct causation may involve a human causee (as in John seated him on his bed) and indirect causation may involve a non-human causee (as in John caused the metal to melt). Shibatani and Pardeshi advocate that the ultimate defining feature of the contrast between the direct and indirect causation should be the spatio-temporal configuration of the entire causative event (op. cit.: 89). In cases where the causee is patientive, the execution of the caused event is mostly dependent on the causer’s action. Owing to this dependence, there is a spatio-temporal overlap of the causing event and the caused event. Therefore the causing event and the caused event cannot be clearly distinguished chronologically. It is this spatio-temporal overlap of the causing and the caused event that motivates conceptualization of the entire direct causative situation as a single event. On the other hand, when the causee is a volitional agent, able to execute the caused event of his or her own will, the causee enjoys a degree of autonomy. In such cases, although the

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figure 1

Direct causation

figure 2

Indirect causation

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causer is the ultimate source of the caused event, the causing and the caused event may involve separation in space and time. Furthermore, as the caused event has its own agent, it may have its own spatial and temporal profiles, which can be distinct from those of the instigating causing event. This separability of the caused event from the causing event, referred to as ‘distant causation’, resists the integration of the causing event and the caused event. Therefore, the whole causative situation need not be construed as a single event. Shibatani and Pardeshi represent the distinctions between direct and indirect causation by means of event structure representations given above (op. cit.: 90). The abbreviations used in these diagrams are: a for agent, p for patient, an arrow indicates an event segment, which is a potential unit expressable by a verb. The representation a→p→, as in Fig. 1, indicates a transitive action chain, which means that a’s action extends to the event segment involving p (a→p) which in turn leads to the event of change of state in p (p→). Thus a→p→ represents direct causation. For example, if a kills p, a’s killing action, (a→p), results in p’s dying event (p→). Due to this transitivity of a’s action, there is a spatio-temporal overlap in direct causation, between the causingevent segment (a→p) and the caused-event segment (p→). The notion of direct causation derives from the conceptualization of a causative situation as involving the same spatio-temporal profile for both the causing-event segment and the caused-event segment, as in Fig. 1. In contrast to direct causation, in indirect causation, an agentive causee (a’) capable of executing the caused event on his own without the intervention of the causer (a) is involved. Owing to this, the temporal and spatial profiles of the causing-event and the causedevent segment may be distinct. The temporal profiles at least must be distinct for a situation to be conceptualized as indirect, but the spatial profile can be the same for the causing and the caused event-segments, as shown in Fig. 2.

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Direct (contact/manipulative) vs. indirect (distant/directive) causatives differ in terms of their event structure as well. Direct causatives are construed as single-event, while indirect causatives are construed as two distinct events. Shibatani and Pardeshi view these differences in terms of the configuration of the spatio-temporal profiles of the two relevant event segments. A causative situation consisting of a single spatio-temporal profile for the causing-event and the caused-event segment, as in Fig. 1, tends to be construed as a single event, whereas a situation involving distinct spatio-temporal profiles for the two relevant event segments, as in Fig. 2, is likely to be conceptualized as consisting of two distinct events. The tendency for transitive verbs to be unanalyzable atomic lexical units represents this conceptualization of direct causation as a unitary event. On the other hand, there is a tendency to express indirect causation using a complex form. Haiman (1985: 108–111) interprets these tendencies in terms of a iconic principle: the conceptual distance between cause and result will correspond to the formal distance between cause and result. Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002, Section 5) argue that the formal characteristic is not an entirely reliable measure for a cross-linguistic investigation of the formfunction correlation; a more reliable predictor is the degree of productivity of the form. Against the backdrop of the (re)definition of direct/indirect causation proposed by Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) let us take a closer look at the interaction between the base/root verb semantics and the types of causation in Marathi. 3.2

Interaction between Base/Root Verb Semantics and Types of Causation in Marathi The synthetic causatives in (1) through (10) generally correspond to inactive intransitive verbs (but see below for exceptions). A large majority of the -av suffix forms in (11) and (12), can also be paired with inactive intransitive verbs. The situations expressed by the synthetic causatives typically involve direct causation. In a sharp contrast to synthetic causatives, analytic/periphrastic lāv-ṇe ‘make ( other oblique constituent. The grammatical relation of the causee will depend on the argument structure of the base verb. If the base verb does not have a direct object, then the causee will appear as a direct object (do); if it has a direct object, but no indirect object, then the causee appears as indirect object (io); if the base verb has both a direct and indirect object, then the causee appears as oblique object (oo). In sum, the subject of the base verb (= the causee of the causative expression), is demoted from the subject position down the hierarchy to the next-highest position not yet filled. Although this hierarchy works quite well, it is not free from exceptions, which Comrie (1976) also notes. In his evaluation of the formal approach of the ‘paradigm case’, Comrie (1989) discusses counterexamples to the absolute interpretation of the hierarchy mentioned above (op. cit.: 174–183). One of the counterexamples

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involves skipping of a position on the hierarchy (aka extended demotion), as in shown by the causative based on a transitive verb in Marathi in (56) below. (56) a. gārd-yā-n-ni t-yā-č-i hatyā ke-l-i guard-obl-pl-erg he-obl-gen-fsg murder.fsg do-pst-f ‘The guards murdered him.’ gārd-yā-n-{karvi/*nā} b. rāghobādādā-n-ni Raghobadada-pl-erg.pl guards-obl-pl-{hands.via(oo)/dat (io)} t-yā-č-i hatyā kar-av-l-i he-obl-gen-fsg murder.fsg do-caus-pst-fsg ‘Raghobadada got him murdered by the guards.’ (gauravsv.blogspot.com/2010_04_01_archive.html) In the suffixal causative in (56b), the causee ‘guards’ surfaces as an oblique object (oo) and not as indirect object (io), contrary to the prediction of Comrie’s paradigm case (or noun phrase accessibility) hierarchy. Another apparent counter-example to the paradigm case, involves syntactic doubling of grammatical relations. In the following causative example [(57b)] there are two dos, namely, the do of the base verb and a newly created do, the causee. These two dos are marked alike. However, syntactic tests like control of reflexive or passivization reveal that only the newly created do, the causee, controls the reflexive [(57c) and (57d)] and can become the subject of the passive clause [(57d)]. (57) a. rām-ne šyām-lā baḍav-l-e Ram-erg Shyam-dat beat-pst-nsg ‘Ram beat Shyam.’ b. mohan-ne rām-lā šyām-lā baḍav-āy-lā lāv-l-e Mohan-erg Ram-dat Shyam-dat beat-l.inf-dat make-pst-nsg ‘Mohan made Ram beat Shyam.’ svatahā-č-yāi/j/*k kholi-t c. mohan-nei rām-lāj šyām-lāk Mohan-erg Ram-dat Shyam-dat self-gen-obl room-loc baḍav-āy-lā lāv-l-e beat-l.inf-dat make-pst-nsg ‘Mohani made Ramj beat Shyamk in hisi/j/*k room.’

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svatahā-č-yā*i/j/*k kholi-t d. mohan-kaḍuni rām-lāj šyām-lāk room-loc Mohan-by Ram-dat Shyam-dat self-gen-obl baḍav-āy-lā lāv-l-e gel-e beat-l.inf-dat make-passptcp-nsg go.pst-nsg ‘Ramj was made to beat Shyamk by Mohani in his*i/j/*k room.’ In Marathi, the grammatical relation of the causee varies with the type of the causation: do in the case of coercive causation, and oo in the case of benefactive causation [see (50a, b)]. Alsina and Joshi (1991: 7) present a similar case for a class of 3 verbs ‘smell’, ‘taste’ and ‘lick’ in Marathi, which they consider as a sub-class of ingestive verbs. These three verbs may be used to express the intake of a very small amount of stimulus. The causee of these verbs can surface either as a io (like other ingestive verbs) as in (58a), or as an oo (like transitive verbs) as in (58b). The corresponding basic transitive clause is provided in (58c) for reference. (58) a. sumā-ni šyām-lā auṣadh cāṭ-av-l-e Suma-erg Shyam-dat medicine.n lick-caus-pst-n ‘Suma made Shyam sample/taste the medicine.’ (Shyam as a beneficiary) b. sumā-ni šyām-kaḍun auṣadh cāṭ-av-l-e Suma-erg Shyam-by medicine.n lick-caus-pst-n ‘Suma had the medicine sampled/tasted by Shyam.’ (Shyam as a taster) c. šyām-ne auṣadh cāṭ-l-e Shyam-erg medicine.n lick-pst-n ‘Shyam sampled/tasted the medicine.’ Although the syntactic valency of the base verb is the same, the grammatical relation of the causee varies. Comrie (1981/1989) notes that the formal explanation based on a syntactic (i.e., noun phrase accessibility) hierarchy has no success here. Such alternation of the causee’s grammatical relation highlights the need to take semantic factors into consideration. As seen in the previous chapter, Wali (1981) offers a semantic-pragmatic analysis of this issue. Under the semantic approach proposed by Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002), the explanation for this variation is straightforward: in the case of direct causation in (58a), the causee is a patient, hence it surfaces as a io, while in the case of benefactive causation in (58b), the causee is an intermediary agent employed by the causer, hence it shows up as an oo.

