A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculptures in Wales Volume 3. North Wales 9780708325506

Citation preview

A CORPUS

O F EARLY M E D I E VA L INSCRIBED STONES

AND STONE SCULPTURE

I N WA L E S V o l u m eI I I

N o r t h Wa l e s

N a n c y Edwards

A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales Vo l u m e III

A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales

D E N I R S

CAERNS

Vo l u m e III North Wales MONT

SHROPS

N A N C Y E D WA R D S RADS

With contributions by

CARDS

Jana Horák, Heather Jackson, Helen McKee, HER

CARMS

David N. Parsons and Patrick Sims-Willi ams

BRECS

GLAM

Published by the University ofWales Press in association witht h e Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales and Amguedda Cymru - National Museum Wales

Map of Wales showing the areas coveredby Volumes I-IIIof A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones andStone Sculpture in Wales (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

© The Contributors 2013 British Library Catalogu ing-inPublicati on Data

Library. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British ISBN 978-0-7083-2550-6 Published by the University of Wales Press in association with the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments o f Wales and Amguedda Cymru - National Museum Wales

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form

CONTENTS

or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without clearance from the University of Wales Press, 10 Columbus Walk,Brigantine Place, Cardiff, CF10 4UP. w w w. u w n . c o . u k

The right of the Contributors to be identified as authors of their work has been asserted by them in accordance with

List of catalogue illustrations Preface and acknowledgements Abbreviations

Historicaland archaeological background to the monuments Topography The Roman impact

a

List of figures (andt a b l e s )

Typeset by Mark Heslington Ltd, Scarborough, North Yorkshire Printed in Great Britain b y CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham, Wiltshire

r

ダ ． 炭⾊と

sections 77and 79o fthe Copyright, DesignsandPatents Act 1988.

Earlier research

Geological sourcesa n dselection of stone

by Jana Horák

Methodology

으

o

N

North Wales c.800-1137 Theearly medieval church in north Wales

w

North Wales c.300-800

Selection of stone Extraction

The early inscribed stones Numbers and distribution

BANGOR Tw i

ve p e

r Ty

BRITISH

- A C A D E M Y

Arts & H u m a n i t i e s

100

ne

PRIFYSGOL

ло плш nat ion al

C o n t e y t a n d fi n c t i o n

Roman-letterinscriptions: words and formulae Inscriptions in the ogam alphabet Roman-letterinscriptions: layout, carving and epigraphy Christiansymbols: chi-rhos and crosses F o r m s o fs c u l p t u r e Cross-carved stones

A

Geology andsourceslithologies The relationship ofstoneform tolithologies Conclusion

5

Transportation

CONTENTS

Crosses Cross-slabs and pillars Architectural and related fragments F O n t S

70

73 73 74

CONTENTS

Flintshire(FI-F12) Merioneth (MRI-MR27) Montgomeryshire (MTI-MT6) Appendices

Appendix A Monuments of uncertain date Appendix B Lost monuments for which no illustration h a s survived

S u n d i a l s L a t e r i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s G r a v e - c o v e r

Appendix C Stones wrongly identified as early medieval or possibly early medieval

77

A d d e n d a t o P e m b r o k e s h i r e

D i s t r i b u t i o n , c o n t e x t a n d f u n c t i o n o f t h es c u l p t u r e

Crosses, cross-slabs and other more ambitious sculpture Ecclesiastical landscapes

The ornament and iconography of thesculpture C r o s s e s

Plaitwork a n dinterlace F r e t s

Spiral patterns

Animal and plant ornament Figural iconography Sculpture: the inscriptions Words, formulae and function Layout of inscriptions

The palaeography of the later inscriptions by Helen McKee The sculpture: regional and local groups

Circle-head crosses Sculpture carved from Anglesey Grit

Sculpture on the Llyn andin Merioneth Sculpture in Powys

The Celtic language ofthe inscriptions and their chronology by Patrick Sims-Williams Brittonic inscriptions

Irish inscriptions The incidence of Irish names

11

The development and chronology of early medieval stone-carving in north Wales The early inscribed stones The sculpture

78

2 8 6

C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s

86 86 92 98 98 99 101 101 105

105 108 109 111 113 114

116 116 119 119 121 126

C ATA L O G U E

133

Organization of the catalogue Conventions for editing the texts of inscriptions Linguistic abbreviations

135 13 8 138 139

List of all m o n u m e n t s i n t h e c a t a l o g u e

Anglesey (AN1-AN59) Caernarfonshire (CN2-CN42) Denbighshire (DI-D9)

143 241 316

349

449

469 475

Bibliography

481

Index

507

LIST OF FIGURES (AND TABLES)

Frontispiece Map ofWales showing the areas covered by Volumes I-Ill of ACorpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture i n Wales.

Figure 11. Figure 1.2 Figure 1.3

Figure 2.1

Map of north Wales: physical features and county boundaries.

Map of north Wales: early medieval kingdoms and regions.

Map of north Wales: mother churches a n dother ecclesiastical sites mentioned in the text.

Clocaenog 1(D1), drawing by John Lloyd showing both the roman-letter inscription and the ogam strokes.

Figure 2.2

Drawings of inscribed stones made for Thomas Pennant by Moses Griffith.

Figure 2.3

John Skinner's drawings of possible early medieval sculptural fragments (now lost) at Cerrig Ceinwen,

Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

H. Harold Hughes's drawings of Penmon 1 (AN51).

Anglesey.

2.4 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

Figure 3.6

Figure 3.7 F i g u r e 4.1

Bedrock map of the geology of northWales. Map of north Wales showing solid geologyand overlying drift deposits. Stones from Merionethshire worked from Cambrian sandstone. Stones from Anglesey worked from Ordovician lithologies. Stones from Caernarfonshire. Denbighshire and Merionethshire worked from Ordovician lithologies. Stones from north Wales worked from Permo-Triassiclithologies. Pie charts of monument lithologies by period.

Table showing numbers and distribution of roman-letter and ogam-and-roman early inscribed stones in

north Wales by county.

Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5

Figure Figure Figure Figure

4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9

Map showing distribution of roman-letter and ogam-inscribed stones ni north Wales.

Map of north-west Wales showing inscribed stones in relation to Roman forts and roads. Early inscribed stones in north Wales: table summarizing the texts. The ogam alphabet. Distinctive late Roman letter-forms with examples found on early inscribed stones in north Wales. Ligatures with examples found on early inscribed stones in north Wales. Reversed and turnedletters with examples found on early inscribedstones innorth Wales. Minuscule and other distinctive letter-forms with examples found on early inscribed stones in north Wales.

Figure 4.10

Mixed-alphabet letter-forms on Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) and Llangaffo 12 (AN38).

Figure 4.11

C h i e r h o s a n dc r o s s e s

F i g u r e 5.1

F o r m s o f sculpture.

Figure 5.2

C r o s s . h e a d o r m s

Figure 5.3

F o n t s

LIST OF FIGURES (AND TABLES)

Figure 6.1 Figure 7.1

Figure Figure Figure Figure

7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

Figure 7.6

Figure 7.7 F i g u r e 7.8

Figure 7.9

Distribution map of sculpture in north Wales. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s w i t h l i n e a r crosses.

Cross-carved stones with linear ring-crosses.

Cross-carved stones with outline crosses, some with rings, and related forms. Cross-carved stones with outline crosses a n d spikes

Monuments with miscellaneous crosses. Plaitwork patterns. Interlace patterns 1 Interlace patterns 2. Fret-pattern elements.

Figure 7.10

Fret-patterns 1

Figure 7.11 Figure 8.1 Figure 9.1 Figure 9.2

Fret-patterns 2.

LIST O F C AT A L O G U E I L L U S T R AT I O N S

Inscriptions o n sculpture

Map showing circle-head crosses ni north Wales, west Cheshire and south Lancashire. Map showing sculpture carved from Anglesey carboniferous quartz arenite.

Anglesey

AN13.3

AN1.1

Bodedern 1 A.

A N T 3 4

AN1.2

Bodedern 1 A, line-drawing of inscription. Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (i), (in). Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (i).

AN14

AN2.1

AN2.2 AN2.3 AN2.4 AN3 AN5.1

AN5.2

Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (ji), (iv).

Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (iv).

Cerrig Ceinwen 2 A. Heneglwys 1 A . Heneglwys 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

AN6

AN7.1 AN7.2

AN7.3 AN9.1

Heneglwys 2 .A . Heneglwys 3 A Heneglwys 3 B. Heneglwys 3, socket in top.

Llanbabo 1, drawing of the inscription by

Revd Robert Humphreys, 1695. AN9.2

AN9.3 AN9.4 AN9.5

AN15.1 AN15.2 AN15.3 AN15.4 AN16 AN17.1 AN17.2 AN17.3 AN17.4

AN18 AN20.2

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1A, copy of a

AN21.1 AN21.2 AN21.3

inscription.

AN10 AN11.1 AN11.2 AN11.3

Llanbadrig 1 A.

AN22 AN23 AN24 AN26.1

AN12.1

Llanfaelog 1 C. Llanfaelog 1 D, detail of inscription. Llanfaelog 1 D, line-drawing of inscript i o n

AN13.1

Llanfaelog 2 A, inside the barn at Penseri F a r m

AN13.2

Llanfaelog 2 Aand D .

Lhuyd or his assistants.

sketch of the inscription by L h u y d or his assistants.

AN21 .4

AN12.2 AN12.3

. Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 2 A

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 A, drawing by

Lewis Morris. Llanbabo 1 A, drawing by Lewis Morris. Llanbabo 1 A and D. Llanbabo 1 A, line-drawing of extant

Lantachraith I.S

Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1 A. Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2 A. Llanfair MathafarnEithaf 2 B. Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2 C. Llanfair MathafarnEithaf2 D. Llanffinan 1. Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 A. Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 B. Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 C. Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 D.

AN20.1

Llanbabo 1, drawing of inscription by

Llanfachraith 1 A .

Llanfaelog 2 B. Llanfaelog 2 A, line-drawing o f inscrip-

AN26.2 AN27.1 AN27.2 AN27.3 AN28.1 AN28.2

LlanfihangelYsgeifiog 2 A . . Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 B Llanfihangel Llanfihangel Llanfihangel Llanfihangel Llanfihangel

Ysgeifiog 2 C. Ysgeifiog 2 D. Ysgeifiog 3 A. Ysgeifiog4. Ysgeifiog 5.

Llangadwaladr 1A .

Llangadwaladr 1 A , line-drawing of inscription. . Llangaffo 1 A

Llangaffo 1 C. Llangaffo 1 D.

Llangaffo 2 A. Llangaffo 2 B.

LIST OF CATALOGUE ILLUSTRATIONS AN28 .3 AN28.4

AN29 AN30 AN31 AN32

AN33 AN34 AN35 AN38.1 AN38.2

AN38.3

Llangaffo 2 C. Llangaffo 2 D. Llangaffo 3 A . . Llangaffo 4 A Llangaffo 5 A. Llangaffo 6 A, line-drawing Llangaffo 7 A.

Llangaffo 8 A. Llangaffo 9 A. Llangaffo 12 A. Llangaffo 12 A, copy of a drawing by

Lhuyd or his assistants.

AN39.2 AN40

AN41 AN42 AN43 AN44

AN45.1 AN45.2 AN45.3

. Llangefni 1 A

Llangefni 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

Llangefni 2 A, sketch by Lewis Morris.

Llangeinwen 1 A. Llangeinwen 2 A. Llangeinwen 3 A. Llangeinwen 4 A. Llansadwrn 1 A. Llansadwrn 1 A, sketch by Lewis Morris. Llansadwrn 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

AN46.1-2

AN46.3

Llantrisant 1 A and detail ofinscript ion o n B.

AN51.2

AN51.5 AN52.1 AN52.2

AN52.3 AN52.4 AN54.1 AN54.2 AN54.3 AN54.4 AN55

CN28

CN29.1 CN29.2

inscriptions. CN4.1 CN4.2

. Bangor 1 A

CN5.1 CN6.1

Bangor 2A. Bangor 3 A.

Bangor 1 C. CN4.3/CN5.2/CN6.3 Bangor 1, 2 and 6.

CN6.2/CN7.2/CN8.3 Bangor 3, 4 and 5.

CN7 CN8.1

CN8.2 CN9.1 CN9.2 CN10.1 CN10.2 CN11

CN12.3 N13.1 CN13.2 CN13.3

CN15

T

R

Penmon 1 C, detail of the iconography.

CN38.1 CN38.2

inscription.

CN39.1

. Caerhun 1 A

Caerhun 1, location beside the Roman

CN39.2 CN39.3

Caerhun 1, location and line-drawing o f

CN40 CN41.1

CN19.1

inscriptions. Llanaelhaearn 1 A . Llanaelhaearn 1 A, line-drawing of

CN19 2

Dolbenmaen 2 A , line-drawings of

P e n m a c h n o"

A

Penmachno 1A, line-drawing of P e n m a c h n o 2 A P e n m a c h n o3

Penmachno 3 A, line-drawing of inscriptions. P e n m a c h n o 4 A.

Penmachno 4 A, line-drawing of

Pistyll 1, east face. Pistyll 1, west face. Pistyll 1, north face.

CN42

W a u n t a w r I

D7.1

D7.2 D7.3 D7.4 175

A

D8.1 D8.2

F1.1 F1.2 F2.1 F2.2 F2.3 F3.1

stone in relation to the other standing

F3.2 F3.3

Clocaenog 1, showing the fallen inscribed

F6

Clocaenog 1 A, line-drawing of

F7 F8.1

D2.1 D2. 2

Gwytherin 1 A. Gwytherin 1 A, line-drawing of

F8.2

INSCrIDION.

R & 3

The location oft h e Gwytherin 1 with the other three standing stones. Llandysilio yn I@l 1, in its landscape

F8.4

inscriptions.

CN21.1

inscription. Llandudno 1 A.

D3.1

context.

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 A . Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 B.

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 D .

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 A, detailof

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 A, line-

drawing of inscription. Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2, A .

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2, hollowedPentrefoelas 1 A. Pentrefoelas 1 A, line-drawing of

Flintshire

C l o c a e n o g 1 A.

D 23

Llangernyw 3A , line-drawing of

InSCriDtiOn.

D1.2

. Llanaelhaearn 2 A Llanaelhaearn 2 A, line-drawing of

L I a n g e r n y w 3 A.

out face and rim with groove.

D9.1 D9.2

D1.3

CN20.2

Llandysilio yn Iâl 1, sketch made by Daines Barrington in 1773. . Llangernyw 1 A . Llangernyw 2 A inscription.

A.