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5.2 Underlying Syntactic Structure Another hotly debated issue in the literature on causatives is whether the underlying structure of superficially simplex synthetic causative clauses is simplex (mono-clausal) or complex (bi-clausal). Fodor (1970), Shibatani (1972), and others argue for the former position, while McCawley (1968), Shibatani (1973, for the Japanese productive -sase causative), Wali (1979, 1981), among others, advocate the latter position. Shibatani (2002: 18–19) raise a fundamental question: Do we need a level of syntactic representation between the event structure consisting of two causally connected sub-events (the causing event and the caused event) and the superficially simplex causative expression? Shibatani and Pardeshi propose that the recognition of the intermediary category of sociative causation offers a new perspective on the correlation between lexical (synthetic) causatives and direct causation on the one hand, and productive causatives and indirect causation on the other. Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002: 109–116) show that the sociative causation is expressed by using moderatly productive lexical forms (-av form in Marathi and -i/-hi/-li/-ki form in Korean) causative forms in Marathi and Korean, while in English and Japanese the sociative causative is rendered by using more productive forms (make/have in English and -sase in Japanese). Although the forms differ, they show identical behaviour in terms of scope of adverbial modification, reflexive binding, suggesting that actual forms do not matter to the syntax. What matters is the type of causation. Shibatani and Pardeshi propose that, with their semantic approach, phenomena like adverbial modification and reflexive binding, which were suggested as evidence for positing a complex underlying structure, can be directly accounted for in terms of the event structure that they posit (see Figs. 1 through 4). In the event-structure representation given in Fig. 1 through Fig. 4 above, the issue of the structure of a causative situation can be explained in a straightforward way: direct causation involves spatio-temporal overlap of the causing and caused event, and hence it is usually conceptualized as one single, fused (composite) event. Indirect causation, on the other hand, does not necessarily involve spatio-temporal overlap of the causing event and caused event, and thus it may be conceptualized as consisting of two distinguishable events. The popular test of adverbial modification shows that due to its separability from the causing event only for indirect causatives can the caused event alone be within or under the scope of an adverb’s modification. (59) a. rām-ne ti-lā pāc-vājtā uṭh-av-l-e Ram-erg she-acc five-o’clock get.up-caus-pst-nsg ‘Ram got her up at five o’clock.’ [Direct causative]

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b. rām-ne ti-lā pāc-vājtā uṭh-āy-lā lāv-l-e Ram-erg she-acc five-o’clock get.up-l.inf-dat make-pst-nsg ‘Ram made her get up at 5 o’clock.’ [Indirect causative] (60) a. rām-ne ti-lā āi-č-yā kholi-t Ram-erg she-acc mother-gen-obl room-loc jhop-av-l-e sleep-caus-pst-nsg ‘Ram put her to sleep in the mother’s room.’ [Direct causative] b. rām-ne ti-lā āi-č-yā kholi-t jhop-āy-lā Ram-erg she-acc mother-gen-obl room-loc sleep-l.inf-dat lāv-l-e make-pst-nsg ‘Ram made her sleep in the mother’s room.’ [Indirect causative] Example (59a) illustrates direct causation and it implies that the causing event (Ram’s causing her to get up) and the caused event (her getting up) occurred at 5 o’clock, suggesting their temporal overlap. In contrast, example (59b), shows that indirect causation, in addition to the same interpretation as that of (59a), allows an interpretation where only the caused event occurred at 5 o’clock. The latter reading indicates that the caused event is conceived as a distinct unit, which can be modified independently of the causing event. Likewise, the direct causative in (60a) means that both the causer (Ram) and the causee (she) were in the mother’s room, while the indirect causative in (60b) can also mean that only the causee (she) went to mother’s room and slept there. This reading shows that the caused event may be clearly spatially (and temporally) dissociated from the causing event. In the following section, I will attempt to locate Marathi causatives in the global/cross-linguistic typology of causatives.

6

Typology of Causatives and Marathi Causatives

An important issue widely discussed in the typological literature on causatives is the morphological relationship between lexical pairs of non-causative and causative verbs [see Nedjalkov (1969), Haspelmath (1993), Jacobsen (1985, 1992), Hook (1996), Nichols et al (2004), among others]. This issue has not been explored hitherto for pairs of non-causative and causative verb in Marathi.

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6.1

Lexical/Basic Valence Orientation: Non-Causative/Causative Verb Alternations Haspelmath (1993) is an important contribution to the typology of morphological relations between non-causative (what he calls “inchoative”) and causative verb pairs. Drawing on insights from Nedjalkov (1969), Haspelmath sets up a list of thirty-one inchoative/causative verb pairs, given in (61), and identifies their translational equivalent (or equivalents) in twenty-one languages of the world to find out the direction of derivation (if there is one): whether the causative member is derived (non-causative→causative) or the non-causative member is derived (non-causative←causative). His hypothesis is that the formal relationship between the non-causative and causative verb would reflect an iconic principle: the conceptually basic situation would be represented by formally basic/simple linguistic forms, while the conceptually more complex situation would be rendered using formally derived/complex linguistic forms as proposed by Haiman (1980). (61) 31 inchoative/causative verb pairs from Haspelmath (1993: 97) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

wake up break burn die/kill open close begin learn/teach gather spread sink

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

change melt be destroyed/destroy get lost/lose develop connect boil rock go out/put out rise/raise finish

23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

turn roll freeze dissolve fill improve dry split stop

The morphological relationships between the pairs of non-causative verbs and their causative counterparts are broadly classified into two types: directed and non-directed. In the directed type pairs, there are two sub-types: causative type (the transitive member is morphologically more marked than the intransitive, abbreviated as c) and anticausative type (the intransitive member is morphologically more marked than the transitive, abbreviated as a). In the non-directed type of pairs there are three sub-types: labile (both intransitive and transitive are formally identical, abbreviated as l), equipollent (both members of the pair are marked morphologically, but in different ways, abbreviated as e), and suppletive (intransitive and transitive have different roots, abbre-

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viated as s). On the basis of cross-linguistic similarities and differences in the patterns of derivation attested across the twenty-one languages he investigates, Haspelmath proposes a number of typological generalizations. Determining the direction of derivation on the basis of the linguistic form alone is easier in the case of pairs involving suffixation [cf. example (11) and (12)]. It is bit more difficult in the cases of stem modification [cf. examples (1) through (10)]. Haspelmath (1993) discusses criteria for deciding the direction of derivation in the case of stem modification at length, and proposes three criteria for identifying the basic stem in such pairs, namely: (i) phonological markedness, (ii) direction of neutralization, and (iii) productivity, the last two being crucial in the case of Hindi-Urdu (op. cit. 97–100). With regard to the Hindi-Urdu data, the non-causative forms may contain a high lax vowel (i, u) or mid-low vowel (a), whereas the causative counterpart contains either a tense high vowel (ī, ū) or a mid-vowel (e, o) or a low vowel (ā) as in pairs like piṭ-nā ‘take a licking’/pīṭ-nā ‘beat up’, luṭ-nā ‘get robbed’/lūṭ-nā ‘rob’, phir-nā/phernā ‘turn (intr.)/(tr.)’, khul-nā/khol-nā ‘open (intr/tr)’ and san-nā/sān-nā ‘be kneaded/knead’. Haspelmath argues that since the neutralization is in the direction of inchoative (non-causative), the causative (transitive) is basic/less marked (op. cit.: 98). Further, Haspelmath also considers productivity of a derivation pattern as a predictor of the direction of derivation. Drawing on Saksena (1982: 18–19), Haspelmath argues that in Hindi-Urdu, in the case of derivation of a ‘new’ verb through stem modification, only the derivation of inchoatives (non-causatives) from causative (inchoative/non-causative ←causative) is productive, not the reverse direction (op. cit.: 98). Therefore, according to the criterion of productivity, derivation of inchoatives (non-causatives) from causative (inchoative/non-causative ←causative) is the direction of derivation for the entire pattern. In the Indian grammatical tradition, the opposite direction of derivation (inchoative/non-causative → causative) is often posited in such cases. Masica (1976: 52–53) points out that in the Indian grammatical tradition, the practice of treating intransitives (non-causatives) as basic, and deriving the transitives (causatives) from them, by vowel lengthening or guṇa (plus other changes) is equally prominant as that of deriving non-causatives from causatives. In many cases, treating intransitives (non-causatives) as basic, and deriving the transitives (causatives) from them is indeed the case. However, there are cases of back formations. Although many posit nikāl- ‘take out; cause to emerge’ as derived from its intransitive counterpart nikal- ‘emerge’, historically it is nikalthat is the derived from nikāl- by back formation (Masica 1976: 52). Hook (1996) explores the issue of direction of derivation in the Hindi-Urdu lexical pairs of non-causative and causative verbs from the perspective of