CN41.2

D1.1

Llandysilio n Ial 1, inscription as shown in Vaughan's Commonplace Book. Llandysilio yn lâl 1, Lhuyd's

cross-head with secondary inscription.

Pistyll 2 A. Treflys 1 Aand D. Treflys 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

inscription.

CN20.1

Llannor 3 A. Llannor 3 A ,line-drawing of inscription. Llannor 4, inscription, copy of drawing by Lhuyd or his assistants. Nefyn 1 A.

inscription.

Denbighshire

Llandysilio yn Iâl 1, from the west,

transcription.

inscription.

Bardsey Island 2A. Bardsey Island 2 B . Bardsey Island 2 B, line-drawing of

. Dolbenmaen 2 A Dolbenmaen 2 A/B, ogam inscription.

P e n m o n 4D

Penmon 5 A .

CN33 CN35.1 CN35.2

Bangor 7.

CN18.1 CN18.2 CN18 .3

3 6

D4 D5 D6.1 D6.2

CN37.1 CN37.2

Dolbenmaen 1 A and D. Dolbenmaen 1 A, line-drawing of

0

L l a n n o r 1 A.

Llannor 2 A, detail of the inscription. Llannor 2 A, line-drawing of inscription.

CN36

. Clynnog 1 A Clynnog 2 A.

D3.5

CN30.2 CN30.3

CN32

Llandysilio yn lal 1, from the east, showing the inscription added in 1779. s h o w i n g the area o f the original

Llannor 2 A and B.

CN31.1 CN31.2

Llandysilio yn lâl 1, from the south

inscription part way d o w n the column.

CN30.1

Bangor 6 C.

Bardsey Island 1 A .

Llangybi 2 A.

D3.4

D3.7

Bangor 6 A.

. Bangor 7 A

Llangian 1 A. Llangian 1 A, line-drawing of inscription. Llangwnnadl 1 A . Llangybi 1 A .

D3.3

Llannor 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

inscription.

P e n m o n 4 A.

Penmon 4 C.

Bangor 4 A. Bangor 5 A. Bangor 5 C.

road.

CN17.1 CN17.2

Panmon A B

Aberdaron 2 A .

Aberdaron 2 A, line-drawing of

B

Lhuyd or his assistants.

inscription.

CN27

C

AN53/AN56 Penmon 3 and 6, copies of drawings by

Penrhosllugwy 2 C.

Aberdaron 1, line-drawing of inscription.

• P e n m o n"

P e n m o n 2 .A

Llanfaglan 1 A, line-drawing of

Aberdaron 1 A a n dB.

CN14

Penmon 2 B. Penmon 2 C. Penmon 2 D.

CN24.2

. Aberdaron 1 A

r e n m o n I P e n m o n

Llanfaglan 1 A, detail of t h e inscription.

CN2.1 CN2.3 CN3.1 CN3.2

D3.2

s h o w i n g the c a i r n prior to excavation.

CN24.1

CN2.2

Penmon 1Astanding in its earliest known l o c a t i o n

Penrhosllugwy 1A, line-drawing of

Llandudno 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

CN25.1 CN25.2 CN26

CN12.2

inscription, sketches by Lewis Morris. . Llechgynfarwy 1 A Newborough 1 (i). Newborough 1 (ii). Newborough 1 (iii).

CN21.2

Penrhosllugwy 1 A .

Caernarfonshire

inscriptions.

AN48 AN49.1 AN49.2 AN49.3

AN51.3 AN51.4

AN59

CN12.1

Llantrisant 2, two versions of the

Penmynydd 1 A.

inscription.

Llantrisant 1 Aand B, line-drawing of

AN47

AN51.1

AN58 .2

Llangaffo 12 A, line-drawing o f

inscription.

AN39.1

AN57

AN58.1

xiii

LISTOF CATALOGUE ILLUSTRATIONS

. Caerwys 1 A

Caerwys 1 A , line-drawing of inscription. Dyserth 1 A. Dyserth 1 B.

Dyserth 1 C, D. Dyserth 2 A. Dyserth 2 B, C. Dyserth 2 D. Hope 1 A. Hope 2 A. Hope 3 A. Meliden 1 D, A, B, C, copy of a drawing by L h u v d or his assistants.

F8.5

Meliden 1 b., A. Meliden 1 b., B. Meliden 1 b., C.

Meliden 1 b., D.

F9.1

R h u d d l a n 1 A.

F9.2

Rhuddlan 1 C.

xiv F10

LIST OF CATALOGUE ILLUSTRATIONS

Rhuddlan 2 A and C.

MR21

F11 F12.1 F12.2

Whitford 1 A . Whitford 2 A.

MR22.2

F12.3

Whitford 2 C. W h i t f o r d 2 D.

F12.4 F12.5

Whitford 2 B.

MR22.1 MR23.1 MR23.2

Whitford 2 C, detail of figural panel. MR23.3

Merioneth MRI.1

MR1.2 MR2.1 MR2.2 MR3 MR4

Barmouth 1 A. Barmouth 1 A, line-drawing of inscription. B a r m o u t h 2 A.

MR7.1

C o r w e n §

MR8.2 MR8.3

B

C o r w e n > C

Corwen 5 C, drawing by Moses Griffith. Corwen 5 D, line-drawing of inscription. . Ffestiniog 1 A Ffestiniog 1 D.

Festiniog 1 Aand D, line-drawing of

MR9

Ffestiniog 2, sketch of inscription by .J .E

MR10.1

MR10.2

Llandanwg 1 A. Llandanwg 1 A, detail of the inscription.

MR10.3 MR11.1 M R 11 . 2

Llandanwg 2 A. Llandanwg 2 A, line-drawing of

Jones.

Llandanwg 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

InscrIptiOn.

MR13 MR14 MR15.1 MR15.2 MR15.3

MRI7 MR18.1 MR18.2 MR1 9.1 M R 1 92

Llandanwg 3 A.

Llandanwg 3A, detail of inscription. L l a n d a n w g 3 A, line-drawing o f inscription.

MR24

Tywyn 1, copy of a drawing by Lhuyd or

MR25.2

MR25.3 MR25.4 MR25.5

Llanfor 1 A .

Llanymawddwy 1, drawing by Lewis Morris.

Tywyn 2 A-D, copies of drawings made by Lhuyd or his assistants.

MR25.7

Tywyn 2 A-D, line-drawing of inscriptions.

MR26 MR27

. Tywyn 3 A Tywyn 4 A.

Montgomeryshire

MTI MT2.1 MT2.2 MT2.3 MT3 MT4.1 MT4.2 MT4.3 MT5 МТ6

Llandecwyn 1 A, line-drawing of

Llanfor 1 A, line-drawing of inscription. Llanuwchllyn 1, the inscription, noted by Robert Vaughan. Llanuwchllyn 1, drawing by Robert

2 A. 2 B. 2 C. 2 D.

Tywyn 2 A-D, by Westwood and

AN4 AN8 AN19

inscription Llanegryn 1 A.

Tywyn Ty w y n Tywyn Tywyn

MR25.6

AppendixA

Llandecwyn 1 A. Llandecwyn 1 A.

inscription.

his assistants.

MR25.1

Llandanwg 4 A . . Llandanwg 5 A

Va u g h a n

MR20

Trawsfynydd 2 A, drawing by Edward Trawsfynydd 2 A, line-drawing of

C o r w e n 3 D, w i t h inscription.

inscriptions.

MR12.1 MR12.2 MR12.3

Trawsfynydd 2, inscription, noted by Robert Vaughan.

MR23.4

Barmouth 2 A, line-drawing of inscription.

MR7.2

MR8.1

. Trawsfynydd 2 A

Lhuyd.

Corwen 1 A. Corwen 2. Corwen 5 A.

MR7.3 MR7.4 MR7.5 MR7.6

Maentwrog 1. Trawsfynydd 1 A. Trawsfynydd 1 A, line-drawing of inscription.

AN25 AN36.1

AN36.2 AN37 AN50

CN1.1

CN1.2 CN1.3

Carno 1 A. Llandrinio 1 A. Llandrinio 1 B. Llandrinio 1 D.

Llandrinio 2 A. . Llanerfvl 1 A

Llanerfyl 1 A, line-drawing of inscription. Llanerfyl 1 A , drawing byLewis Morris. Llanwyddelan 1A. Meifod 1 A .

. Cerrig Ceinwen 3 A Holyhead 1, sketch by Lewis Morris. . Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 3 A

LlanfihangelYsgeifiog 6 A . Llangaffo 10 A, upper half. Llangaffo 10 A, lower half.

Llangaffo 11 A. Newborough 2 A, rubbing. Aber 1 A, with inscription a. Aber 1 D, with inscription b. Aber 1, line-drawings of inscriptions on A and D.

CN22.1

Llandygai 1, sketch by Lewis Morris.

Xv

L I S TOF CATALOGUE ILLUSTRATIONS

CN22.2 CN23

Llandygái 1, sketch by William Williams. Llandygai 2 A.

MR5 MR6 MR16 MT7

Corwen 3.

Corwen 4. . Llandrillo 1 A . Meifod 2 A

Addenda t o Pembrokeshire P50 Llanychaer 1 A. N e v e r n I A P140

P R E FA C E A N D A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S

This is the third and final volume of A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales. It

covers the northern half of the country, the pre-1974

o f w e a l t h a n d the role of patronage, c h a n g i n g cultural

identities and the impact of Irish and Viking settlement in

Wales during the period. It is also possible to consider cul

counties of Anglesey, Caernarfonshire, Denbighshire,

tural and artistic contacts betweenWales and other parts of

Flintshire, Merioneth and Montgomeryshire. The other two volumes were published in 2007: the first, by Mark

Britain and Ireland, especially with western Mercia and

Wales and the English border, the counties of Breconshire, Glamorgan, Monmouthshire, Radnorshire

Shropshire; the second, by myself, with south-west Wales, the counties of Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire. The pre-1974 counties were retained to

for the study of the Latin, Welsh and Irish languages ni post-Roman Wales and can also shed light on literacy and learning. Nevertheless, this volume, and the Corpus as a whole, should not be seen as an end ni itself. Rather, ti si hoped that the Corpus will act as a spur for further research onearly medieval Wales. It is alsoanticipated that ti will

avoid confusion since they were those originally used by

p r o v i d e a u s e f u l t o o l for t h e p r o t e c t i o n , c o n s e r v a t i o n a n d

V. E. Nash-Williams in The Early Christian Monuments of

display of the monuments for future generations as part of

- inscribed stones, cross-carved stones and more ambitious pieces of sculpture, such as crosses and cross-slabs. There are now around 560 monuments known from across Wales, including over 150 in the north, and new discoveries are made almostevery year. The archaeology of Wales ni D 400-1100 is still poorly understood and the period c. A documentary evidence is sparse. Therefore, the early

single-volume revision and updating of Nash-Williams's work, began in the 1980s under the aegis of the now defunct University of Wales Board of Celtic Studies (who had published The Early Christian Monuments of Wales). .J M . Lewis of the National Museum was responsible for the south-east while W . G . Thomas of the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments

. Lewis. is concerned with south-east Redknap and .J M

and monuments in the border areas of Herefordshire and

Wales published in 1950 which these volumes replace. Nash-Williams's catalogue comprised 415 monuments

medieval inscribed stones and stone sculpture. as the m o s t

prolific form of material evidence. take on a special importance. In addition totheir intrinsic value, and despite some

difficulties concerning their close dating and chronology,

w e can u s etheir form, o r n a m e n t and i n s c r i p t i o n s to i n f o r m debates on larger research questions about this formative

period of Welsh history. This material throws unique light

regions around and across the Irish Sea, as well as with the Continent. The inscriptions also provide the main source

our heritage. Research for the Corpus, originally conceived as a

of Wales took on the rest. With Thomas's untimely death in 1994 it looked as if the whole project might founder but the Board of Celtic Studies eventually decided that it

should carry on and, ni 1997, I became responsible for

Vo l u m e s II and III.

By this time it was also evident that a simple revision and updating with the inclusion of monuments discov-

church sites, their hierarchy and evolution, as well as on

liturgy and belief. tI is also possible to identify local and

ered since 1950 was inadequate. The British Academy Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture, the first volume of which was published in 1984 (Cramp, 1984), had set a

regional sculptural groups and thereby to analyse aspects

new standard for such research and it was important that

on the conversion to Christianity, the identificationof early

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS early medieval inscribed stones a n d stone sculpture in

Wales should receive similar treatment. W. G.

T h o m a s h a d v i s i t e d m o n u m e n t s in t h e n o r t h in

the 1980s, making terse notes, additions and corrections to Nash-Williams's catalogue entries, and some were photographed by the Royal Commission in 1988. He had also published a couple of additions (Thomas, 1989, 1992),

but at the time of his death there was still a great deal to do. Having been granted sabbatical leave ni autumn 1996, I carried out a pilot project ni the north on Viking Age crosses in Anglesey and Flintshire (Edwards, 1999). This aimed to assess what might be learnt from a detailed study of the monuments which incorporated the techniques

used for the Anglo-Saxon Corpus with additional assessment of antiquarian material and their archaeological

context. The results, demonstrating what might be

achieved, led the Board of Celtic Studies to grant me twelve months' research leave (1997-8) to work on both

Volumes I and III. In the end, I concentrated on the south-west but a further pilot study was completed ni the

north focusing on Montgomeryshire and south Denbighshire and, as time went on, opportunities also arose to publish new monuments and reassess others

(Jones, Silvester and Edwards, 2001; Edwards, 2006). Nevertheless, the bulk of the research and fieldworkwas conducted during 2006-8 and writing up was completed

also go to Peter Wakelin, secretary of the RCAHMW, for his unfailing support and to other staff for their help. At

Amgueddfa Cymru - National Museum Wales my thanks go particularly to Richard Brewer and Mark Redknap in

archaeology and numismatics andJana Horák in geology.

Thirdly, it would not have been possible to complete this volume without substantialresearch grants and other

awards. I am especially grateful for the financial support of the British Academy, which gave me a Research Leave Fellowship ni 2006-8, and a small research grant which enabled completion of geological fieldwork. I also bene. fitted enormously from the award of a Visiting Fellowship at Al Souls College Oxford in Michaelmas term 2007,

A B B R E V I AT I O N S

which provided a stimulating environment and allowed me to complete background and comparative research in

the Sackler and Bodleian Libraries. Equally, the award of an Arts and Humanities Research Board Fellowship in matched by sabbatical leave from Bangor

2011,

University, allowed me to complete writing up. At the last hurdle, lack of finance threatened publication but Bangor

University generously agreed to provide a full grant after the Higher Education Funding Council for Wales withdrew their support from the University of Wales Press for

producing academic books on Wales. Grants have also

CIB

CIIC

c o m e f r o m o t h e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s at crucial m o m e n t s : t h e

Board of Celtic Studies aided Patrick Sims-Williams's research on the Celtic phonology and contributed to the This volume has been an enormous undertaking and I costs of geological identification, while the Cambrian could not have contemplated it, let alone completed it, Archaeological Association provided travel expenses for without the help of others. First, I would like to thank fieldwork.

in late summer2011.

most warmly those who have made specialist contribu-

I would also like to thank the staff of both Clwyd-

tions: Jana Horák and Heather Jackson (Amgueddfa Cymru - National Museum Wales) on the geology, Helen

Powys Archaeological Trust, notably Bill Britnell and Bob Silvester, and Gwynedd Archaeological Trust,

McKee on the later palaeography, David N. Parsons (University of Wales Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies) on the runic inscription and Patrick Sims-

Williams (Aberystwyth University) o n t h e C e l t i c philology. Karen Pollock has prepared the index with

notably Andrew Davidson and David Longley, for dealing with my enquiries. Thanks are also due to all owners, incumbents, church wardens and key keepers

Secondly, I am very grateful indeed to the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales and Amgueddfa Cymru - National Museum Wales for their continuing support as partners ni the

Coatsworth, John Reuben Davies, Tudor Davies, Richard Gem, Lilla Kopár, Averill Lukic, Frances Lynch, Tim Morgan, Steffan ap Owain, Aimee Pritchard, David Roberts, David Stephenson, Felicity Taylor, Carlo Tedeschi and Roger Tomlin forhelp in various ways. Finally, my husband Huw Pryce and my son lestyn

project. The RCAHMW provided a grant in 1997 which enabled me to commission Jean Williamson to take photographs

of

monuments

in

Caernarfonshire

and

Anglesey. The RCAHMW photographer l a i nWright continued on the project from 2001. Drawings for this volume (all digital) have been carried out by Charles Green, a

RCAHMW draughtperson. Without the very skilled,

painstaking and innovative work of these three, this v o l u m e c o u l d n e v e r h a v e c o m e t o t r i t i o n

T h a n k s s h o u l d

CIL

CISP

have had to put up with my preoccupation with "the stones' for far longer than they might originally have

LHEB LW

Westwood, J. O. (1876-9). Lapidarium

Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum, vol. I,

Walliae: The Early Inscribed and Sculptured

Dublin, reprinted 1996, with a preface by D .McManus; (1949). Corpus Inscriptionum

Stones of Wales, Oxford.

RIB

Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften (1863-). Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum con-

RIB II

silo et auctoritate Academia Litterarum Regiae Borussicae, 15 vols, Berlin. Christian InscribedStones Project online

RIBI

cisp/database.

ECMS

Allen, .J R . and Anderson, .J (1903). The

Early Christian Monuments of Scotland, 3 pts, ECMW G AT C S

IBC

ICERV

.I Henderson, Balgavies. Nash-Williams,V. E. (1950). The Early Christian Monuments of Wales, Cardiff. Davidson, A. (2000). Historic Churchesof Gwynedd, Gazetteer of Churches, Diocese of Bangor, Gwynedd Archaeological Trust unpub. rep. no. 390.

Hübner, A. (ed.) (1876). Inscriptiones Britanniae Christianae, Berlin and London. Vives, J. (ed.) (1969). Inscripciones Cristianas España Romana y Visigoda, 2nd edn, Barcelona a n d Madrid.

ICG

Le Blant. E . (1856-65). Inscriptiones Chrétiennes de la Gaule antérieures au VIII*

siècle, 2vols, Paris.

Collingwood, R . G. andWright, R . P. (1995). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, ,I Inscriptions on Stone, 2nd edn, Stroud.

Collingwood, R. G. and Wright, R. P. (1990-5). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, II, Monumentum Domesticum, Stroud. . P. and Hassall, Tomlin, R. S. O., Wright, R M. W. C. (2009). The Roman Inscriptionsof Britain.III Inscriptions on Stone, Oxford and Oakville.

RIB Index

Goodburn, R . and Waugh, H. (comps.) (1983). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain by

Edinburgh, repr. 1993 with introduction by

imagined. Huw, as ever, has provided much support and

has also read and commented on much of the introduction for which I am very grateful. Nancy Edwards January 2012

Macalister, R. A. S. (1945). Corpus

Diehl, E. (1925-31). Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 3 vols, Berlin. Jackson, K . (1953). Language and History in Early Britain, Edinburgh.

database, http://www.ucl.ac.uk/archaeology/

likewise grateful to Richard N. Bailey, Thomas Charles-

Edwards, the late Gifford Charles-Edwards, Elizabeth

Publication 37, Oxford and Boston.

ILCV

Insularum Celticarum, vol. II, Dublin.

w h o g r a n t e d m e a c c e s s t o m o n u m e n t s in t h e i r c a r e . I a m

g r e a t efficiency.

Sims-Williams,P. (2003). The Celtic Inscriptions of Britain: Phonology and Chronology, c.400-1200, Philological Society

the Late R . G . Collingwood and R . P. Wright, ,I Inscriptions on Stone, Epigraphic Indexes, Gloucester. RICG. I

Gauthier, N. (1975). Recueil des Inscriptions Chrétiennes de l a Gaule antérieures à l a

Renaissance Carolingienne, ,I Première Belgique, Paris.

RICG, VIII Prévot, F. (1997). Recueil des Inscriptions Chrétiennes de la G a u l eantérieures à la

RenaissanceCarolingienne, VIII, Aquitaine Première, Paris.

RICG, XV

Decombes, F. (1985).Recueildes Inscriptions Chrétiennesde l a Gaule antérieures à la

Renaissance Carolingienne, XV Viennoise du Nord, Paris.

ABBREVIATIONS

vol. I

Redknap, M . and Lewis, J. M. (2007). A vol. I Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales, Volume I, Breconshire, Glamorgan, Monmouthshire, Radnorshire, and Geographically Contiguous Areas of Hereford-

Edwards, N. (2007a). ACorpus of Early Medieval

Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales, Volume II, South-west Wales, Cardiff.

CHAPTER 1

shire a n dShropshire, Cardiff.

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND T O THE MONUMENTS

TOPOGRAPHY This third and final volume of A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales is concerned with the northern half of the country and encompasses the early medieval kingdoms of Gwynedd and Powys.

This region si made up of the historic counties of Anglesey, Caernarfonshire, Merioneth, Denbighshire,

The large island of Anglesey, consisting by the end of the period of the three cantreft of Aberffraw, Cemais and Rhosyr (Davies, 1982a: fig. 1c), occupies a pivotal position on the Irish Sea coast. It is relatively low-lying, but on a clear day both the Wicklow hills in Ireland and the Isle of Man are visible from its highest point, the summit of

Holyhead Mountain (220m/722ft. Although Gerald of

Wales described the island as 'an arid stony land, rough

Flintshire and Montgomeryshire, which were formed,

either ni the wake of the Edwardian Conquest of 1282, or ni the Act of Union ni 1536 (Rees, 1951: pls 45, 56). Local government was not reorganized until 1974, when the larger administrative areas of Gwynedd, Clwyd and

and unattractive ni appearance', he also emphasized its natural fertility and suitability for cereal cultivation (Thorpe, 1978: 187). Its productivity made it not only the core of the early medieval kingdom of Gwynedd butalso attractive to a series of raiders, invaders and settlers

Powys were formed, but in 1996 these were again broken up to form smaller units, some of which follow in part the

throughout the period. Across the Menai Strait and west of the Conwy, the

historic county boundaries: Isle of Anglesey (Ynys Môn), Gwynedd, Conwy, Denbighshire, Flintshire, Wrexham

landscape of Caernarfonshire is dominated by the austere

mountainous barrier of northern Snowdonia (Eryri), the

and Powys, the northern third of which is covered by this volume. However, for the sake of clarity, the historic

highest summit of which, Snowdon, rises to 1,085m (3,560ft). The fingers of the steep-sided river valleys are

Williams as the basis of his catalogue divisions in The

grazing. East of the Afon Ogwen ni the cantref of

Early Christian Monuments of Wales (1950).

A r l e c h w e d d the m o u n t a i n s tumble a l m o s t directly into

Gerald of Wales describes how, in 1188, he left Llanbadarn Fawr in Ceredision and, travelling northwards, crossed the Dyfi estuary which 'divides North Wales from South Wales' (Thorpe, 1978: 181). This

the sea, but to the west ni Arfon a narrow and more productive coastal strip of lowland and heath broadens and stretches southwards into the cantrefof Eifionydd. To the west, the long arm of Llyn, with its comparatively fertile

counties are retained here since these were used by Nash-

northern half of the country stretches from the Dyfi estuary to the L I n peninsula and on to the island of Anglesey in the west and as far as the mouth of the Dee

separated by rugged terrain suitable only for upland

soils and dramatic hills, projects far out into the Irish Sea, with Bardsey Island (Ynys Enlli) at its tip. The west of Merioneth is made up of two cantreft,

and the upper reaches of the Severn in the eastern border- Ardudwy and Meirionydd. This region encompasses lands with England (Fig. 1.1). It is dominated by a southern Snowdonia and consists of an intermittent spectacular but rugged mountainous interior, while the long coastline with its morefertile lowlands is pierced by a series of broad river estuaries.

sandy coastline broken up by spectacular river estuaries which stretches from Traeth Bach, where the Glaslyn and the Dwyryd reach the sea, southwards through the remote

HISTORICAL ANDARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TOTHE MONUMENTS

HISTORICAL ANDARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUNDT O T H E MONUMENTS

derlands between Gwynedd and Powys, stretches the

cantrefo f Penllyn. The latter is centred on Llyn Tegid

(Bala Lake) and from thencefollows the upper reacheso f

the Dee and the western slopes oft h e BerwynMountains, which divide the north from mid Wales, as far as Dyffryn Edeirnion (Bowen and Gresham, 1967: 1-3).

To the east of the Conwy, the landscape of Denbighshire likewise includes some remote upland areas, such as Mynydd Hiraethog, but the scenery is notably gentler. It is alsomore easily penetrated from the

ANGLESEY

FLINTSHIRE) DENBIGHSHIRE

CAERNARFONSHIRE)

Mynydd Hiraethog

east, either along the coastal plain, or through the fertile corridor oft h e Dee to the Vale of LIangollen. In the west the cantrefi ofRhosa n d Rhufoniog form apredominantly upland area between Gwynedd and Powys, piercedb y the Aled and Elwy which drop gently down into Dyffryn Clwyd (the Vale of Clwyd) with its productive soils and former stretches of dense woodland. To the east of the

Clwyd inthe cantrefofI@l, a core region of the kingdom of

MERIONETH

lowland plains of Cheshire; and to the south the varied landscape of Swydd y Waun, which follows Dyffryn Ceiriog with theBerwyn Mountains to the east and extends as far as the narrow valley of the Tanat with its formerly thickly wooded slopes.

The historic county of Flintshire, which is dividedinto

two separate parts, lookstowards England and is likelyt o have been mainlv under Anglo-Saxon control for much of

the Cheshire plain. It encompasses the long coastline of the Dee estuary facing the Wirral and then extends westwards as far as the Clwyd, there rising to take in the

east of the Dee and was in English and then Norman

hands until the late twelfth century (Davies, 1987: 4); in

landscape terms, it is a continuation of the gently undulatingsouth Cheshire and north Shropshire plains.

Finally, Montgomeryshire is predominantly a landscape ofrolling hills and fertile valleys which formed the heartlands of the kingdom of Powys including the cantrefi

of Caereinion, Cedewain, Cyfeiliog and Mechain. The

region extends westwards from the Shropshire plain

almost as far as the Dyfi estuary andreaches as far north mountainous landscape of the Rhinogau, across the Mawddach to Cadair Idris and south to the Dyfi. Apart from the coastal strip and rivervalleys animal husbandry

roughest of all the Welsh districts. The mountains are very high, with narrow ridges and a great number of very sharp peaks all jumbled together in confusion' (Thorpe,

famously described Meirionydd as 'the rudest and

cantrefofMawddwy and to the east, in the less rugged bor-

must again have predominated. Indeed, Gerald of Wales

1978: 182). However, Merioneth also includes the remote

munities, emphasizing the importance of local identities

a n d the s i g n i fi c a n c e o f w a t e r - b o r n e c o n t a c t s .w h i c h were

often easier than those by land.

T H E R O M A N I M PA C T

The Roman invasion and occupation of north Wales, included the introductiono f Latin, literacy and Christian-

northern part of the Clwydian Range. To the south beyond Maelor Gymraeg si Maelor Saesneg, which lies

Fig. 1.1. Mapof north Wales: physical features and county boundaries (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

a l a n d s c a n e w i l l t e n d t o s e p a r a t e r a t h e r t h a n u n i t e com-

Dee. There are two further cantreff: Maelor Gymraeg, beyond Offa's Dyke to the east, which stretches into the

north si predominantly an extension of thelowlands of

MONTGOMERYSHIRE

as well as the coastal strips and river valleys, together with the hills and plains ofthe borderlands with England. Such

whichlasted around 350 years, was essentially military.

the later part of the early Middle Ages. Tegeingl in the

nni Dysy

series ofmajortributaries, including the Efyrnwy, Banwy and Carno. Therefore,t h e area covered by this volume i s comparatively large but much of the rugged mountainous interior can only have been sparsely populated int h e early Middle Ages. Settlements would necessarily have been concentrated int h e more fertile lowlands of Anglesey and Llyn,

Powys, the land rises steeply across the tail of the

Clwydian Range and Llandysilio Mountain to meet the

tains d i n g u e o T M Lyn yn w r e B

3

as the Berwyn Mountains and as far south as the Wye. However, it is dominated by the Severn whichrises near

Pumlumon in the cantref of Arwystli and, flowing northeastwards. rapidly broadens into both a strategic barrier and a navigable routeway, and is joined from the west by a

However, it left a lastingimpact on the landscape and

ity, which remained important legacies throughout the

early Middle Ages. Nevertheless, the extent of survival and change in native tribal society during the Roman period and the various degrees of contact between the indigenous population and t h e occupier in the region remain surprisingly difficult to unravel. Furthermore,

some continuity and, probably, some measure of a resurgence in tribal identity may be detectable into the post-Roman centuries. In AD 48 the Romans invaded north-east Wales from

the lands of the Cornovii, which centred on Shropshire

and Cheshire (Burnham and Davies, 2010: 37). They encountered the tribe known as the Deceangli, who may

have been subordinate to the Cornovi, and whose name

survives on lead pigs of the period and, interestingly, also in the name of the early medieval border territory of TegeingI (Rhys, 1892; Jarrett and Mann, 1968: 165-6; Arnoldand Davies, 2000: 70, 100-1). The main tribal grouping of the region was, however, the Ordovices, whose name is found on the fifth- or early sixth-century

inscribed stone Penbryn 1 (CD28), Cardiganshire, demonstrating the survival of tribal identity beyond the Roman period. Although the Ordovices put up a lengthy

struggle against the Romans, the precise territory that

they occupied is disputed and whether this part of southern Ceredigion was actually within it si not known. What evidencethere is suggests that their lands extended westwards through mid Wales from the Severn, but they may also have included much or all of the north-west. In

addition. a people known as the Gangani, who may or may not have been a sub-group of the Ordovices, are

HISTORICALAND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS named by Ptolemy on the Llyn peninsula (Jarrett and

Mann, 1968: 167-70, 174; Burnham and Davies, 2010: fig. 1.10).

especially on Halkyn Mountain (Flints.), and a complex of buildings related to extraction has been excavated

and possibly later, represents a more widespread phenomenon which may indicate a resurgence of tribal identity

nearby at

(Arnold and Davies, 2000: 87-9).