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markedness. Providing actual counts, Hook shows that more grammarians posit two directions of derivation (non-causative ←causative and non-causative → causative) than only one direction (non-causative → causative) for HindiUrdu and that some pairs involve causativization (non-causative as the base from which the causative form is derived), while others involve anticausativization (causative as base from which the non-causative is derived). Further, based on a emprical study, he demonstrates that there is a strong correlation between direction of derivation and textual frequency: basic forms are more frequent than the derived ones. Compared to Hindi-Urdu, pairs involving stem modification, especially those involving internal vowel change (vowel laxing), are less numerous in Marathi. Indeed, Masica (1976: 65) observes that stem modification in Marathi is not as developed as it is in Hindi. Against the backdrop of the discussion of the derivational relationship between the non-causative and causative verb in Hindi-Urdu, let us analyze the pairs of non-causative vs. causative verbs in Marathi as exemplified in (1) through (12). Synchronically speaking, labile [example (1) and (2)] and suppletion [example (3) and (4))] types in Marathi, are clear cut examples of non-directed derivation since in these types there is no formal derivational relationship between the non-causative and the causative verb forms.10 The suffixation type [example (11) and (12)], on the other hand, is a clear-cut case of directed derivation, where the direction of the formal derivation is: noncausative→causative. The issue of determining direction of derivation for the pairs involving stem-modification [example (5) through (10)] is not so easy to resolve. As noted above, Haspelmath (1993) proposes three criteria for identifying the basic stem in such pairs, namely: (i) phonological markedness, (ii) direction of neutralization, and (iii) productivity of the derivation. Let us apply these criteria to the Marathi data. On the basis of the criterion of phonological markedness, the direction of derivation for the pair phāṭ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (intr.): phāḍ-ṇe ‘to tear’ (tr.) in (5) can be arguably decided: the intransitive counterpart contains an unvoiced retroflex consonant (ṭ), while the transitive consists its voiced counterpart (ḍ). Given that the voiced sounds involve an extra activity of voicing, the unvoiced intransitive form can be considered as basic, from which the voiced transitive counterpart is derived. Or we could say that voicing between vowels could be counted as assimilatory, hence derived. For another

10

Some labile pairs like ughaḍ-ṇe ‘be opened’: ughaḍ-ṇe ‘to open’, badal-ṇe ‘be changed’: badal-ṇe ‘to change’, daḷ-ṇe ‘be ground’: daḷ-ṇe ‘to grind’ can be considered as directed (non-causative ←causative) by vacuous application of a vowel laxing rule.

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pair in (6), viz. lāg-ṇe ‘be attached/applied’ (intr.): lāv-ṇe ‘to attach/apply’ (tr.), there is no such markedness relationship between the consonant g and semivowel v and the direction of derivation is not clear. One possibility might be that lāv-ṇe ‘to attach/apply’ (tr.) may go back to *lāg-av-ṇe in which case non-causative lāg-ṇe ‘to be attached/applied’ (intr.) is the basic from which causative lāg-av-ṇe (>lāv-ṇe) ‘to attach/apply’ (tr.) is derived. Examples parallel to (7) through (10) in Marathi, which involve stem internal vowel change (vowel laxing) or vowel plus consonant change, are attested in Hindi-Urdu. The following list shows verb pairs in Hindi-Urdu from Hasplemath’s data which formally correspond to types in examples (7) through (10) in Marathi. Haspelmath categorizes the stem internal vowel change (vowel laxing) type as anticausative, i.e., intransitive counterpart derived from transitive one, and the stem internal vowel plus consonant change type is divided into two: anticausative and equipollent. The item numbers in square brackets correspond to the those on Haspelmath’s verb list given in (61) above. (62) a. Internal vowel change (vowel laxing) from Hindi-Urdu (corresponding to type 1d in Marathi): anticausative11 Intransitive mar-nā ‘die’ ujaṛ-nā ‘be destroyed’ bandh-nā ‘be tied (intr.)’ ubal-nā ‘boil (intr.)’ phir-nā ‘turn (intr.)’ khul-nā ‘open (intr.)’ ruk-nā ‘stop (intr.)’

11

← ← ← ← ← ← ←

Transitive

Item no

mār-nā ‘kill’ ujāṛ-nā ‘to destroy’ bāndh-nā ‘to tie (tr.)’ ubāl-nā ‘boil (tr.)’ pher-nā ‘turn (tr.)’ khol-nā ‘open (tr.)’ rok-nā ‘stop (tr.)’

[item no 4] [item no 14] [item no 17] [item no 18] [item no 23] [item no 5] [item no 31]

Haspelmath also lists another alternative for item no. 18: ubal-nā ‘boil (intr.)’ →ubal-ānā ‘boil (tr.)’ [causative] and item no. 23: phir-nā ‘turn (intr.)’ → phir-ā-nā ‘turn (tr.)’ [causative].

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b. Internal vowel and consonant change from Hindi-Urdu (corresponding to type 1e in Marathi): anticausative Intransitive phaṭ-nā ‘break (intr.)’

←

Transitive

Item no

phāṛ-nā ‘break (tr.)’

[item no 30]

c. Internal vowel and consonant change (corresponding to type 1e in Marathi): equipollent Intransitive ṭūṭ-nā ‘break (intr.)’

↔

Transitive

Item no

ṭoṛ-nā ‘break (tr.)’

[item no 2]

Examples (62a, b) above show that among the 31 pairs in (61), 8 out of the 9 involving stem modification in Hindi-Urdu are analyzed as anticausatives by Haspelmath (1993). Table 6 below lists Marathi translational equivalents of the 31 pairs in (61). table 6

Marathi translational equivalents of the 31 transitivity pairs identified in Haspelmath (1993)

Serial No.

Non-causative Causative

1. 2.

wake up break

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

burn die/kill open close begin learn/teach gather spread

uṭh-ṇe tuṭ -ṇe phuṭ-ṇe moḍ-ṇe jaḷ-ṇe mar-ṇe ughaḍ-ṇe band ho-ṇe suru ho-ṇe šik-ṇe jam-ṇe pasar-ṇe

uṭh-av-ṇe toḍ-ṇe phoḍ-ṇe moḍ-ṇe jāḷ-ṇe mār-ṇe ughaḍ-ṇe band kar-ṇe suru kar-ṇe šik-av-ṇe jam-av-ṇe pasar-av-ṇe

Type of morphological relation c e e l a a l s s c c c

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table 6

Marathi translational equivalents of the 31 transitivity pairs in Haspelmath (cont.)

Serial No.

Non-causative Causative

11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

sink change melt be destroyed/destroy get lost/lose develop connect boil rock

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

go out/put out rise/raise finish turn roll freeze

26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

dissolve fill improve dry split

buḍ-ṇe badal ho-ṇe vitaḷ-ṇe udhvast ho-ṇe harav-ṇe vikās ho-ṇe juḷ-ṇe ukaḷ-ṇe jhul-ṇe ḍol-ṇe hal-ṇe vijh-ṇe vāḍh-ṇe samp-ṇe phir-ṇe gharangaḷ-ṇe goṭh-ṇe thij-ṇe virghaḷ-ṇe bhar-ṇe sudhar-ṇe vāḷ-ṇe vegaḷe ho-ṇe phāṭ-ṇe thāmb-ṇe

31. stop

buḍ-av-ṇe badal kar-ṇe vitaḷ-av-ṇe udhvast kar-ṇe harav-ṇe vikās kar-ṇe joḍ-ṇe ukaḷ-av-ṇe jhul-av-ṇe ḍol-av-ṇe hal-av-ṇe vijh-av-ṇe vāḍh-av-ṇe samp-av-ṇe phir-av-ṇe gharangaḷ-av-ṇe goṭh-av-ṇe thij-av-ṇe virghaḷ-av-ṇe bhar-ṇe sudhār-ṇe vāḷ-av-ṇe vegaḷe kar-ṇe phāḍ-ṇe thāmb-av-ṇe

Type of morphological relation c s c s l s e c c c c c c c c c c c c l a c s c c

With regard to the pairs in 3 ( jaḷ-ṇe: jāḷ-ṇe), 4 (mar-ṇe: mār-ṇe) and, 28 (sudharṇe: sudhār-ṇe), which involve vowel laxing, I analyze them as anticasusative (a). As for the pairs in 2 (tuṭ-ṇe: toḍ-ṇe; phuṭ-ṇe: phoḍ-ṇe), and 17 ( juḷ-ṇe: joḍṇe), which involve internal vowel plus consonant change, as well as the pairs in 6, 7, 12, 14, 16, and 30 (vegaḷe ho-ṇe: vegaḷe kar-ṇe) involving alternation of auxiliary verb, the direction of derivation is not clear. I analyze the two pairs in 2 as equipollent (e) and the pairs in 6, 7, 12, 14, 16, and 30 (vegaḷe ho-ṇe: vegaḷe kar-ṇe) as suppletive (s).

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In Table 6 above, Marathi has 6 such pairs involving stem modification [items no. 2 (two pairs; tuṭ-ṇe : toḍ-ṇe; phuṭ-ṇe : phoḍ-ṇe), 3 ( jaḷ-ṇe : jāḷṇe), 4 (mar-ṇe : mār-ṇe), 17 ( juḷ-ṇe : joḍ-ṇe) and 30 (phāṭ-ṇe : phāḍ-ṇe)]. The difference between Hindi-Urdu and Marathi in the number of pairs involving stem modifications (9 pairs in Hindi-Urdu as shown in (62) vs. 6 pairs in Marathi listed in Table 6) does not seem to be so conspicuous, if one confines one’s attention to the list of 31 pairs in Haspelmath (1991). However, looking at a more comprehensive list of such pairs in Hindi-Urdu as listed in Kachru (1966), and the fairly large list of verb pairs in Marathi given in the Appendix, the differences are quite substantial [as observed by Masica (1976: 65)]. Table 7 below shows some of such verb pairs that involve stem modification in HindiUrdu, but not in Marathi. table 7

Correspondence between pairs involving stem modification in Hindi-Urdu and their Marathi counterparts

Meaning

boil Surge, jump up descend/unload uproot be kneaded/to sift cut load beat be robbed/rob pull stop dissolve open dig turn surround

Hindi-Urdu

Marathi

intransitive

transitive

intransitive

transitive

ubal-nā učhal-nā utar-nā ukhaṛ-nā san-nā kat-nā lad-nā piṭ-nā luṭ-nā khĩč-nā ruk-nā ghul-nā khul-nā khud-nā phir-nā ghir-nā

ubāl-nā učhāl-nā utār-nā ukhāṛ-nā sān-nā kāt-nā lād-nā pīṭ-nā lūṭ-nā khĩĩč-nā rok-nā ghol-nā khol-nā khod-nā pher-nā gher-nā

ukaḷ-ṇe usaḷ-ṇe utar-ṇe ukhaḍ-ṇe maḷ-l@ jā-ṇe kāp-l@ jāṇe lād-l@ jāṇe piṭ-l@ jā-ṇe luṭ-l@ jāṇe oḍh-l@ jāṇe thāmb-ṇe virghaḷ-ṇe ughaḍ-ṇe khod-l@ jāṇe phir-ṇe gher-l@ jāṇe

ukaḷ-av-ṇe usaḷ-ṇe utar-av-ṇe ukhaḍ-av-ṇe maḷ-ṇe kāp-ṇe lād-ṇe piṭ-ṇe luṭ-ṇe oḍh-ṇe thāmb-av-ṇe virghaḷ-av-ṇe ughaḍ-ṇe khod-ṇe phir-av-ṇe gher-ṇe

From table 7, it is clear that derivations of transitivity pairs through stem modification is far more common in Hindi-Urdu than Marathi.

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Haspelmath (1993: 105) proposes a ‘scale of increasing likelihood of spontaneous occurrence’ as follows: (63) Scale of increasing likelihood of spontaneous occurrence ‘wash’ ‘close’ ‘melt’ ‘laugh’

less likely to occur spontaneously

more likely to occur spontaneously

Verbs with meanings on the left of this scale are less likely to occur spontaneously, and as such, they never or almost never occur in an inchoative (noncausative)/causative alternation. The verbs on the right of this scale, on the other hand, are more likely to occur spontaneously, and are thus more susceptible to inchoative (non-causative)/causative alternation. He arranges the 31 verb pairs in (61) on a ‘scale of increasing likelihood of spontaneous occurrence’ in ascending order of the ratio of anticauative to causative type (a/c ratio) for a given pair in the 21 languages he analyzes [see Haspelmath (1993: 104), Table 4]. Marathi data on 31 verb pairs ranked according to Table 4 of Haspelmath (1993: 104) can be downloaded from the web site of The World Atlas of Transitivity Pairs (watp) [url: http://watp.ninjal.ac.jp/en/]. In a more recent study, Haspelmath et al (2014) reject the form-meaning isomorphism (iconicity) principle proposed in Haspelmath (1993), and offer an alternative view, viz. form-frequency correspondence. The less frequent form tends be more overtly coded, while the more frequent form tends to be zero-coded (or coded with less coding material). Unfortunately the formfrequency correspondence principle cannot be tested with Marathi data, since a large corpus is not available yet. As noted above, Hook (1996) reports a strong correlation between derivational direction and textual frequency for HindiUrdu: basic forms are more frequent than the derived ones. I speculate that the same would be the case in Marathi. 6.2 Marathi Causatives Vis-a-Vis Typological Generalizations In the typological literature on causatives, various generalizations have been proposed. In this section I will report on how well Marathi causatives fit with those generalizations. 6.2.1 Masica (1976) As stated before, Masica (1976) in his areal-typological survey of the South Asian (and other Indo-Turanian languages) adopts the framework proposed in

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Kholodovich (ed.) (1969) for the analysis of synthetic (lexical and morphological) causatives. Masica sums up questions of typological interest as follows (op. cit.: 55–56). (64) Typological questions: Masica (1976: 55–56) 1. Does the language morphologically derive transitives (= causatives) from intransitives in any regular and productive manner (viin > vjk)? 2. Does it derive intransitives (= anticausatives) from transitives in such a manner (vitr > vjak)? 3. Or is there a morphological passive? 4. Does it have causative derivatives from transitive bases (vitr > vjk)? 5. Are different subgroups of verbs treated differently (e.g., semi-transitive “ingestives”)? 6. Are there causatives of the second degree (= causatives of causatives—vi > vjk′ > vek″)? From vitr or just viin? 7. What is the manner of the marking? Is the same or a different marker used with viin and vitr? For vjk′ and vek″? 8. Is the causative marker, or one of the causative markers, also used to form denominatives in the language (that is, as a verbalizer)? 9. If the answer to all the above is No, how is causativity expressed in the language (i.e., by suppletion, analytically, purely syntactically, or by other means)? Let us take up each of these questions and see how Marathi causatives respond to them. 1. As seen in section 2, Marathi has morphological causatives listed in example (1) through (12). Out of these, the suffixation-type is a fairly productive way of deriving causative verbs from non-causative verbs, but it is not entirely predictable (see Appendix). 2. Marathi does not derive intransitives (= anticausatives) from transitives in a highly regular and productive manner. There are a few anticausative formations through the process of vowel laxing in Marathi (see Table 6 in section 6.1). 3. There is no morphological passive in modern Marathi. The analytic passive (go passive) is employed if a transitive verb lacks a lexical intransitive (see Table 6 above and Chapter 4, section 3.4). 4. Marathi permits suffixal causatives based on transitive roots. However, analytical causatives are preferred over morphological causatives in the case of transitive roots (see section 3.2 and section 4).

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5. The group of middle/ingestive verbs is treated differently. These verbs yield indirect causatives like active intransitive verbs and transitive verbs, and direct causatives like inactive intransitive verbs (see section 3.2). 6. Double causatives (i.e. the causatives of the second degree) are grammatically possible, but they are rarely used. They can be based on either intransitive or transitive base verbs. 7. The causative marker used for intransitive as well as for transitive base verbs is the same, viz. -av. The marker for the first causative is -av and that for the second or double causative is -v-av. Also, -v-av is used for first causative of vocalic bases as in: de-ṇe ‘to give’ → de-v-av-ṇe ‘cause to give’. 8. The causative marker -av is also used as a verbalizer as: in rāg ‘anger’ → rāg-av-ṇe ‘to make someone angry/to scold someone’, unc ‘tall’: unc-āv-ṇe ‘to raise/elevate’, phaḍphaḍ ‘fluttering, flapping, rattling, crackling, smacking sound’: phaḍphaḍ-av-ṇe ‘to make or send forth a fluttering, flapping, rattling, crackling, smacking sound.’ etc. 9. Not applicable. 6.2.2 Haspelmath (2005) Haspelmath (2005; handout from lsa Institute, mit, lsa.206, 2nd August 2005) is a compilation of universals of causative verb formation proposed in the typological literature on this topic. The universals in question and whether or they are borne out in Marathi are stated below. Universal a: If a language has causative verbs derived from transitive bases, then it also has causatives derived from intransitive bases [Nedjalkov and Sil’nickij (1969:26)]. ▶This implicational universal is not contradicted by Marathi. Universal b: Comrie (1975: 11) “A language forms causatives from verbs with valency n + 1 only if it forms causatives from verbs with valency n” (also cf. Dixon 2000: 56–59). ▶This implicational universal is also not contradicted by Marathi. Universal c: If the causal and the plain verbs have the same shape (= if a language has causal ambi-transitives/labile verbs), the plain is always patientive/unaccusative, never agentive/unergative. ▶This unrestricted universal conditioning labile verbs is also not contradicted by Marathi.