P e n t r e F a r m , Flint; copper

was likewise

Some thirty years later, north Wales was finally con-

exploited at Llanymynach Hill (Shrops./Monts.) and on

quered. The legionary headquarters were initially at

Parys Mountain (Anglesey) (Arnold and Davies, 2000:

Wroxeter (Viroconium), but were subsequently moved to Chester (Deva). The Roman occupation of the region itself is represented by a strategic network of auxiliary forts and other military installations linked by a series of

97-105). It has beensuggested that an imposing thirdcentury courtyard building at Caernarfon could have housed the procurator who supervised mineral extraction in the north-west (Casey and Davies, 1993: 13-14). There

roads which penetrated the uplands ( B u r n h a m and

is also evidence that the military presence at C a e r n a r f o n .

Davies, 2010: 43-7, fig. 2.4). The most important ofthese

was the fort at Caernarfon (Segontium), which commanded the western end of the Menai Strait (Casey and

Davies, 1993; Burnham and Davies, 2010: 220-3). Although, with the exceptions of Caernarfon, and

Caersws and Forden Gaer in mid Wales, all of these forts w e r e a b a n d o n e d in t h e m i d - s e c o n d c e n t u r y ( B u r n h a m

and Davies, 2010: fig. 2.15), they remained important symbols ni the landscape. Indeed, in the north-west their

significance continued to resonate at least into the fifth and sixth centuries, when inscribed memorial stones were

set up ni the environs of Tomen y Mur, Llanfor, Caer Gai and Pen Llystyn (MR18-19, 21, CN18). Likewise, the arterial road system continued in use long after the Roman

period

and

early

inscribed

stones.

such

as

Ffestiniog 1and 2 (MIR8-9), Penmachno 4 (CN38) and

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

as at other forts ni the region, together withtaxation, stimulated the native farming economy which would have

provided much of the produce for the inhabitants.

including grain (Casey and Davies, 1993: 75-103). In

return, Roman artefacts, largely in the form of ceramics.

have been found in varying amounts on native settlements, but coins remain rare finds on farmsteads in the

north-west, suggesting the continuation of a primarily

barter economy in that area. There si little evidence of Roman settlement types in

the countryside; although a few villas have been identified

just west of Wroxeter (White and Barker, 1998: fig. 28; White, 2007: 133-5) and there has beenarecent discovery at Abermagaw, near Aberystwyth (Cards.) (pers. comm., .J L. Davies), there are none in north Wales. However,

more surprisingly, there are hintsof a veteran presence in

The cultural impact of the Romans on the region is evidenced, amongst other things, by the introduction of

Latin, literacy and religious beliefs, including Christianity. But the differential penetration of these amongst the various levels of the native population during the Roman

period remains difficult to measure, and for the majority may have been negligible, since the evidence si mainly

5

NORTH WALES c.300-800 This seminalperiod c.300-800 ni the north, as for the rest

of Wales, witnessed the collapse of Roman control, the

gradual emergence of early medieval kingdoms (the most

important of which were Gwynedd and Pows), the rise of Christianity and the evolution of the British language into Welsh. Yet, the early medieval written sources relevant to north Wales in this period remain remarkably few

and difficult to use. The earliest si Gildas' D e Excidio et

c o n c e n t r a t e d o n R o m a n sites.

Conquestu Britanniae ('The Ruin and Conquest of Britain').

Carved stone monuments, many with Latin inscriptions, are a major source for our knowledge of Latin and literacy. There is a particularly fine collection of inscribed

a moral diatribe, usually dated to c.540. One section of this work comprises a harangue against five 'tyrants' of the period, notably Maelgwn of Gwynedd, but is also

stones and other stone sculpture from the Roman

legionary fortress at Chester.This includes ninety-six tombstones with funerary inscriptions and sometimes elaborate sculptural decoration, including figures; these have mostly been dated to the third century AD, but none has been dated later (RIB: nos 445-573; Handley, 2001: 180-2; Pollock, 2006: 44). There is also a small collection,

mainly of tombstones, from Wroxeter (RIB: nos 286-

302). However, the existence of these monuments does

not appear to have had a significant influence on the

development of the post-Roman inscribed memorial

stones,which are predominantly found in the north-west

likely to have included others in the region: Cuneglasus

has been identified as the ruler of Rhos and Aurelius Caninus may have been connected with one of the royal lines in Powys (Winterbottom, 1978: chs 30-6; Dumville, 1984: 54-7). Secondly, the Historia Brittonum is an early

ninth-century historical compilation later attributed to Nennius, a pupil of Bishop Elfoddw of Bangor. Its eclectic contents include material relevant to the early histories of both Gwynedd and Powys (Morris, 1980;

Dumville, 1986). Thirdly, ni the same manuscript as an

early version of the Historia Brittonum (BL Harleian MS

3859), there si an important collection of genealogical material relating to Wales compiled after 954, amongst which are lists of the supposed early rulers of Gwynedd and Powys, as well as of probable minor kingdoms in the

Trawsfynydd 2(MIR23), were sited, following the Roman custom for roadside burial, with reference tothese routeways, as was the cross-carved stone, Caerhun 1 (CN13) (see pp. 46, 264). In addition seven Roman milestones, the

the uplands of Merioneth suggested by the rediscovery of a late first- or early second-century Roman will near Trawsfynydd (Tomlin, 2001: 152), and a possible early second-century veteran settlement has also been identi-

of the region (Fig. 4.1), though there is an isolated

form of which si often regarded as influential on hte development of post-Roman inscribed stones, are known

fied at Plas Coch, near Wrexham (Arnold and Davies, 2000: 71). Otherwise, continuity of native settlement

sandstone, an excellent medium for carving, was also

transported as far afield as the forts at Caernarfon and Caersws where it was used as building material, but with

Harleian MS 3859) were compiled in St Davids from the late eighth century onwards, but incorporate earlier terse

remained relatively undisturbed. The native settlement

Gai, ti was not employed for inscriptions or sculpture on

Morris, 1980; Dumville, 2002). Finally, sources from out-

from north Wales, six of which were found at various

points along or n e a r the line of the road between the forts

types from the Iron Age is the norm, suggesting that many aspects of native society and its structure may have

of Segontium and Kanovium (Caerhun) (RIB: nos 2263-7; RIB III: no. 3522; Hogg, 1961). Of these, Aber 1 (CNI), originally erected ni 261/2 during the reign of the Emperor Postumus, has been upended and reused for a

steads, and may be exemplified by the excavated sites of

secondary inscription (cf. Margam (Port Talbot) ,1 G92),

Bryn Eryr (Anglesey) and Cefn Graeanog 2 (Caerns.)

A p p e n d i x A).

ments in the north-east and mid Wales. The selective

but the poor condition of the latter means that it cannot be conclusively identified as post-Roman ni date (see

The changing impact of long-term Roman occupation o n t h e n a t i v e

p o p u l a t i o n

o f n o r t h

W a l e s

r e m a i n s

m o r e

pattern in the north-west continued to be characterized by

hutgroups which functioned predominantly as farm(Longley et al., 1998; Fasham et al., 1998: 5-112). However, much less si known about these types of settle-

abandonment, continued occupation and reoccupation of hillforts is also evidenced throughout the region, but the

difficult to gauge. There are likely to have been significant

significance of this activity is not wellunderstood. For

regional ditterences between the m o r e remote north-west.

example, on the north Wales coast at Braich-y-Dinas (Caerns.) the artefactual assemblage spanning the mid-

with its military headquarters at Caernarfon, and the n o r t h - e a s t a n d m i d Wa l e s . w h i c h w e r e c l o s e r t o t h e

legionary fortress at Chester and the town of Wroxeter,

the civitas capital of the Cornovii. Economically, the

Romans were keen to exploit the mineral wealth of the region. This included lead and silver in the north-east,

fi r s t a n d s e c o n d c e n t u r i e s AD u n u s u a l l y s u g g e s t s t h e

continuing economic importance and possible political

significance of hte hillfort while Dinorben (Denbs.),

which was reoccupied in the later third century and

remained ni occupation for most of the fourth century

example, probably dating to the firsthalf of the sixth century, carved on a reused fragment of Roman masonry at

Wroxeter (S2). During the Roman period, red Cheshire region (Bartrum, 1966: 9-13). Fourthly, the Annales

the exception of an early second-century piece from Caer

Cambriae (the earliest text of which is likewise in BL references to events in Gwynedd (Hughes, 1980: 68-74;

other military sites in north Wales (Brewer, 1986: xvi, no. 7). Inscriptions and sculpture on these sites, with the exception of a handful of monuments from Caernarfon

side also include relevant material, notably the Irish

and more workaday inscribed building stones from Tomen y Mur, are surprisingly rare (RIB: nos 418-38; Brewer, 1986: nos 8-10, 43). Such lesser inscriptions, together with occasional discoveries of graffiti, as, for example, the small number from Caernarfon (Casey and

Ireland from c. 740 (T. M. Charles-Edwards, 2006), Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica (731)and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles,

Davies, 1993: 218, 232-3), and the unique wooden waxtablet from Trawsfynydd recording a Roman will (Tomlin, 2001), can only hint at the original range and

extent of less prestigious writing, the continuation of which, it has been suggested, was a significant influence

on the evolution of letter-forms on the post-Roman

inscribed stones (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2000, 2002, 2006: 29-52).

a n n a l s . p r o b a b l y c o m p i l e d c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s l y in I o n a

from the second half of the sixth century and then in

w h i c h were put

together

in t h e l a t e n i n t h c e n t u r y

in

Wessex, but include older material. Early Welsh poetry, such as Canu Llywarch Hen and the associated Canu Heledd, which, though later, may include material relevant to the sixth and seventh centuries, potentially also have a

role to play (Davies, 1982a: 209-10, 214-15; Rowland,

1990). Place-names can also provide significant evidence,

although their interpretation is by no means straightfor-

ward as the earliest forms frequently only date from the later Middle Ages and detailed modern studies for the region remain relatively few (but see Owen, 1994; Owen and Morgan, 2007; Jones and Roberts, 1996).

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUNDT OT H E MONUMENTS

HISTORICAL ANDARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TOTHE MONUMENTS

ated into Britannia Prima, probably with Cirencester (Corinium) as the capital (White, 2007: 31-48). The legionary fortress at Chester continued to flourish. However, military garrisons in Wales had earlier been depleted and coin-hoards suggest the advent of attacks

fromIrish sea-borne raiders(Arnold andDavies, 2000: 289). The response to this in the north saw an upsurge in

activity at Caernarfon in the late third and earlier fourth centuries, which includedt h e construction of a fortified

TE GE INÖ C

RHOS

a InH NO gOI

MO

DUNOD ING

with a late Roman garrison may be exemplified by leadweighted darts known as plumbata. Afortlet was also built to guard the harbour at Holyhead in western Anglesey,

behind, including, potentially, the leaders ofbrigands, as well as Irish raiders turned settlers, some of them perhaps deserters from the remnants of the Roman army. There can be no doubt that some Irish settlement did take place in north Wales, focusing on the more fertile soils of Anglesey and to a lesser extent Caernarfonshire,

2010: 216-17, 301). There was also activity at Caerhun ni

either the south-west or Breconshire (Sims-Williams,

belt-fittings at Wroxeter is likewise indicative of the pres-

eight examples of cnw ('hillock') and related forms on

Irish names, provide the clearest testimony (see chapter 4). However, this amountst o considerably less thanthat in

the Conwy valley and FordenGaer overlooking the Severn in the third quarter ofthe fourth century (Burnham and Davies, 2010: fig. 2.20). The discovery of plumbata and

2002: 27-30). Other evidence for an Irish presence in the north is sparse. There are ahandful of Irish place-names: these include D i l l a n and L i n in Caernarfonshire and

ence of an urban garrison (White, 2007: 64-72). It was originally believed that the Roman military pres-

serious doubt has been cast on the antiquity of this ele-

Anglesey (Richards, 1960: 147-9), though recently

ment, which, it has beensuggested, only came in after the

usurper Magnus Maximus c.383. However, archaeolog-

twelfth century (Charles, 1992,i: xx; Wmffre, 2007: 58).

ical evidence in the form of coins from both Caernarfon and the watchtower on Holyhead Mountain have now

The meagre written evidence forIrish settlement in the north is contained in the origin legend relating primarily

indicated that a military presence was maintained ni

to the kingdom of Gwynedd found ni the Historia Brittonum. This describes how Cunedda, an ancestor of

d

north-west Wales for a further decade. There is similar evidence from the legionary fortress at Chester, but the

King Maegwn (d.c.547), and his eight sons had come

document known as the Notitia Dignitatum suggests that down from Manaw Gododdin (in southern Scotland in by c.395 even that had been abandoned (Casey and the area of the Forth centred on modern Stirling) 'and Davies, 1993: 16, 131-2; Burnham and Davies, 2010: expelled the Irish from these countries, with immense

ARWYSTLI

62-6).

RHWN HAGF GW RENY A 40K i l o m e t r e s

BUELLT.

Fig. 1.2. Map of north Wales: early medieval kingdoms and regions (Crown copyright: RCAHMW). The archaeological evidence for the period following the Roman withdrawal in north Wales likewise remains

whetherthesem e n were at least in part thesame or totally

different from those inthe previous groupisimpossible to tell. But other contenders would also have been waiting in the wings to take advantage of the power vacuum left

but there is also some slight evidence further east. The early inscribed stones, including the three with ogam inscriptions (AN13, CN18, D1) and those with definite

ence in the region had finally been withdrawn by the

MEIRION NYDD

envisage a regeneration in native tribal leadership, but

which presumably acted as the base fornaval patrols in the Irish Sea, while the construction of a watchtower on

Holyhead Mountain testifies to the establishment of an associated early warning system (Burnham and Davies,

SA

GW YN ED D

storage depot overlooking the River Seiont (Boyle, 1991; Burnham and Davies, 2010: 223). Artefacts associated

elsewhere, who had inherited, or claimed to inherit, the

mantle of Roman authority. Secondly, one might also

cemeteries in addition to the substantial corpus of early inscribed stones. sparse and enigmatic. However, the data is gradually At the end of thethird century the Emperor Diocletian increasing as a result of modern scientific methods, dividedBritainintof o u r provincesa n d it has been convincnotably radiocarbon dating. It is now possiblet oidentify ai n g l y argued that the whole of Wales, together with the handful of settlement sites and an increasing number of west Midlands and south-west England, were incorpor-

The process of the evolution of the kingdoms ofnorth Wales (Fig. 1.2) following the withdrawal of Roman authority and the accompanying downturn in the economy was undoubtedly complex and from the evi-

dence available to us it remains extremely difficult to reconstruct. It is illuminated as much by archaeological evidence, notably t h e early inscribed stones and the Pillar

slaughter, so they never again returned to inhabit them' (Morris, 1980: ch. 62). Further information regarding Cunedda and his sons and grandson, who are given

eponymous names related to different kingdoms, subkingdoms and cantreft of the north and west of Wales stretching from the Dee to the Teifi, is given at the end of the genealogical material in BL Harley MS 3859

(Bartrum, 1966: 13, nos 32-3; Gruffydd, 1989-90: 3-4; Rees, 1951: pl. 17). There has been a lengthy debate conion fragmentat the imagine perhaps cerning the extent ofthe veracity, fi any, of this origin sources. One should of authority in the wake of the Roman withdrawal with a legend (e.g. Chadwick, 1958: 32-6; Dumville. 1977: number of different contenders and their followers 181-3; Miller, 1978; Gruffydd, 1989-90; Petch, 1994-5).

of Eliseg (D3) (see pp. 54, 104), as by written and other

seeking to fill the vacuum by vying for power and land. One element is likely to have been a more Romanized, probably Christian elite. Such a groupingm a y have comprised those left behind after the Roman withdrawal as well as others arriving, or possibly been brought in, from

While the territories associated with the e p o n y m o u s sons

of Cunedda appear toreflect the expansion of Gwynedd

and ninth-century politics in the time of Merfyn Frych, this does not rule out the possibility that this later elabor-

ation and reworking might not encompass an earlier

8|

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

kernel of truth. If so, when and in what circumstances

Cunedda. The best evidenced is Meirionnydd, the rulers

C u n e d d a c a m e d o w n from north Britain a n d founded the

o t w h i c h a r e l i s t e d in o n e o ft h e H a r l e i a n g e n e a l o g i e s a n d

kingdom of Gwynedd remain to be resolved. Although

one of their number, Idris ap Gwyddno (d.c.636), was of

archaeological evidence has also been advanced to support the claim, this would appear to b e misleading (contra

sufficient i m p o r t a n c e to be m e n t i o n e d in the Irish annals.

Morris, 1977, :i 124 n. 124.2; Gruffydd, 1989-90: 8-9; see Ffestiniog 1 (MR8), Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19)). Nevertheless, the combined evidence from archaeological and

o t h e r sources suggests that, t h o u g h there w e r e s o m e Irish

settlers in north-west Wales and occasional activity elsewhere

in

the

region,

unlike

D y e d

and

perhaps

Brycheiniog (Thomas, 1994: 41-129; see vol. I: 42-3; vol. IT: 5 ) . t h e y w e r e c o m p a r a t i v e l v f e w in n u m b e r a n d n e v e r

gained the upper hand.

Dunoding to the north is another. In addition, to the east

of the Conwy, are Rhos, one of whose rulers succeeded to the throne of Gwynedd ni the late eighth century, and Rhufoniog, which isnamed as a regnum in the early ninth century (Davies, 1982a: 98-9; Smith, 2001: 3-4; Bartrum, 1966: 10-11; Dumville, 2002: s.a. 798, 816). The origins of the kingdom of Powys are even more opaque and it si only mentioned as a kingdom for the first time in the earlier ninth century (Dumville, 2002: s.a. 822). However, the name Powys can probably be derived

Whatever the precise course ofevents, the kingdom of from the Latin *pagênses meaning the people of hte pagus'

Gwynedd had emerged into history by the secondquarter of the sixth century when Gildas castigated King

Maelgwn, and its existence is also recorded in the inscrip-

tion on Festiniog 1.Gildas describes Maelgwn as 'dragon of the island' (Winterbottom, 1978: ch. 33), which sug-

(Pierce, 1968: 219-20). Apagus may be interpreted as 'the country district of a civitas', and this, along withother evidence, strongly suggests that the origins of the kingdom

lay ni the Romano-British civitas of the Cornovii, with its capital at Wroxeter, but which also extended n o r t h w a r d s

gests strongly that Anglesey was his power-base, though a

to include the former legionary fortress at Chester and

much later tradition claims that he died o n the m a i n l a n d

eastwards to the Wrekin (Davies, 1982a: 87, 99-101; Gelling, 1992: 27-8; Charles-Edwards, 2001: 92).

in Rhos near the hillfort of Degannwy, which might indicate t h e early e x p a n s i o n o f G w y n e d d east o f t h e C o n w v

F u r t h e r m o r e . i m p o r t a n t e x c a v a t i o n s o n t h e s i t e of

(Bromwich, 1978: 438-9). Some three-quarters of a century later, Maelgwn's

baths basilica complex a tWroxeter have uncovered several phases of reordering and continued construction. This activity has proved extremely difficult to date and

descendant Cadfan ap lago (fl. c.616-c.625) was com-

memorated in the inscription on Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) in western Anglesey as Catamanus vex sapientisimus opinatisimus omnium regum ('King Catamanus, the wisest, most illustrious of all kings"). These words may also

reflect the ambitions of his better known son Cadwallon (d.634), who figures in the pages of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica because of his campaigns to counter the

the

some have doubted whether it lasted much beyond the end of the Roman period (Fulford, 2002). However, it has generally been argued that it continued into the later sixth century a n d included the erection of timber buildings in a

classical style on rubble platforms, one of which was a very large and imposing rectangularhall with projecting

wings. Whatever the function of this building was, the

expansion of Northumbria (Charles-Edwards, 2004a). In

activity as a whole is indicative of some kind of contin-

c.629, Cadwallon was besieged on the island of Glannauc

wing central authority (White and Barker, 1998: 118-28; White, 2007: 179-85). In addition, a roman-letter

(Ynvs Seiriol) off the south-east corner of Anglesey by

King Edwin of Northumbria, who claimed control of

Anglesey as well as the Isle of Man (Morris, 1980: 46, 86; Colgrave and Mynors, 1969: i.5, i.9; Charles-Edwards, 2003: 41). However, in 633 the tables were reversed when

Cadwallon and Penda of Mercia were victors in the battle of Hatfield and Edwin lost his life (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969: i1.20).

Even though Gwynedd was undoubtedly the most important kingdom in the north-west from its inception, there si also some evidence for the existence of other smaller kingdoms or sub-kingdoms into the ninth century, or even later. Indeed, men such as Maelgwn, Cadfan and

C a d w a l l o n m a v h a v ea c t e d a s o v e r - k i n g s a n d t h i s r e l a t i o n -

ship may be reflected in the names of these polities which w e r e also

the n a m e s of

the sons and

g r a n d s o n of

HISTORICAL A N D A R C H A E O L O G I C A L BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

9

dubious genealogical material which purports to link the origins of Powys with the Roman usurper Magnus

years of thelbald's reign (716 57) or the early years of

Other evidence for the history of north-east Wales and the borderlands of Shropshire and Cheshire in the period prior to c.800 is equally fragmentary and what little we can gather has to be pieced together from Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica, the Annales Cambriae, the Historia Brittonum,

Nevertheless, the most important archaeological evidence for relations between Mercia and Powys si the dyke system. Offa's Dyke, which si presumed to have been constructed in the later eighth century, stretches in a

Welsh poetry associated with the shadowy figure of

mately 103km (64 miles)from Rushock Hill above the Wye on the border of Shropshire northwards almost as far as Treuddyn in Flintshire. It consists of a substantial bank

Maximus (Edwards, 2009a; Jones, 2009).

genealogical material, principally in L B Harley 3859, and Cynddylan. It may be argued that during this period

Powys, like Gwynedd, consisted of a number of kingdoms and/or sub-kingdoms ruled by different families, some of which existed contemporaneously. However, by the later eighth century, Eliseg, who came from a line

associated with Gwrtheyrnion in the southern part of the

region,heldsway (Davies, 1982a: 94, 99-102; Kirby, 1968: 48-9; Jones, 2009: 51, 60-1, 67). The rise of Northumbria in the first half of the seventh

century and later Mercia ni the eighth impinged increasingly on this borderland region. The victory of thelfrith

o f Northumbria at the battle of Chester in c.613, when

Selyf ap Cynan (later named as a ruler of Powys) was

killed and the monks of Bangor Is-coed slaughtered, seems to have been a turning point which led to the loss of

territories ni what became England (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969: i1.2; Morris, 1980: s.a. 613). By the seventh

century too a few Anglo-Saxon incomes were pene-

trating the area around Wroxeter, which became the

Offa's (757-96) - as recorded on the Pillar of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3)), should be viewed.

more-or-less unbroken line (except where ti follows the

Severn for a short stretch north ofButtington) for approxi-

with a western ditch and occasionally a counterscarp bank and was sited with a clear view to the west. Its function

should therefore be seen as a defensive barrier and an

attempt to stabilize the boundary between Mercia and

Powys ni a time of flux. But ti also demonstrates Offa's

power and the organizational abilities of the Mercian state

(Hill and Worthington, 2003: 47-128; Jones, 2009: 57-60). Furthermore, arecent excavation on Wat's Dyke,which is

located east of Offa's Dyke and runs north from Maesbury south of Oswestry as far as the D e e estuary, has established

using optically simulated luminescence (OSL) dating that the earthwork was constructed in the early ninth century

during the reigns of Offa's successors Cenwulf and Ceolwulf (796-823), or that of Wiglaf ni the 830s (Malim and Hayes, 2008). It is therefore approximately contempo-

rary with hte Pillar of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Ial 1(D3)).

Some of the short dykes in Powys also have early medieval

territory of the Wreocensate ('people of the Wrekin'). Nonetheless, it remained essentially British, though at

origins (Hankinson and Caseldine, 2006). Archaeological evidence for settlement in north Wales

1989: 174; Tyler, 2007). It was the loss of this region of the greater Powys and the death of Cynddylan and his family which were mourned in the ninth-century poem Canu Heledd (Davies, 1982a: 99). In 642, King Oswald of Northumbria was killed in a battle at Oswestry by an

recognize. As at Wroxeter, once Roman artefacts cease, there are few diagnostic finds, either native or imports, and radiocarbon dating si only now becoming sufficiently

some pointi tcameunder Mercian overlordship (Pretty, ni hte period .c 400-800 remains remarkably difficult ot

precise to be of real use. There are hints of continuing

activity in the vicinity of some Roman forts suggested by the find-spots of some of the inscribed stones (see p. 46).

inscribed stone commemorating Cunorix macus Maqui-

army, which probably included the Welsh of Powys, but

likelihood an Irishman - was found on the site of the eastern cemetery; it has been dated to the first half of the sixth century (see vol. :I 538-9).

it.9). However, during the later seventh and eighth cen- and Lane. 1988: 115-16: Casey and Davies, 1993: 16-17). turies the expansion of Mercia from its heartlands around Similarly, the location of the inscription commemorating Repton, Lichfield and Tamworth undoubtedly led to a Catamanus at Llangadwaladr (AN26) near the possible change in relations with the leaders of Powys, though to Roman fort at Aberffraw suggests the presence of a whatextent they too became subject to Mercian overlord- Venedotian Ilys ('court') nearby, as there was in the thirship remains a matter of conjecture (Charles-Edwards, teenth century (Edwards and Lane, 1988: 19-21; White

Coline (S2) -

from the formula and the name in all

The kingdom of Powys emerges as an entity during the

later eighth and first half of the ninth centuries, only to disappear again with the death of Cyngen ni Rome in 854/5 (Dumville, 2002: 12). It was he who set up the now fragmentary inscribed stone cross known as the Pillar of Elise (Llandysilio yn I@l 1 (D3)) which functioned as a piece of public propaganda proclaiming the legal right to rule. It also honours Cyngen's great-grandfather Eliseg who had 'united the inheritance of Powys' and regained land from the English. Moreover, ti incorporates some

was led by Penda of Mercia (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969:

2001: 94-100). What is clear is that the lands of Powys

shrank westwards; the Dee valley and the flat northern

coastal strip of Tegeingl and beyond the fertile Vale of Clwyd presented further opportunities for potential

Mercian expansion and the new borderlands were con-

tested. It is against this background that Elise's recovery of territory from the English - probably taken in the later

There si also some slight evidence at Segontium (Edwards

and Longley, 1995: 19; Johnstone, 1997: 63). However,

the most important site to have been recognized ni recent years is at Llanbedrgoch ni eastern Anglesey, where the Viking Age settlement was preceded by a ditched enclo-

sure about 80m in diameter, within which both a large timber-framed hall and wattle round houses were exca-

vated. These structures, together with an unusually large

10 |

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

assemblage of artefacts, point to the existence of a high status enclosed settlement which was well established by

genealogical material ni BLHarleian MS 3859 and ni the inscription on the Pillar of Elise (LIandysilio yn Ial 1,

A D 600 (Redknap, 2004: 147-9).