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Universal d: If a language has synthetic causal verbs corresponding to agentive/unergative plain verbs, it also has synthetic causal verbs corresponding to patientive/unaccusative non-causatives. ▶This implicational universal is also not contradicted by Marathi (see Appendix). Universal e: True causal/plain verb pairs are possible only if the causative verb meaning does not contain agent-oriented manner specifications. Haspelmath (1993: 94): A verb meaning that refers to a change of state … may appear in an inchoative/causative alternation unless the verb contains agent-oriented meaning components or other highly specific meaning components that make the spontaneous occurrence of the event extremely unlikely. ▶ This implicational universal is also not contradicted by Marathi (see section 6.1). Universal f: In the class of verbs that show a plain/causal alternation, ‘freeze’type (“automatic”) verb meanings tend to be expressed as simple/causative verb pairs, whereas ‘break’-type (“costly”) verb meanings tend to be expressed as anticausative/simple verb pairs. (Haspelmath 1993:104, cf. also Croft 1990) ▶ This implicational universal is largely confirmed in Marathi for ‘freeze’-type (“automatic”) verb meanings. Also it seems to be largely confirmed for ‘break’type “costly” verbs [see Table 6 item no. 3, jaḷ-ṇe ‘burn (intr.)’: jāḷ-ṇe ‘burn (tr.)’, item no. 4, mar-ṇe ‘die’: mār-ṇe ‘kill’, and item no. 28, sudhar-ṇe ‘improve (intr.)’: sudhār-ṇe: ‘improve (tr.)’; also see section 6.1]. Universal g: (a) If a language that has causatives of transitives has several causatives of different length, then the longer affixes tend to be used with transitive bases, and the shorter affixes tend to be used with intransitive bases (Nedjalkov and Sil’nickij 1969: 27). (b) If a language that has causatives of unergatives has several causatives of different length, then the longer affixes tend to be used with unergative bases, and the shorter affixes tend to be used with unaccusative bases. ▶ This implicational universal is not contradicted by Marathi. In Marathi, transitive and unergative bases have polymorphemic (phrasal) as well as monomorphic causatives. Unaccusative bases have only mono-morphic causatives. Almost all the predictions of the foregoing universals can be straightforwardly explained in the functional approach adopted in this chapter. As discussed in the foregoing sections, causative situations involving an agentive causer and an agentive causee are far more complex than the ones involving an agentive

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causer and a patientive causee. In the former case, since the causee is volitional entity, getting the caused event executed is more “costly” than manipulating a patientive entity in the later case. A semantic generalization can be made such that greater the number of participants involved in the base verb activity, the more difficult it is to execute the caused event. Further, if participants involved in the base verb activity of two verbs are equal in number, the one involving a patientive participant will more readily undergo causation than one involving an agentive participant. From this semantic generalization, one can infer a cline of susceptibility to causation: ditransitive > transitive > ingestive > active intransitive (unergatives) > inactive intransitive (unaccusatives). For the verbs high-up or to the left of this hierarchy, causation is more complex and relatively more difficult than for those in the lower positions to the right. The verbs on the higher end of the hierarchy lean towards indirect (directive) causation, while verbs lower down the hierarchy lean towards direct (manipulative) causation. The former tend to be more analytic than the latter. Conversely, those on the lower end of the hierarchy tend to be more synthetic and cases of lexicalization are also more often observed [see examples (3) through (10)].

7

Summary

In this chapter, drawing on insights from previous studies on causatives in general and those in South Asian languages in particular, a comprehensive and coherent account of the morphology, semantics, and syntax of all types of causatives—synthetic [lexical/morphological] as well as analytic [syntactic/ periphrastic]—in Marathi has been offered from a functional perspective. It was demonstrated that a closer analysis of base-verb semantics is important, not only in accounting for the various restrictions that different causativization processes may involve, but also in understanding the various ways that different groups of verbs align with different types of causation. Especially important is the semantic role borne by the subject of the base verb—whether it is an agent, as in active intransitive and transitive verbs; a patient, as in inactive intransitive verbs; or experiencer agent as well as recipient/beneficiary/locative goal, as in middle (ingestive) verbs. The presence of an intermediate category of causation, viz. sociative causation was pointed out, which connects the direct pole and the indirect pole on the continuum of causation. Furthermore, form-meaning correspondence in the form of a semantic map (Table 4 and 5) is provided. With regard to typological generalizations proposed in the literature, almost all are borne out in Marathi, or at least not contradicted by it. By using the functional approach adopted here for the analysis of Marathi causatives these generalizations can be explained in a straightforward manner.

chapter 8

Concluding Remarks In this monograph, I focused on the two most prominent voice phenomena that alter the syntactic valency of the predicate, namely, the passives and the causatives. By way of concluding remarks, a concise summary of the contributions of the present study, the relevance of these contributions to linguistic typology and suggestions for future research is provided below. With regard to the passive, a synopsis of the insights and inadequacies of the traditional and modern linguistic studies was provided by way of a critical review of the major previous works on the Marathi passive. The major contributions of previous studies are providing: (i) diachronic development of the Marathi passive, (ii) genre restrictions on the use of the passive expressions, (iii) expressions used in lieu of passive expressions, (iv) syntactic properties of the promoted subject, (v) underlying structural representation, (vi) semantics of the postpositions marking the demoted agent, and (vii) pragmatic aspects. There are issues of disagreement with past studies as well as issues unexplored/underexplored till now. Issues of disagreement include the claims that: (a) all syntactically transitive verbs undergo passivization and (b) the passive conveys a volitional act—regardless of whether or not the ex-subject (subject of the active clause) is expressed. Unexplored/underexplored issues include: (c) detailed explication of a passive expression referred to as the become passive, (d) the semantic properties of the go, come, become passives, (e) explication of two functions reported in earlier works: expressing completion of an event and expressing (in)capability of the agent, (f) detailed description of two functions not reported so far, viz. expression of deference to the agent, and denotation of spontaneity of occurrence of an event. Building on the insights of the previous studies, and addressing the inadequacies mentioned above, I presented a coherent and comprehensive account of Marathi passives together with correspondence between various passive forms and the functions they serve. The analysis of the Marathi passive offered here is fairly comprehensive, and it contributes to a deeper understanding of formal and functional diversity of Marathi passives. In the second part of this monograph a critical review of the major previous works on Marathi causatives is presented followed by discussion of unexplored and underexplored issues. Marathi has synthetic as well as analytic causative forms. Some works take a narrow view regarding synthetic forms and identify only those forms that contain an overt marker as causative. This formal iden-

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004292529_009

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tification leaves out those forms that are semantically causative, but do not contain an overt causative marker. Other works identify all the synthetic forms as causatives, but none of them discuss phrasal (analytic) causatives. Previous studies, especially Wali (1979, 1981) and Alsina and Joshi (1991), offer invaluable insights into the syntax and semantics of Marathi causatives. Wali (1979) argues for a difference in the abstract underlying representations of two types of causatives, which have identical surface forms. Both Wali (1981) and Alsina and Joshi (1991) offer insights on differential case marking of the causee. They argue that purely syntactic accounts fail to handle such cases and advocate the necessity of semantic analysis. However, the semantic aspects of the causatives are not explored as thoroughly as possible in these works. Drawing on insights from previous studies on causatives in general and those in South Asian languages in particular [especially Masica (1976), Wali (1981), Alsina and Joshi (1991)], an alternative account of the morphology, semantics, and syntax of all types of Marathi causatives— synthetic [lexical/morphological] as well as analytic [syntactic/periphrastic]—is presented from a functional perspective. Taking root verb semantics as a starting point for analysis, the interaction between base verb semantics and type of causation (direct, indirect, sociative etc.) is examined. It is demonstrated that a closer analysis of base verb semantics is important in order to account for the various restrictions that different causativization processes may impose, and also for understanding the various ways that different groups of verbs align with different types of causation. The semantic role borne by the subject of the base verb—whether it is an agent, as in active intransitive and transitive verbs; a patient, as in inactive intransitive verbs; or experiencer agent as well as recipient/beneficiary/locative goal, as in middle (ingestive) verbs— is especially important. Refining the dichotomy of direct vs. indirect causation, the entire semantic continuum of causation organized along the dimension of directness of causation is proposed. ‘Direct/manipulative’ and ‘indirect/directive’ causation form the two poles of the causative continuum, connected by an intermediate category called ‘sociative’ causation. The category of ‘sociative’ causation is in turn further divided into three sub-categories: (i) joint-action, (ii) assistive, and (iii) supervisory. The analysis presented here also reveals the correlation between the directness of causation and the productivity of the form of the causatives in Marathi: more productive forms are typically employed to convey indirect causation, while lexical forms are more often used for expressing direct causation. Further, the mapping between the formal continuum and the semantic continuum (form-function correspondence) is also explicitly set forth, and illustrated with ample examples. The formal richness of Marathi causatives reveals the typol-