Otherwise, as elsewhere in Wales, Scotland and south-

D3). Sources such as these reflect not only the changing politics of the period, but also t h e need to manipulate the

western Britain, the most convincing evidence for

past to new ends. In the late ninth century, Asser's biog-

post-Roman high status occupation comes from hillforts. Excavations at both Degannwy and Dinas Emrys, bothof which were already occupied in the late Roman period, led to the discovery of herds of imported pottery and t h e r e

is

l i k e w i s e s o m e arteractual

a n d o t h e r e v i d e n c e o f

continuing activity at Dinorben (Edwards and Lane,

1988: 49-57, 64-6). It has also been suggested that some

raphy of Alfred offers a snapshot of Welsh political geography in the context of the king's dealings with Welsh rulers (Lapidge and Keynes, 1983). Later, the History of Gruffudd ap Cynan, if it is accepted that the reconstructed Latin version represents the original com-

posed shortly after his death ni 1137, illuminates links between the Hiberno-Scandinavians and Gwynedd as

other later prehistoric hillforts, such as Bryn Euryn, may

well as the Norman incursions in the late eleventh and

have been later reoccupied, though this remains unproven (Longley, 1997). Information for the continued occupation of some hut-group sites into the post-Roman period innorth-west Wales remains largely circumstantial, as, for example, at Pant-y-Saer (Anglesey) and Cefn Graeanog I (Caerns.) (Edwards and Lane, 1988: 99-101; Fasham et al., 1998: 28-9, 93-4). However, recent excavations at

earlier twelfth centuries (Russell, 2005; Evans, 1990). Towards the end of the period events ni Wales are likewise noted ni Norman sources, such as the works of Ordericus Vitalis (Chibnall, 1969-80), and areas already under English control, such as Tegeingl, are recorded in Domesday Book (Williams and Martin, 2002: 735-7;

Cefn Cwmwd (Anglesey) have uncovered a penannular

Darby and Maxwell, 1962). Norman settlement also contributed to an upsurge in hagiographical writing which

brooch,imported pottery and a Byzantine intaglio,but

includes two lives of St Cybi, thoughthese may well

little i n the way of post-Roman structures (Denison, 2000;

Campbell, 2007: 78; White, 2007: pl. 16). Nevertheless,

almost all the evidence for settlement sites c.400-800 is

confined to Anglesey north and north-west. kind with evidence of central borderlands si Pieces (Monts.) where

and the coastal lowlands of the The only settlement site of any post-Roman occupation from the the small oval enclosure at New imported pottery and glass were

found; it is situated below the Breiddin hillfort and just

west of the Severn, which presumably acted as a conduit

for the arrival of such exotic items (Edwards and Lane, 1988: 97-8; Campbell, 2007: 109, fig. 19).

have been written in the south-east (BL Cotton MS Vespasian A xiv c. 1200), and two twelfth-century lives of St Winefride, one centred on Tegeingl, the other by Robert

of Shrewsbury (Wade-Evans,1944; Acta Sanctorum, 1887). Other indications of Viking activity include both place-names and archaeology, although, apart from the sculpture, archaeological evidence for this period remains sparse throughout hte region. Merfyn Frych ('"Merfyn the Speckled') came to powerin Gwynedd c.826, following an internal dynastic struggle, and reigned until his death in 844. Hewas the first of a new line which ruled Gwynedd and much of the rest of Wales

without a break for almost two centuries. Yet, very little si known abouthim, thoughhe may have come from the Isle of Man on his father's side and his mother was apparently

N O R T H WA L E S c.800-1137

Written sources for the period c.800-1137 are more plentiful and increase towards its end; some, however, remain

very difficult to interpret. Achronological framework can b e reconstructed using the native annalistic sources. the

Annales Cambriae (J. Williams, 1860; Morris, 1980; Dumville, 2002) and Brut y Tywysogyon (T. Jones, 1955),

supplemented by entries in both the Irish annals (T. M. Charles-Edwards, 2006) and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles (Swanton, 2000). Though primarily concerned with the

past, the Historia Brittonum, which was compiled c.829,

possibly within the ambit of the court of Merfyn Frych in Gwynedd, also shines some valuable light on the period in which it was produced. The use of the past for contemp o r a r y p u r p o s e s c a n a l s o be s e e n

in t h e i n t e r e s t i n

the daughter of King Cynan of Gwynedd who died in 816;

he was possibly married t o the sister of Cyngen ap Cadell, the last early medieval ruler of Powys (Sims-Williams,

1994: 11-26; Thornton, 2003: 75-96; Wilson, 2009: 313).

At this time there is also cumulative evidence to suggest a

range of scholarly activity and wide-ranging cultural con

tacts associated with the court of Gwynedd. This includes thecompilation of the Historia Brittonum and the composi-

tion of the 'Bamberg Cryptogram', which was set by an

Irishman resident at Merfvn's court and sent to learned fellow countrymen travelling to the Continent (Chadwick, 1958: 94-103). More is known about Merfvn Frych's son and successor, Rhodri Mawr ('Rhodri the Great') (d.878) who. despite also having to contend with both Viking and

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

English incursions, pursued an expansionist policy, first laying claim (probably through his mother) to Powys on

the death of Cyngen in 854/5, and subsequently to Ceredigion in 872 (Davies, 1982a: 105-6; Thornton, 2004a). Expansion continued under his sons with

Anarawd (d.916) ruling Gwynedd and possibly Powys

and Cadell (d.910) ruling the south-west (Dumville,

1982). Under Rhodri's grandsons ti si possible to detect

clearer territorial differentiation with Idwal Foel ('Idwal

the Bald') ni the north and Hywel Dda ('Hywel the

Good') in the south-west, but after Idwal's death in 942,

the kingdoms were briefly reunited under Hywel (Lloyd,

1939, i: 357; Davies, 1982a: 106; Thornton, 2004f). After Hywel's death in 950 they reverted to the original branches of the family and there was a period of

infighting amongst the sons of Idwal Foel ni the north and the descendantsof Hywel Dda in the south-west before Hywel's grandson Maredudd ab Owain again united the

territories in 988 until his death ni 999 (Lloyd, 1939, :i 343-6; Thornton, 2004c). The politics of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries are equally complex and we know much more about events in Gwynedd than in Powys. In Gwynedd, the eleventh century began with further infighting amongst the descendants of Idwal Foel. However, as the century progressed other rulers, who were not direct descendants of RhodriMawr, also came to power (Maund, 1991: 6-7). The first of these, described a s'supreme king of Gwynedd' (T. Jones, 1955: 21), was Llywelyn ap Seisyll

(d.1023), who was married ot hte daughter of Maredudd

ab Owain (Maund, 1991: 59-62). After an interval his

son, Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, rose to power ni 1039 and by

1056, when he witnessed a charter, he was termed 'King

11

Powys until he too was killed in 1075. He was succeeded

by his cousin Trahaearn ap Caradog, who likewise had c o n n e c t i o n s with P o w y s . H e t o o w a s slain i n 1081, a l o n g

side Caradog son of Gruffudd ap Rhydderch and Meilyr ap Rhiwallon of Powys, at the battle of Mynydd Carn in

northern Pembrokeshire; Rhys ap Tewdwr, ruler of Deheubarth, and Gruffudd ap Cynan were the victors

(Maund, 1991: 43 6, 68-82; Jones, 1999: 80). The battle of Mynydd Carn has been seen as a turning point in the fortunes of Gruffudd ap Cynan (1054/5-

1137) who was born in Dublin of mixed Welsh and Hiberno-Scandinavian descent and brought up in Swords. His grandfather was Iago ab Idwal (a descendant of Rhodri Maw), who had ruled Gwynedd 1023-39; his father, Cynan, who was an exile in Dublin, was probably instrumental in the death of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn. His

mother was Ragnell, daughter of Olaf Sihtricson of

Dublin (d.1034) and he was also related through her to

ruling families ni various parts of Ireland (Duffy, 1995: 386-96; Thornton, 1996; Russell, 2005: 47, chs 1-6). Gruffudd makes his first appearance ni Gwynedd in 1075 when he arrived ni Anglesey with a fleet from Ireland to contest the succession of Trahaearn ap Caradog who was allied with Cynwrig ap Rhiwallon, king of Powys.The ensuing struggle ended with the victory at Mynydd Carn, but shortly afterwards Gruffudd was captured by the

Normans in Edeirnion and remained a prisoner in

Chester until at least 1093. By the time he escaped the Normans had seized much of Gwynedd and Gruffudd

was forced ot live the life of a guerrilla leader and ni times

of difficulty flee to Ireland for safety. In 1098, however,

the Normans' control of Gwynedd was finally brought to

an end when they were defeated by Magnus Barelegs,

of all Wales'(Davies, 2002: 229), a position maintained until his death in 1063, but which was never again

king of Norway, who had appeared with his fleet off Anglesey. When Gruffudd returned from Ireland ni 1099

achieved by any Welsh ruler. Gruffudd ap Llywelyn was

his position was precarious and he initially only held

ambitious, aggressive and able. In 1039, he seized power in Gwynedd, probably after being involved ni the death of his predecessor lago ab Idwal, and then beat hte English on the Welsh border, thereby in all likelihood cementing his authority in Powys; this allowed him to move onto Deheubarth. He finally killed Gruffudd ap Rhydderch, whose power was centred on Morgannwg and Gwent, ni 1055 and followed this up by ravaging the English bor-

ders. Then, in 1063, after a period of relative calm, he was forced to flee his I s ('court') in Rhuddlan as a result of an attack by Earl Harald Godwinson; he was subsequently murdered and his head delivered to his English enemy (Davies, 2002). At his death Gruffudd ap Llywelyn's hegemony disinte-

grated and, after a bloodbath in 1069, his half-brother

Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, the only survivor, held Gwynedd and

Anglesey, but a peace treaty with Hugh ofChester and the fact that he became a client of Henry I allowed him to expand his power across Gwynedd (Lewis, 1996; Moore, 1996; Pryce, 2004). The Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan emphasizes the peace and prosperity of Gwynedd in his final years and this laid the foundations for the ruling house of Gwynedd which lasted until the Edwardian

Conquest of 1282. Gruffudd died in 1137 a n d was buried in Bangor Cathedral which was remembered in his will, together with St Davids, Christchurch Cathedral Dublin, the Benedictine priories of Chester and Shrewsbury, and the churches at Holyhead, Penmon, Llanarmon, Dinerth (Llandrillo-yn-Rhos), Clynnog, Enlli (Bardsey Island) and Meifod (Russell. 2005: chs 33-5).

The political history of Powys between the mid-ninth and mid-eleventh centuries is often shadowy and largely

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

12

intertwined with that of Gwynedd, though its position on the borders meant that the English, and later the Normans.

posed

a

much

greater

threat.

But

during

the later eleventh century, three linked families emerge.

The most important of these si that of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn (the half-brother of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn), who

held both Gwynedd and Powys 1069-75 (Maund, 1991: 68-76, 102-6). The second is that of his successor in

battle at Buttington,probably a site near Welshpool on the Severn (Swanton, 2000: 87; Redknap, 2000: 32-5). The written sources suggest two major phases of Viking incursions in Wales (Loyn, 1976). The first spans the second half of the ninth and earlier tenth centuries. From

the beginning, Anglesey became a major focus of attention. In 853, it was ravaged by the 'Black Heathens' based

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

1 3

Dublin 1052-72 when Cynan ab lago, Gruffudd's father, was an exile there, also claimed sovereignty over the Isle of Man and north Wales. As we have seen, Gruffudd ap

Llanfairpwil overlooking the Menai Strait (Edwards, 1985b; Fox, 1940). Furthermore, a hoard of HibernoScandinavian arm rings, probably of earlier tenth-century

supported by Hiberno-Scandinavian men and ships (Duffy, 1995: 386-7; Russell, 2005: chs 14, 17-18). It has also been argued that the intervention of Magnus

Bay and two further fragments of hack-silver have recently come to light near Llan-faes (Boon, 1986: 98102, fig. 39; Redknap, 2007: fig. 3; 2009c: 33-5, figs

Cynan himselfh a d very strong links with Ireland and was

date, was discovered n o t far from Penmon at Red Wharf

Barelegs, king of Norway, in Anglesey in 1098 and his vic-

4.4-4.5). Across the Menai Strait there are two silver

fortunes were reversed in 876/7 when he was defeated by

tory over the Normans which finally cleared the way for

Gruffudd's rule, should be seen, not as fortuitous, but as

hoards from Bangor, the earlier of which, dated c.925,

of the descendants of Elystan Glodrydd, an obscure

them in Anglesey and forced to flee to Ireland (Dumville,

part of a b r o a d e r strategy t o c l a i m o v e r l o r d s h i p in t h e

figure who seems to have been active in the late tenth and earlier eleventh centuries and whose sphere of influence was centred on Buellt and Rhwng Gwy a Hafren (Between the Wye and the Severn) (Lloyd, 1939, it: 406, n. 31; Radford and Hemp, 1957: 113;Maund, 1991: 45). Though Powys was fragmented and ni political turmoil

2002: 12-13; T. M. Charles-Edwards, 2006: 327). Then, in 902, the Hiberno-Scandinavian leader Ingmund and his men, who had been expelled from Dublin, seized Maes Osfeilion ni the vicinityof Llan-faes on Anglesey. It si unclear whether they were dislodged or not, but Ingmund went on to make other settlements on the

"Insular Viking Zone' (Etchingham, 2001: 148-51). The written evidence therefore suggests that the strategically located island of Anglesey, and to a lesser extent the neighbouring coast of Gwynedd, should be seen as an integral part of Hiberno-Scandinavian activity ni the Irish Sea zone from the mid-ninth century onwards, as they

silver: t h e r e a r e a l s o t w o e l e v e n t h - c e n t u r y c o i n h o a r d s from t h e vicinity o f O r m e ' s H e a d a n d o n e from near

turies, the origins of its resurgence as a kingdom are

control of Chester (Wainwright, 1948; Dumville, 2002: 14; Redknap, 2004: 140-2). Anglesey was again ravaged ni 918 by a Hiberno-Scandinavian force from Dublin

Gwynedd Trahaearn ap Caradog (d.1081), who hailed from Arwystli (Maund, 1991: 80-2). The third consisted

for much of the later eleventh and earlier twelfth cen-

detectable in the 1120s in the career of Maredudd ap

Bleddyn (d.1132) and finally secured by his son Madog ap Maredudd (d. 1160) (Stephenson, 2008a, 2008b). So far this d i s c u s s i o n has focused o n the complex

dynastic histories of Gwynedd a n dPowys. However, it is also important to examine the changing impact of the

Vikings, the Anglo-Saxons and then the Normans on northWales from the ninth tothe earlier twelfthcenturies. Geographical factors undoubtedly played a significant

role in the Viking impact on north Wales, which was cen-

tred on Anglesey and the coastal mainland in the north-west and on Tegeingl in the north-east. Anglesey in particular lay ni a pivotal position within the Irish Sea z o n e . w h i c h h a sb e e n s e e n a s i n m a n y w a s a s i n g l e -

in Ireland and in 855 Rhodri Mawr slew Orm,chief of the 'Dark Foreigners' (Dumville, 2002: 12-13). However, his