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ogy of possible form-function correspondences in a fine-grained way, a mapping that would be harder to elaborate in languages such as English or Japanese, for example, which are not as rich as Marathi in their formal repertoire of causatives. The study of Marathi causatives makes a significant contribution to understanding the intricacies of form-function mappings in the domain of causation as understood by typologists. The present study makes a couple of contributions to the field of linguistics in general. One of the contributions is the introduction of the traditional scholarship of Marathi grammarians, which remains largely inaccessible to the wider linguistics community due to the language barrier. Another contribution of the present study is the wealth of primary data, largely from the online sources, which is supplemented with coined examples based on my native intuition. Through the study presented in this monograph, I believe that at least some progress has been made in the description and analysis of the passives and the causatives in Marathi. However, there still remain many issues to be explored and accounted for. A few important ones are mentioned here. The synthetic Marathi passive has been completely replaced by the analytic ones in contemporary Marathi. Damle (1911) reports use of the synthetic passive in the poetry of Moropant (1729–1794) and it is found in dnyāneṣvari, a commentary on Bhagavad Gita, by the poet saint Dnyaneshvar (1275–1296). A systematic account of the diachronic development of the passive is worth pursuing. Another issue pertaining to the use of the Marathi passive is the influence of English, especially in legal/administrative documents, academic writing, and journalistic prose. Tarkhadkar (1836/1899) and Damle (1911) note that the analytic passive is used in legal/administrative documents and intuitively conjuncture that the use of agentive passive is growing under the influence of English. This issue needs to be investigated systematically and thoroughly in a diachronic perspective. Regarding the causatives, especially pairs of morphologically related sets of non-causative and causative verbs, there are substantial differences between Marathi and Hindi-Urdu [Beames (1879) refers to these pairs of morphologically related sets of non-causative and causative verbs as double-stem verbs]. Hindi-Urdu has a much larger number of pairs involving stem modification than Marathi does. The historical process leading to the formation of these verb pairs from their synthetic Prakrit predecessor needs to be studied in more detail in order to understand the similarities and differences among the IndoAryan languages in terms of their basic/lexical valence orientation and direction of derivation as discussed in modern typological works such as Haspelmath (1993) and Nichols et al (2004). Another important issue that needs to be

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probed is how various causative forms are distributed in language use. Are they evenly distributed or are some forms more frequent than others? Do particular forms show a bias in their occurrence in particular registers or genres? To answer such issues related to language use, a large-scale, and searchable corpus consisting of data from various registers/genres is necessary. The pleonastic marking of incapacity causatives or the ‘causative passives’ expressions in (a) illustrated below have not been discussed in this work. Compare these causative passive expressions with the corresponding causative expressions in (b) both of which express incapacity of the agent. (1) a. maun suṭ-e-paryant-hi t-yā-n-nā dhir silence release-obl-up.to-even he-obl-pl-dat patience.m dhar-av-l-ā gel-ā nāhi hold-caus-passptcp-m go.pst-m neg ‘He could not hold his patience even up to the termination of his silence observance period.’ (http://myblog-common-nonsense.blogspot.jp/2011_10_09_archive .html) b. t-yā-n-nā dhir dhar-av-l-ā nāhi he-obl-pl-dat patience.m hold-caus-pst-m neg ‘He could not hold his patience.’ (aatbaaher.blogspot.com/2011_12_01_archive.html) (2) a. ti-lā asa hāt joḍ-lel-a pāh-un ramyā-lā she-dat like hand.m join-pstptcp-3nsg see-cp Ramya-dat gel-a nāhi rāh-av-l-a remain.still-caus-passptcp-3nsg go.pst-3nsg neg ‘Having seen her putting together her hands (requesting something), Ramya could not remain still (hold himself back).’ (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?id...fbid..) b. mul-ā-č-yā ḍoḷ- yā-t pāṇi pāh-un malā boy-obl-gen-obl eye-obl-loc water see-cp i.dat rāh-av-l-a nāhi remain.still-caus-pst-3nsg neg ‘On seeing tears in the eyes of the boy I could not remain still (hold back) myself.’ (https://www.facebook.com/MarwadiAreTheKing)

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(3) a. pallavi-lā he sagaḷa bagh-av-l-a gel-a Pallavi-dat this all see-caus-passptcp-3nsg go.pst-3nsg nāhi neg ‘Pallavi could not see this.’ (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?id...fbid...) b. āi-č-yā ḍoḷ-yā-t-l-e pāṇi t-yā-lā mother-gen-obl eye-obl-in-adj-n water.n he-obl-dat bagh-av-l-a nāhi see-caus-pst-3nsg neg ‘He could not see the tears in his mother’s eyes.’ (nileshgadre.blogspot.com/2007/01/blog-post_23.html) Finally, the issue of the relation of the become-passive to intransitive bases, especially those that can be treated as anticausative remains unresolved. For example, is the intransitive verb sudhar-ṇe ‘to be improved’ a become passive or an anticausative with respect to the corresponding transitive verb sudhārṇe ‘to improve’ or both? As briefly discussed in chapter four (section 2.1.2), making a clear-cut distinction between the passive and the anti-causative is a very complex and vexing issue [see Kulikov (1998)]. Exploration of these issues is a challenging task which I leave to future research.

appendix

Transitivity (Non-Causative/Causative Verb) Pairs in Marathi

Sr. No

Non-causative

Causative

Type

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

bhar-ṇe ‘fill’ moḍ-ṇe ‘break’ ughaḍ-ṇe ‘open’ harav-ṇe ‘get lost’ usav-ṇe ‘get unstitched’ daḷ-ṇe ‘to grind’ sos-ṇe ‘to endure, tolerate’ dhar-ṇe ‘to hold, retain; to apply, keep [something] at [a place]’

Labile (l) Labile (l) Labile (l) Labile (l) Labile (l) Labile (l) Labile (l) Labile (l)

9 10 11 12

bhar-ṇe ‘be filled’ moḍ-ṇe ‘break’ ughaḍ-ṇe ‘open’ harav-ṇe ‘get lost’ usav-ṇe ‘get unstitched’ daḷ-ṇe ‘to be ground’ sos-ṇe ‘to be endured’ dhar-ṇe ‘to stick to; to be borne, produced; to bear fruit, etc.’ jā-ṇe ‘go’ ye-ṇe ‘come’ nigh-ṇe ‘come off’ pi-ṇe ‘drink’

Suppletive/Suppletion (s) Suppletive/Suppletion (s) Suppletive/Suppletion (s) Suppletive/Suppletion (s)

13

khā-ṇe ‘eat’

14 15 16

pahā-ṇe/bagh-ṇe ‘see’ gunt-ṇe ‘get entangled’ band ho-ṇe ‘close (intr.)’

ne-ṇe ‘take along’ āṇ-ṇe ‘bring’ kādh-ṇe ‘take out’ pāj-ṇe ‘give to drink (to breastfeed)’, ‘to treat someone to a drink’ bharav-ṇe ‘to feed’; khā-u ghāl-ṇe ‘to treat someone to food’ dākhav-ṇe ‘show’ gov-ṇe to ‘entangle’ band kar-ṇe ‘close (tr.)’

17

vegaḷe ho-ṇe ‘split (intr.)’

vegaḷe kar-ṇe ‘split (tr.)’

18

vikās ho-ṇe ‘develop (intr.)’

vikās kar-ṇe ‘develop (tr.)’

19

badal ho-ṇe ‘change (intr.)’

badal kar-ṇe ‘change (tr.)’

20

udhvast ho-ṇe ‘destroy (intr.)’ udhvast kar-ṇe ‘destroy (tr.)’

Suppletive/Suppletion (s) Suppletive/Suppletion (s) Suppletive/Suppletion (s) Auxiliary verb alternation. Suppletion (s) Auxiliary verb alternation. Suppletion (s) Auxiliary verb alternation. Suppletion (s) Auxiliary verb alternation. Suppletion (s) Auxiliary verb alternation. Suppletion (s)

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004292529_010

182

appendix

(cont.) Sr. No

Non-causative

Causative

Type

21

phāṭ-ṇe ‘tear (intr)’

phāḍ-ṇe ‘tear (tr)’

22

lāg-ṇe ‘to be attached; applied’

lāv-ṇe ‘to attach/apply’

23

dab-ṇe ‘be pressed’

dāb-ṇe ‘press’

24

jaḷ-ṇe ‘burn’

jāḷ-ṇe ‘burn’

25

gaḷ-ṇe ‘leak’

gāḷ-ṇe ‘strain’

26

mar-ṇe ‘die’

mār-ṇe ‘kill’

27

paḍ-ṇe ‘fall’

pāḍ-ṇe ‘fell’

28

car-ṇe ‘graze’

cār-ṇe ‘feed’

29

sudhar-ṇe ‘to improve’

sudhār-ṇe ‘to improve’

30

tar-ṇe ‘be saved’

tār-ṇe ‘save’

31

ṭaḷ-ṇe ‘be avoided’

ṭāḷ-ṇe ‘avoid’

Internal consonant change. Causativization (c). See note 2 below. Internal consonant change. Causativization (c). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below. Internal vowel change. Anticausativization (a). See note 2 below.

transitivity (non-causative/causative verb) pairs in marathi

183

Sr. No

Non-causative

Causative

Type

32

phiṭ-ṇe ‘to be cleared off (debt/favour)’

pheḍ-ṇe ‘to clear, pay off (debt/favour)’

33

phuṭ-ṇe ‘to burst’

phoḍ-ṇe ‘to burst’