Wirral from where they attempted, unsuccessfully, to gain

(T. Jones, 1955: 10-11; Etchingham, 2001: 162-7). After what may have been alull, the second phase spans the second half of the tenth, the eleventh and earlier twelfth centuries and the evidence suggests that the quest t o c o n t r o l A n g l e s e y a n d t h e c o a s t o fm a i n l a n d G w y n e d d

was part of a broader aim to claim overlordship of Ireland, the Isle of Man and western Scotland. In 961, the sons of Olaf ravaged Holyhead and Lign (T. Jones, 1955: 14-15). Colmán Etchingham (2001: 168-83) has argued that the renewed pressure by Hiberno-Scandinavians came from the isles rather than directly from Ireland and that during the 970s and 980s it was led by two brothers,

were repeatedly subjected to the political ambitions of Hiberno-Scandinavian leaders, some of whom seized

land from native control and attempted to hold it, however temporarily. Against such a background the presence of at least some Viking settlers seems certain, though

degrees of integrationand possible areas of hegemony are more difficult to identify. Further important clues are, however, provided by both place-name and archaeological evidence. There is a scat-

tering of Scandinavian place-names around the coast of Gwynedd and Anglesey stretching from Bardsey to Orme's Head, though these have been interpreted as little more than navigational points, partly because the Welsh names also remained in use (Loyn, 1976: 10, map 2). Nevertheless, Anglesey itself is more telling (even though the native Môn continued alongside it), since it is derived

contains both coins (including Kufic dirhams) and hack-

Pwllheli (Boon, 1986: 92-7; Redknap, 2009c: 33). The significance of the stone sculpture si discussed below (see pp. 112-13, 128-9). Turning to the north-east, from the ninth century onwards the cantref of Tegeingl (or ni its Anglicized form Englefield), which stretched along the coast between the

Dee and the Clwyd, was part of acontested border zone,

which the Anglo-Saxons were seeking to bring under their control (Davies, 1990: 67-73). In 822, a force had reached as far west as the Conwy and destroyed the hillfort of Degannwy (Dumville, 2002: 10-11). Rhodri Maw, the ruler of Gwynedd, was killed by the English in 878 (Dumville, 2002: 12-13). Chester was occupied by the D a n e s in

8 9 3 - 4 a n d Elh e r n o - S can d i n av i an

settlements

were established in the vicinity a n d on the W i r r a la n d in

south Lancashire a few years later (Thacker, 1987: 249-

50). There are some Anglo-Saxon place-names along the coast west of the Dee indicative of English occupation (Lewis, 2007: 137) and there si likewise cumulative evidence suggesting some Viking settlement ni the same area. In addition to the sculpture, this comprises a couple of Hiberno-Scandinavian place-names and church dedi-

Godfrey and Maccus Haraldsson, whose ambitions extended to both Ireland and north Wales. Indeed, in 972 Brut y Tywysogyon reports that Godfrey Haraldsson devastated Anglesey and subdued t h ewhole island. In 980, he mounted a further raid on L I n and Anglesey with the Welsh royal contender Custennin ab Iago and in 987 he captured 2,000 men on Anglesey who were only freed two

from the Scandinavian Ongulsey, meaning 'Ongull's Isle', which incorporates a personal name (Jones and Roberts,

the m o s t i m p o r t a n t focus o f H i b e r n o - S c a n d i n a v i a n

vears later when M a r e d u d d ab O w a i n paid tribute o f a

interest, though the degree of contact and extent of settlement and control have been subjects of considerable debate (Loyn, 1976; Davies, 1990: 48-60; Duffy, 1995; Etchingham, 2001, 2007). The activity in Tegeing should be seen as an extension of Hiberno-Scandinavian settlement in Chester, on the Wirral and in south Lancashire in the early tenth century (Thacker, 1987: 254-9; Cavill et al., 2000; Griffiths, 2006: 153-8). However, there si only occasional evidence for Viking incursions in the border areas of Powys. Most notably, in 893 a Danish army was

penny a head (T. Jones, 1955: 14-17; Maund, 1991: 57; Thornton, 1997: 577-9).

increasing amount of archaeological evidence. Most sig. nificant is the enclosed settlement at Llanbedrgoch with

Griffiths, 2001). After Athelflad's death in 918, her brother King Edward t h e Elder received the submission of

its rectangular buildings and typically Viking artefactual

Welsh rulers, including Idwal Foel of Gwynedd, and then

Scandinavianized - culture province' ni this period of intense sea-borne activity (Davies, 1990: 49, fig. 5). tI was

on the important route between Dublin and Chester and with easy access to the rest of Ireland and the IsleofMan, and from thence t o Cumbria, Galloway and the Rinns and then northwards to the Hebrides, t h eNorthern Isles and Scandinavia. It is therefore not surprising that it became

defeated by the Anglo-Saxons and the men of Pows in a

Pressure continued throughout the eleventh century.

The History of Gruffudd ap Cynan andother sources suggest that Gruffudd's grandfather, Olaf Sihtricson of Dublin (d. 1034), who also claimed to rule the Isle of Man, south-west Scotland and perhaps the Hebrides, had a major interest ni Anglesey and Gwynedd where he built a stronghold known as Bon y Dom (Russell, 2005: ch. 4, 128-30; Etchingham, 2001: 157-61). Later, the Irish king of Leinster, Diarmait mac Mail na mBó, who controlled

1996: 89-90). Osmund's Air, a Scandinavian personal

cations and a pagan Viking grave at Talacre (Griffiths,

name with eyrr meaning a 'gravel bank', which projects

into the Menai Strait east of Llan-faes, may likewise be

2006: 153-7). Ethelred (d.911) and his wife Athelfled of Mercia refortified Chester in 907 as one of the network of burhs

indicative of Viking activity in the south-east of the island (Jones and Roberts, 1980). This is supported by an

established as part of the Anglo-Saxon campaign to regain the Danelaw (Wainwright, 1959; Ward, 2001;

assemblage, including hack-silver and lead weights, indicative of Hiberno-Scandinavian settlement in the later

attempted to consolidate his control of Tegeingl by founding the burh of Cledemutha c.921; this has been iden-

ninth and earlier tenth centuries (Redknap, 2000: 65-84; 2004, 2007; Etchingham, 2001: 163). The promontory

tified as Rhuddlan near the mouth of the Clwyd (Wainwright, 1950. Excavations under the Norman bor-

fort of Porth Trefadog in north-west Anglesey has also

o u g h have uncovered traces o f a detensive enclosure,

been compared with Viking examples on the Isle of Man (Longley,1991). A paganViking burial si known from Benllech and a bronzering-pin of Irish origin, possibly

sunken-floored buildings and a tenth-century motifpiece, which have been persuasively argued as belonging to this settlement, but there is no evidence to suggest that it con-

indicative of a grave, has been found in the churchyard at

tinued in English hands beyond the mid-tenth century.

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

14

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

Llywelyn ap Seisyll of Gwynedd built a palatium there ni

positions ni the form of mottes widely across Gwynedd

1015 and in the mid-eleventh century it was a llys ('court') of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, but no archaeological remains

and they ultimately failed to consolidate the ground. In

of these have been securely i d e n t i fi e d ( O u i n n e l l a n d

1098,

the s t r o n g h o l d at A b e r l l e i n i o g in s o u t h - e a s t

Although clear evidence forChristianity in Roman Wales

these have been located very largely in thenorth-west, par-

Blockley, 1994: 209-13).

is c o n fi n e d to Ca e r w e n t a n d Caerleon in the south-east,

ticularly o n Anglesey w h e r e there have been several

From the time of Alfred (871-99), English sources

Anglesey was first besieged unsuccessfully by Gruffudd ap Cynan, but subsequently the Normans were defeated

kings, their attendance at court, their provision of m i l i t a r y

of Shrewsbury was killed, Earl Hugh of Chester died

there are also hints centring on Roman sites ni the north which suggest a Christian presence, at least amongst some more Romanized elements of the population. The best

important recent excavations, for example Arfryn and Capel Eithin (Hedges, forthcoming; White and Smith 1999; see Bodedern 1 (AN1); Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1

record the submission of Welsh rulers to the West Saxon

support and the payment of tribute, a position borne of

necessity ni the face of the Viking threat and the

increasing power of the English state (Kirby, 1976; Davies, 1990: 73-6). Idwal Foel and his brother Hywel Dda were in attendance at the courts of both Edward the Elder and Athelstan, but it is unclear whether the submis-

sion of Welsh rulers continued after Hywel's death in 950.

It h a s r e c e n t l y b e e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e f a m o u s e p i s o d e

which describes north Welsh, Scottish, north British and Scandinavian rulers rowing King Edgar on the Dee at C h e s t e r shortlv after his s u c c e s s i o n t o t h e t h r o n e i n 9 7 3 s h o u l d b e s e e n .n o t a s a n a c t o f s u b m i s s i o n . b u t a s a p e a c e

treaty b e t w e e n the various parties ( T h o r n t o n , 2001;

Barrow, 2001).

west of the Conwy in the 1080s, but lines were stretched

by a force led by Magnus Barelegsof Norway. Earl Hugh

shortly afterwards in 1101 and Earl Robert of Shrewsbury was exiled a year later. These events effectively ended Norman ambitions to conquerGwynedd and Pows and allowed the native rulers Gruffudd ap Cynan and Cadwgan ap Bleddyn to become clients of Henry I and to

consolidate their power (Davies, 1987: 30-6; Lewis, 1996; Russell, 2005: chs 23-31). W e know remarkably little about the settlement archaeology of Gwynedd or Powys c.800-1100 (Edwards, 1997c: 2-5). Not a single low status site has been conclusively dated to the period and the only major examples to have been excavated are Llanbedrgoch and Rhuddlan.

The refortification of the promontory fort of Castell, Porth Trefadog with its rectangular house or hall may also

eleventh century but at the beginning of his reign Gruffudd ap Llywelyn (1039-63) was sufficiently powerful to gain a victory over the English at Rhyd-y-Groes

date to the end of the period (Longley, 1991). Occupation of hillforts generally appears to have ceased before the ninth century, though activity may have continued nearby. At Degannwy, for example, the strategic site overlooking

near Trelystan ni Powys. This was followed up by the sack

the Conwy,an Anglo-Saxon attack is recorded ni 822 and

Little

is

k n o w n of

border relations

in the

earlier

of Hereford in 1055 and victory at Glasbury in the following year. The subsequent peace treaty recognized him

later a place-name suggests the presence of a royal maerr e f settlement on land between the two rock outcrops

as a sub-king of Edward theConfessor but also allowed

(Longley, 1997: 45). Though the scheme may be ideal-

h i m to k e e p t e r r i t o r y h e h a d a c q u i r e d b e v o n d t h e Dee.

ized.t h e Welsh law books indicate that by the twelfth

However, in 1063, the situation was reversed with Harold G o d w i n s o n ' s s u c c e s s f u lattack on R h u d d l a n w h i c h forced

c e n t u r y a n administrative system had evolved based on t h ec o m m o t e (cwmwd). Tw o c o m m o t e s f o r m e da cantref. a

Gruffudd to flee and ultimately led to his death (Davies,

more archaic unit, literally made up of a hundred town-

1987: 24-6; 2002: 219-36). Domesday Book records Anglo-Saxon holdings on the border at the eve of the

ships.Within each commote was a royal llys ('court') and an adjacent maerdref('reeve's township'), with the homes

Norman Conquest which include, to the west of the Dee,

of the king's bond tenants who worked his land (Longley.

the hundred of Atiscross and Englefield beyond, though the latter had yet to be divided into hides (Davies, 1987: 31; Lewis, 2007: 132;Williams and Martin, 2002: 735-7; Darby and Maxwell, 1962: 383-90). It is also worth

1997: 41-2). In Gwynedd, this pattern of commotal centres, which came to an end with the Edwardian Conquest,

noting that, according to Gerald of Wales, Harold had monuments inscribed with the words hic fuit victor Haroldus ('Here Harold was victorious') which were to stand as permanent memorials of his success, though

none of these has survived (Higgitt, 1997: 73). After the Norman Conquest, William I built a castle at

can still be reconstructed and in some cases traced on the

ground (Johnstone, 1997; 2000). There are also hints of

N O RT H WA L E S

c a r e a r e . h o w e v e r , m o r e d i f fi c u l t t o b e s u r e of. A p a r t f r o m

the inscribed memorial stones, the main archaeological e v i d e n c e i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e is f r o m c e m e t e r i e s . T o d a t e

example is Caernarfon (Segontium) where the parish

late Roman period and the dedication to St Peblig, the ear-

(AN20)). Evidence for burial elsewhere in north Wales remains scarce, the most notable modern excavation being Tandderwen (Denbs.) (Brassil, Owen and Britnell, 1991). Such cemeteries were often located on the sites of prehistoric monuments, such as barrows which were redolent of a mythical past, and did not necessarily develop into ecclesiastical sites. They consist of east-west

Tier f o r m o f w h i c h is t h e L a t i n n a m e P u b l i c i u s . is a l s o

fi n d l e s s i n h u m a t i o n s . o f t e n i n s t o n e c i s t s . s o m e t i m e s w i t h

church of Llanbeblig is located beside the Roman road

just beyondthe east gate of the auxiliary fort and in the vicinity of the Roman cemetery and near where possible post-Roman inhumations have recently been excavated.