34

suṭ-ṇe ‘to be untied; to be solved; to be let go’

soḍ-ṇe ‘to untie; to solve; to release’

35

juḷ-ṇe ‘be connected’

joḍ-ṇe ‘cause to be connected’

36

tuṭ-ṇe ‘break’

toḍ-ṇe ‘break’

37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46

aḍak-ṇe ‘get entangled’ ādaḷ-ṇe ‘collide’ āḍ-ṇe ‘be obstructed’ ākas-ṇe ‘shrink’ āmb-ṇe ‘become sour’ āṭ-ṇe ‘dry up’ bahak-ṇe ‘go astray’ ban-ṇe ‘be prepared’ bas-ṇe ‘sit’ bhaḍak-ṇe ‘become furious’

47 48 49 50

bhāg-ṇe ‘be sufficient’ bhij-ṇe ‘become wet’ bhin-ṇe ‘get penetrated’ buḍ-ṇe ‘be drowned/sink’

51 52

buj-ṇe ‘be blocked’ čiḍ-ṇe ‘become angry’

53 54

čikaṭ-ṇe ‘be stuck’ dacak-ṇe ‘be startled’

aḍak-av-ṇe ‘cause to get entangled’ ādaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to collide’ āḍ-av-ṇe ‘obstruct’ ākas-av-ṇe ‘cause to shrink’ āmb-av-ṇe ‘cause to become sour’ āṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to dry up’ bahak-av-ṇe ‘cause to go astray’ ban-av-ṇe ‘prepare’ bas-av-ṇe ‘seat/make sit’ bhaḍak-av-ṇe ‘cause to become furious’ bhāg-av-ṇe ‘manage’ bhij-av-ṇe ‘cause to become wet’ bhin-av-ṇe ‘penetrate’ buḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be drowned/sink’ buj-av-ṇe ‘block’ čiḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to become angry/tease’ čikaṭ-av-ṇe ‘stick’ dacak-av-ṇe ‘cause to be startled’

Internal consonant and vowel change. Equipollent (e). See note 2 below. Internal consonant and vowel change. Equipollent (e). See note 2 below. Internal consonant and vowel change. Equipollent (e). See note 2 below. Internal consonant and vowel change. Equipollent (e). See note 2 below. Internal consonant and vowel change. Equipollent (e). See note 2 below. Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

184

appendix

(cont.) Sr. No

Non-causative

Causative

Type

55 56 57 58

dhaḍak-ṇe ‘dash against’ ḍhāsaḷ-ṇe ‘collapse’ ḍol-ṇe ‘swing’ ḍub-ṇe ‘be drowned/sink’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69

dukh-ṇe ‘pain/hurt’ ḍul-ṇe ‘oscillate’ jag-ṇe ‘live/survive’ jāg-ṇe ‘be awake’ jam-ṇe ‘gather’ jhop-ṇe ‘sleep’ jhuk-ṇe ‘bend’ gāj-ṇe ‘become popular’ ganḍ-ṇe ‘be deceived’ ganj-ṇe ‘be rusted’ ghābar-ṇe ‘be frightened’

70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78

gondhaḷ-ṇe ‘get confused’ goṭh-ṇe ‘become frozen’ har-ṇe ‘lose’ hal-ṇe ‘move’ has-ṇe ‘laugh’ hinḍ-ṇe ‘move around’ ǰink-ṇe ‘win’ ǰir-ṇe ‘sink’ ǰhij-ṇe ‘waste by attrition’

79 80 81

ǰhing-ṇe ‘become tipsy’ ǰhirap-ṇe ‘trickle’ kalanḍ-ṇe ‘fall on one side’

82 83

karap-ṇe ‘be scorched’ khāj-ṇe ‘have an itching sensation’ khap-ṇe ‘be sold’

dhaḍak-av-ṇe ‘cause to dash against’ ḍhāsaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to collapse’ ḍol-av-ṇe ‘cause to swing’ ḍub-av-ṇe ‘cause to be drowned/sink’ dukh-av-ṇe ‘cause to pain/hurt’ ḍul-av-ṇe ‘cause to oscillate’ jag-av-ṇe ‘cause to live/survive’ jāg-av-ṇe ‘cause s/o to be awake’ jam-av-ṇe ‘cause to gather’ jhop-av-ṇe ‘put to sleep’ jhuk-av-ṇe ‘cause to bend’ gāj-av-ṇe ‘cause to become popular’ ganḍ-av-ṇe ‘deceive’ ganj-av-ṇe ‘cause to be rusted’ ghābar-av-ṇe ‘cause to be frightened’ gondhaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be confused’ goṭh-av-ṇe ‘freeze’ har-av-ṇe ‘defeat’ hal-av-ṇe ‘cause to move’ has-av-ṇe ‘cause to laugh’ hinḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to move around’ ǰink-av-ṇe ‘cause to win’ ǰir-av-ṇe ‘cause to sink’ ǰhij-av-ṇe ‘cause to waste by attrition’ ǰhing-av-ṇe ‘cause to become tipsy’ ǰhirap-av-ṇe ‘cause to trickle’ kalanḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to fall on one side’ karap-av-ṇe ‘cause to be scorched’ khāj-av-ṇe ‘to scratch’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

khap-av-ṇe ‘cause to be sold/to sell’

Suffixation. Causativization (c).

84

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

transitivity (non-causative/causative verb) pairs in marathi

185

Sr. No

Non-causative

Causative

Type

85 86 87

kheḷ-ṇe ‘play’ khunṭ-ṇe ‘stop growing’ kolmaḍ-ṇe ‘tumble down’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

88 89 90 91

lāj-ṇe ‘blush’ lāmb-ṇe ‘get elongated’ lap-ṇe ‘hide’ maḷ-ṇe ‘become soiled/dirty’

92

miḷ-ṇe ‘come together’

93 94 95 96 97

miṭ-ṇe ‘be settled/closed’ mut-ṇe ‘urinate’ nās-ṇe ‘become rotten’ nāc-ṇe ‘dance’ naṭ-ṇe ‘dress finely’

98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108

pac-ṇe ‘be digested’ palaṭ-ṇe ‘turn over’ paḷ-ṇe ‘run’ pasar-ṇe ‘spread’ paṭ-ṇe ‘be convinced’ pel-ṇe ‘be manageable’ peṭ-ṇe ‘be ignited’ pāng-ṇe ‘disperse’ phaḍak-ṇe ‘flutter’ phail-ṇe ‘spread’ phāk-ṇe ‘open out widely’

109 110 111 112 113 114

phas-ṇe ‘be cheated’ phir-ṇe ‘rotate’ phiskaṭ-ṇe ‘fizzle out’ phug-ṇe ‘to swell’ raḍ-ṇe ‘cry’ rakhaḍ-ṇe ‘be obstructed’

kheḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to play’ khunṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to stop growing’ kolmaḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to tumble down’ lāj-av-ṇe ‘cause to blush’ lāmb-av-ṇe ‘cause to get elongated’ lap-av-ṇe ‘cause to hide’ maḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to become soiled/dirty’ miḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to come together/add’ miṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be settled/closed’ mut-av-ṇe ‘cause to urinate’ nās-av-ṇe ‘cause to become rotten’ nāc-av-ṇe ‘cause to dance’ naṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to dress finely/to decorate’ pac-av-ṇe ‘cause to be digested’ palaṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to turn over’ paḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to run’ pasar-av-ṇe ‘cause to spread’ paṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be convinced’ pel-av-ṇe ‘cause to be manageable’ peṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be ignited’ pāng-av-ṇe ‘cause to disperse’ phaḍak-av-ṇe ‘cause to flutter’ phail-av-ṇe ‘cause to spread’ phāk-av-ṇe ‘cause to open out widely’ phas-av-ṇe ‘cause to be cheated’ phir-av-ṇe ‘cause to rotate’ phiskaṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to fizzle out’ phug-av-ṇe ‘cause to swell’ raḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to cry’ rakhaḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be obstructed’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

186

appendix

(cont.) Sr. No

Non-causative

115 ram-ṇe ‘feel cozy/comfortable’ 116 rang-ṇe ‘be painted’ 117 ruj-ṇe ‘to take root’ 118 saj-ṇe ‘be decorated’ 119 sarak-ṇe ‘move’ 120 saḍ-ṇe ‘become rotten’ 121 samp-ṇe ‘be finished’ 122 sarak-ṇe ‘lose temper’ 123 šam-ṇe ‘become passified’ 124 šij-ṇe ‘be cooked’ 125 suc-ṇe ‘to occur to ones mind’ 126 sudhar-ṇe ‘be improved’ 127 suk-ṇe ‘become dry’ 128 tarang-ṇe ‘float’ 129 thāmb-ṇe ‘stop’ 130 taḍphaḍ-ṇe ‘writhe in pain/agony’ 131 tāp-ṇe ‘become hot’ 132 cāl-ṇe ‘walk’ 133 cuk-ṇe ‘make mistake/miss’ 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144

ṭhar-ṇe ‘be decided’ ṭhas-ṇe ‘be imbibed’ ṭik-ṇe ‘survive’ uṭh-ṇe ‘stand/get up’ ukaḷ-ṇe ‘boil’ ulaṭ-ṇe ‘become toppled’ ur-ṇe ‘remain’ vāk-ṇe ‘become bent’ vaḷ-ṇe ‘turn’ vāc-ṇe ‘be saved’ vāḍh-ṇe ‘grow’

Causative

Type

ram-av-ṇe ‘cause to feel cozy/comfortable’ rang-av-ṇe ‘cause to be painted’ ruj-av-ṇe ‘cause to take root’ saj-av-ṇe ‘cause to be decorated’ sarak-av-ṇe ‘cause to move’ saḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to become rotten’ samp-av-ṇe ‘cause to be finished’ sarak-av-ṇe ‘cause to lose temper’ šam-av-ṇe ‘cause to become passified’ šij-av-ṇe ‘cause to be cooked’ suc-av-ṇe ‘to suggest’

Suffixation. Causativization (c).

sudhar-av-ṇe ‘cause to be improved’ suk-av-ṇe ‘cause to become dry’ tarang-av-ṇe ‘cause to float’ thāmb-av-ṇe ‘cause to stop’ taḍphaḍ-av-ṇe ‘cause to writhe in pain/agony’ tāp-av-ṇe ‘cause to become hot’ cāl-av-ṇe ‘to walk/cause to walk’ cuk-av-ṇe ‘cause to make mistake/miss’ ṭhar-av-ṇe ‘decide’ ṭhas-av-ṇe ‘cause to be imbibed’ ṭik-av-ṇe ‘cause to survive’ uṭh-av-ṇe ‘cause to stand/get up’ ukaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to boil’ ulaṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to become toppled’ ur-av-ṇe ‘cause to remain’ vāk-av-ṇe ‘cause to become bent’ vaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to turn’ vāc-av-ṇe ‘cause to be saved’ vāḍh-av-ṇe ‘cause to grow’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

transitivity (non-causative/causative verb) pairs in marathi

187

Sr. No

Non-causative

Causative

Type

145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158

vāj-ṇe ‘ring’ vāḷ-ṇe ‘become dry’ vaṭ-ṇe ‘be encashed’ virghaḷ-ṇe ‘be dissolved’ viskaṭ-ṇe ‘be disordered’ vitaḷ-ṇe ‘melt’ vijh-ṇe ‘be extinguished’ āik-ṇe ‘listen’ hung-ṇe ‘smell’ samaj-ṇe ‘understand’ šik-ṇe ‘learn’ cāṭ-ṇe ‘lick’ haṭ-ṇe ‘move away’ utar-ṇe ‘descend/come down’

vāj-av-ṇe ‘cause to ring’ vāḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to become dry’ vaṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be encashed’ virghaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be dissolved’ viskaṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to be disordered’ vitaḷ-av-ṇe ‘cause to melt’ vijh-av-ṇe ‘cause to be extinguished’ āik-av-ṇe ‘cause to listen’ hung-av-ṇe ‘cause to smell’ samaj-av-ṇe ‘cause to understand’ šik-av-ṇe ‘cause to learn, teach’ cāṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to lick’ haṭ-av-ṇe ‘cause to move away’ utar-av-ṇe ‘cause to descend/come down, bring down’ mhaṇ-av-ṇe ‘cause to say/chant’ jhul-av-ṇe ‘cause to swing’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

159 mhaṇ-ṇe ‘say/chant’ 160 jhul-ṇe ‘swing’

Suffixation. Causativization (c). Suffixation. Causativization (c).

Notes: (1) The list is not exhaustive. (2) With regard to the pairs involving derivation through internal vowel change (vowel laxing), I treat them as anticausative formations and those involing internal consonant change as causative formations (consonant voicing). As for the pairs involving internal vowel plus consonant change, I treat them as equipollent (nondirected) formations. Finally, with regard to the pairs involving alternation of auxiliary verb, I treat them as suppletive/suppletion (s).

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Index active intransitive verbs 103, 120–121, 127, 133–134, 136–137, 145–146 agent defocusing 19, 35, 81, 83 agentive passive 51 agent-less passive 51 Alsina & Joshi (1991) 12, 17, 101, 106–109, 160 analytic (syntactic/periphrastic) causatives 98–100, 114, 118, 120, 124 anti-causative 59, 61 base/root verb semantics 110, 126 Beames ([1879] 1970) 17, 23, 24, 73, 98, 101 become passive 22, 54, 60–62 Bloch ([1914] 1970) 24, 125 capability passive 32, 35, 39 Cardona (1971) 137n Cardona (1978) 124 causal instrumental (nimittārthi trutiyā) marker 28–29 coercive causatives 120, 140, 157 come passive 22, 48, 49 Comrie (1976) 158 Comrie (1981/1989) 95, 97, 98, 121, 158, 160 Comrie (1985) 61, 106, 121 Comrie (2008) 18–20 contactive/contact (non-contactive/distant) causation 106, 108–109, 129 Croft (1990) 173 Damle ([1911] 1970)] 12, 17, 23, 24, 73, 101– 103 default agreement 9, 10 deference 91–93 Dhongde & Wali (2009) 2, 4, 6, 23, 39, 73 direct causation/causative 131–132, 137, 139, 145, 147, 151–152, 157–158, 161–162 directive causation 129, 139 Dixon & Aikhenwald (2000) 13, 13n Dixon (2000) 147, 153–154, 172

first causative

100–101

gauṇakartruk (agent-defocused/demoted) karmaṇī 25, 29–30 Givón (1981) 13, 18–20, 121 go passive 22, 48, 49 Haspelmath (1993) 162–165, 170, 173 Hook (1996) 162, 164, 170 impersonal passive 35 inactive intransitive verbs 85, 88, 103, 120– 121, 127, 132–134, 136–137 (in)capability meaning 37–41, 89–91 indirect causation/causative 131–132, 137, 139, 145–148, 151–152, 157–158, 161– 162 ingestive (semi-transitive) verbs 68–73, 106– 107, 120–121, 134–137, 146 internal consonant change 115, 121, 155 internal vowel and consonant change 116, 121, 155 internal vowel change 116, 121, 155 invisible agent intransitive expression 54– 58 Jacobsen (1985)

162

karmaṇī prayog (objectival/passive use) 23, 27, 29 kartarī prayog (subjectival/active use) 27– 28 Keenan (1981) 18 Kholodovich (ed.) (1969) 95, 96 Kittilä (2011) 13 Klaiman (1991) 138n Kulikov (1998) 61 Kulikov (2009) 124 Kulikov (2011) 12n7, 13, 18 labile (ambi-transitive) verbs lexical causatives 16, 122

101

196

index

manipulative causation 129, 139 Masica (1976) 101, 109, 129, 135–137, 164–165, 169–171 Masica (1991) 23 navin karmaṇī (new passive) 25, 30 Nedjalkov (1969) 162–163 Nedjalkov & Silnitsky (1973) 95, 96, 109, 172– 173 notion of planning 74–81 Pandharipande (1981) 12, 17, 22, 26, 31, 36, 73 Pandharipande (1997) 12, 23, 73 Pardeshi (2000a, b) 17, 26, 73, 85, 90, 93, 147 Pardeshi (2006) 17, 81, 83 patient profiling 19 permissive causatives 121, 124, 134, 157 pradhānakartruk (agent-prominent) karmaṇī 25, 29–30 prescriptive meaning 41 pūrāṇ karmaṇī (old passive) 25, 30 Rosen & Wali (1989) 35

12, 17, 22, 26, 31, 32, 34–

Saksena (1982) 109, 129–132, 147, 164 šaky karmaṇī (potential passive) 30–31, 40, 63–66 samāpan karmaṇī (completion passive) 30– 31, 63, 66, 83–85 second (double or higher grade) causative 100, 102–103

(self-) benefactive causatives 121, 123–124, 134, 140, 157 semantic valence 19–20 Shibatani (1973/1975) 121 Shibatani (1976) 95 Shibatani (1985) 13, 18–20 Shibatani (1990) 12n9 Shibatani (2000) 73, 144 Shibatani (2002) 109 Shibatani (2006) 12n7 Shibatani and Pardeshi (2002) 109–110, 122, 129, 138, 145, 147, 151, 156, 160 Siewierska (1984) 21 sociative causation/causative 145, 147–153, 157 Southworth (1971) 2 specificity of agent 81–83 spontaneous expression 61–62 suffixal causatives/suffixation 16, 117–118, 155 suppletive 115, 121 synthetic (lexical/morphological) causatives 98–100, 114, 122, 124–125 Tarkhadkar ([1836] 1899) 12, 17, 23, 24, 27–28, 73, 98n, 101–103 transitive verbs 134, 136–137 underlying syntactic structure

104

Wali (1979) 12, 17, 101–102, 104–105 Wali (1981) 12, 17, 101, 104–106, 108–109, 129, 160 Wali (2004) 12, 23, 26, 31, 34