Such an extra-mural position si typical of churches ni the

supportive (Pollock, 2006: 149; Davidson, 2009a: 42-4, fig. 3.1). The only portable late Roman object with Christian iconography from north Wales si a strap-end from the hillfort at Peny Corddyn (Debs.), though this si not necessarily proof of the beliefs of the owner (White, 2007: 88, illus. 24, no. 7.) Beyond the modern borders

there is further tantalizing evidence from the area around Chester, including two late Roman lead salt-pans from Shavington with inscriptions probably naming a bishop, Flavius Viventius, whose diocese most likely centred on Chester (Penney and Shotter, 1996, 2000-1; White, 2007: 88, illus. 35).

above-ground structures, such as stone-kerbed mounds or r e c t a n g u l a r m o r t u a r y enclosures, p r e s u m a b l y a sign ot

status (Longley, 2009). However, there si little to indicate belief and these can best be interpreted as family, kin or community cemeteries where, as in Ireland, pagan and

Christian were initially buried side by side (O'Brien, 2009:

148-9). Remarkably few ecclesiastical sites in north Wales are mentioned in the early medieval sources (Davies, 1982a 140-4, fig. 49). However, using a critical multidisciplinary a p p r o a c h c o m b i n i n g t h e s e w i t h later m e d i e v a l a n d anti-

using the evidence of the early inscribed stones, argued that Christianity died out at the end of the Roman period and was re-introduced into Wales from Gaul in the fifth

quarian written sources, as well as with a range of archaeological, topographical, place-name and dedication evidence, it is possible to build up a body of evidence to identify not only individual early medieval foundations, but also networks of sites and their relationships

century, an assumption also made by Nash-Williams

with each other. The benefits of such an approach have

(ECMW, 4). Such a view i s no longer tenable and it is now accepted that Christianity continued from the Roman into

been demonstrated clearly in the results of the regional Cadw-funded Early Medieval Ecclesiastical Sites project car-

Earlier scholars such as C. A. R. Radford (1971: 8-10),

the post-Roman centuries without a break (Thomas, 1981; Petts, 2003: 20-1). Nevertheless, the continuing

ried out by the four Welsh Archaeological Trusts (Edwards, 2009c: 19-132).

process of conversion and its pace remain largely obscure. To succeed conversion was undoubtedly dependent upon

in north Wales. There are ahandful of early references to

the continuing presence of a Romanized Christian element ni the population, including an organized clergy, as

the site, which was alsomonastic (see p. 247). Its founding saint was Bishop Deiniol, whose obit si later recorded as

Bangor is the only i d e n t i fi a b l ee a r l ymedieval bishopric

llys sites in the north-east, for example near the hillfort at Dinorben and at Rhuddlan (Longley, 1997: 46). Theexca-

evidenced in the early inscribed stones (see p. 55). By the mid-sixth century, Gildas makes nomention of paganism

Anglesey with its adjacent chapel, now the parish church

bishops, priests and deacons. He likewise castigates rulers, who are at leastnominally Christian, for their wickedness, especially Maelgwn of Gwynedd, who had at one time considered becoming a monk, evidence of the growing influence of monasticism in this period (Pryce, 1992: 47-

of Gwynedd (Dumville, 2002: 8-9) and, though his seat is not named, this was presumably Bangor. The fact that he is termed an archbishop might hint that there were other lesser bishops in the region as well (Pryce, 1999: 40). In 944, the death of Bishop Morglais, later associated with

8; Winterbottom, 1978:ch. 34). The extent to which Christian beliefs and practices had

Bangor, si also noted (Dumville, 2002: 16-17; Jones, 1952: 7). Following their advance into Gwynedd, the

penetrated beyond the elite and the impact of pastoral

Normans briefly appointed the Breton Herve to the see in

vation on the site of the llys at Rhosyr in south-west

(see Newborough 1-2 (AN49-50)), uncovered arectangular stone-walled enclosure housing a complex of

Chester 1069-70. From then onwards the Norman cam-

rectangular buildings, including a timber-framed hall set

paign in north Wales was led by Earl Hugh of Chester and his cousin Robert of Rhuddlan (d.1093) who advanced

on rubble footings, datable on artefactual evidence to the thirteenth century. However, any earlier phases were not

first to Rhuddlan (c.1073) and then westwards as far as Degannwy (c. 1078). They established further forward

THE EARLY MEDIEVAL CHURCH IN

15

investigated so the origins o f the site remain u n k n o w n

(Johnstone, 1999).

and si berating a corrupt and sinful clergy composed of

584. but whether the bishopric had such early origins is now impossible to say (Pryce, 1999: 38-40). In 809, the

Annales Cambriae include the obit of Elfoddw archbishop

HISTORICAL ANDA R C H A E O L O G I C A L BACKGROUND T OT H E MONUMENTS

HISTORICAL ANDARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS also been tentatively a d v a n c e d f o r an early see at Wroxeter

mentioned when they were raided by the Vikings

(White, 2007: 193) and both or either of thesecould have

(T. Jones, 1955: 14-15; 1971: 38-9). At the end of the period there is evidence of royal patronage of the cathedral at Bangor, as well as the mother churches at Holyhead, Penmon, Clynnog, Llandrillo-yn-Rhos,

included parts of Powys. The instability of the region

from the ninth century onwards may have meant that no

bishopric existed, though ti is possible that parts came

nominally under Bangor or the English churchdepending upon whetherthey were innative hands or not. From the sixth century onwards, however, the key religious foundations in the north, asthroughout Wales, were churches which are frequently referred to using monastic

Llanarmona n d Meifod, since they are remembered int h e will of Gruffudd ap Cynan (d.1137) (Russell, 2005: chs 34-5). Meifod was also the burial place of Madog ap Maredudd of Powys (d.1160) and his forefathers (Jones and Owen,2003: 59).

nity included ordained priests responsible for thepastoral care of those in the surrounding countryside and some-

double site consisting of the mainland foundation and a

terms (e.g. Lat. monasterium) and amongst their commu-

Gwvi

times monks (Pryce, 1992: 48-55). Although the exact nature of these establishments and how they changed over time has been a matter of debate, in many respects

they are comparable with both Anglo-Saxon ministers and major foundations in Ireland and Scotland (Edwards, 20096: 9-10; Blair, 2005: 182-290). By the end of the

period documentary sources indicate that in Wales there

In contrast nothing is known about bishops in Powys

restored under Gruffudd ap Cynan, his successor, David the Irishman, was inauguratedi n 1120 (Pryce, 1999: 43-4; Brett, 2004).

before the foundation of the see ofLlanelwy (St Asaph)i n 1141 (Pearson, 2000: 36-9; Davies, 2009: 83-4). The likelihood of a diocese centred upon Chester in the late Roman period has already been mentioned; the case has

Island (Ynys Enlli) off the end of the LIn peninsula, a placeof pilgrimage, which he associated with theCuldees

(Céli Dé) (Thorpe, 1978: 183-4; Reeves, 1864: 61-2), an ascetic movement with its origins in Ireland in the later

eighth century (Follett, 2006). He also connects the

other three, had a later medieval Augustinian community, may similarly have had earlier origins (Hague, 1960;

2009: 32). They were ruled by an abbot, who was at least sometimes a secular figure (as at Tywyn in 1147), and consisted of a hereditary body termed claswyr or canonic who ownedland in the form of portions (Pryce, 1992: 48-

Evans, 2009: 88). Otherwise, eremitic sites remain difficult to identify. In Tegeingl Dyserth, first mentioned ni Domesday Book in 1086 (Morgan, 1978: FT2.2), has a place-name derived from the Latin desertum meaning a' solitary place', suggesting its origin asa hermitage (Owen and Morgan, 2007: 135). In central Powys, late hagiography highlights the remote church of Pennant

difficult to determine is when these came into existence. As we have seen, Bangor F a r , which was both a bishopric and a mother church, was probably founded in the later sixth century and the cult of Deiniol had certainly risen to prominence by the early ninth. Bede suggests that by the end of the sixth century Bangor Is-coed (Flints.) was a powerful monastery ruled by an abbot with at least one hermit, priests and over two thousand monks, many

1092. but after a g a p d u r i n g w h i c h native control was

Gerald likewise mentions the hermitage on Bardsey

with secular cantreft or sometimes commotes, though in some areas the picture is less clear (Silvester and Evans,

It si nowpossible to reconstructmuch of the network of mother churches ni existence across north Wales by the end of the period (Fig. 1.3) (Pryce, 2001; Davidson, 2009a: 47-50; Silvester and Evans, 2009). What is more

Fig. 1.3. Map of north Wales: motherchurches andother ecclesiastical sites mentionedin the text (Crow copyright:RCAHMW).

hermitage on the offshore island of Ynys Seiriol which si noted by Gerald of Wales in 1188 (Gem, 2009: 108).

monks at Beddgelert with Culdees; this was a mother church in the heart of Snowdonia, which may also have contained amore ascetic element (Davidson, 2009a: 51).

9: Silvester andEvans. 2009: 22-4).

• P o s s i b l e Mother c h u r c h e s

In Gwynedd, Penmon in south-east Anglesey was a

was a network of mother churches (usually known in Welsh as clasau), each associated with an often local founding saint. These were surrounded by territories or

parochiae, many of which may have been coterminous

Bardsey Island

17

of whom perished at the battle of Chester c.613 (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969: i.2, 136-42). The obit of Jonathan, princes of Abergele, avernacular title meaning abbot also

used in Ireland (Charles-Edwards, 1971: 259), si noted in

858 (Dumville. 2002: 12-13) and Llanfor is first mentioned in ninth-century poetry attributed to Llywarch Hen

(Ford, 1974: 20-5, 136-9, .v 222-5; Rowland, 1990: 43-4, 414-15). During the tenth century, Caergybi (961),

Tywyn (963). Penmon (971) and Clynnog (978) are first

Ynys Tudwal, anotherisland offthe LIn, which, likethe

Melangell in the cantref of Mochnant as aretreat associ-

ated with female hermits and their founder St Melangell,

whose Romanesque shrine is still extant; excavationshave confirmed i t as a place of early medieval burial (Pryce, 1994; Britnell, 1994: 91-4). Other ecclesiastical foundations are occasionally mentioned in the documentary sources. Llangaffo, for example, a significant site in the cantref of Rhosyr in south-west Anglesey, is first noted as Merthyr Caffo in the

Life of St Cybic. 1200 (Wade-Evans, 1944: ch. 17, 246-7). However, by this date Anglesey was a patchwork of small

parishes mostly dedicated to obscure local saints. Many have churches with Romanesque fabric or carved stone fonts which traditionally date to the later years of Gruffudd ap Cynan (Russell, 2005: ch 33, 86-7; Pritchard, 2009: 243). But the origins of these churches and also chapels of ease are much more difficult to unravel, both on Anglesey and elsewhere, since usually they do not appear in the written record until the thirteenth century or

18 |

HISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND TO THE MONUMENTS

later a n d there has been little archaeological excavation

recorded as d e p e n d e n t c h a p e l s o f mother c h u r c h e s :

(Edwards,2009b: 8). Identification of their early medieval origins si dependent principally on the presence of early medieval inscribed stones and stone sculpture, sometimes

Llanrhaead-ym-Mochnant, for example, had at least three dependent chapels in the late thirteenth century (Silvester and Evans, 2009: 31-7). During the Viking

augmented by other evidence such as curvilinear churchyard boundaries, and occasionally long-cist graves as at Llechgynfarwy (Ang.) (Anon., 1928: 96; Baynes, 1935: 190-1). An unknown proportion ofthese churches developed from the kin and community cemeteries of the fifth and sixth centuries, but it is likely that many did not acquire a church building until comparatively late in the period. It may be argued, however, that ordained clergy

period there was a rapid expansion of local churches in England, many of which were based on manorial estates, and this pattern is repeated elsewhere (Blair, 2005: 368-425). In southern Anglesey, as in northern Pembrokeshire, the Isle of Man, Dyflinarskiri in Ireland, Galloway and parts of the Danelaw, the proliferation of sites with sculpture suggests the foundation of estate churches,

from the mother churches would have used these cemeteries as foci of pastoral care. Some, however, were later

(Edwards, 2009b: 8). For example, at the end of the thirteenth century the estate church of the lys at Rhosyr in

abandoned in favour of new foundations on land donated

to the church (Edwards and Lane, 1992a: fig. 1.1). In all

likelihood s o m e o f these a r e t h e d a u g h t e r c h u r c h e s later

many

of

which

became

part

of

the

parish

CHAPTER 2

EARLIER RESEARCH

system

south-west Anglesey eventually became the parish church

of Newborough.

The earliest definite references to early medieval monuments in north Wales are to the crosses known as the Pillar

of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn lal 1) (D3) and Maen Achwyfan

clearly interested in Wales and early Welsh documents; he also emploved

a

servant

to

teach

him

the language

(Bromwich,1968; Herendeen, 2007: 45). In 1590, he vis-

(Whitford 2) (F12), both prominent landmarks. The existence of the former is implicit in the name of the nearby

ited

Cistercian abbey of Valle Crucis ('Valley of the Cross'), founded ni 1201. However, ti si first certainly mentioned in the second half of the fifteenth century in the chronicle BrenhineddySaesson ni the Black Book of Basingwerk manuscript s.a. 1200 copied by Gutun Owen (7. c. 1460- .c 1498) (Jones, 1971: 196-7; see alsoJones, 1952: 192-3 .n 81.1-2),

Clocaenog 1 (DI) (known as Bedd Emlyn, 'The Grave of Emlyn) in the expanded edition of Britannia published ni 1594, though his rendering of the roman-letter inscription, AMILLIN/ TOVISATOC, is far from accurate (Camden, 1594: 519). Francis Goodwin also informed him of two other early medieval inscribed stones ni the south (Herendeen, 2007: 305-6; see vol. I: 7-8, G77, G86). Around the same time, Lewys Dwnn (c. 1550.c 1616), a Welsh poet and deputy Herald of Arms who travelled widely ni Wales collecting genealogical material,

who c a m e from the area: he likewise m e n t i o n s the m o n u -

ment in his poetry (Bachellery, 1950: vii. 8, xxi.24, xxii.25, xxiv.5, xxxvii.22). It also appears ni the poetry of Guto'r Glyn who died at Valle Crucis ni 1493 (Williams, 1959;

Williams and Williams, 1939: cxv.6, 38,cxvi, 58). Maen

Achwvfan is named in Mostyn family deeds in 1388 and 1501/2 (BU MSS Mostyn 3124, 3126): the reference in the first deed is also noted in aletter from Sir Richard Mostyn to Edward Lhuyd in 1683/4 (Lloyd, 1971-2:49). In addition, Flint 1 (F4), a lost monument known as Atiscros or Croes Ati, gave its name to the hundred of Atiscross in Domesday Book in 1086 (Morgan, 1978: 269b) and the

inscribed stone Trawsfynydd 2 (MIR23) may be mentioned ni a charter of Llywelyn ap lorwerth in 1209 (Pryce, 2005: no. 229; Gresham, 1985: 391).

Wa l e s

with

Francis

Goodwin.

later

bishop

of

Llandaf. He subsequently noted the inscribed stone

was the first to note the inscribed stone Llanfor 1 (MR18), though he mistakenly identified it as the grave of Llywarch Hen, probablya folkloric association (Meyrick, 1846, it: 104). A generation or so later, it is clear that the Merionethshire antiquarian Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt (1591/2-1667), best known for his unrivalled collection of

. D. Evans, early Welsh manuscripts (Morgan, 1980; M 2004), was a keen admirer of Camden (Bromwich, 1968: 17 n. 1). Indeed, his unpublished Survey of Merioneth (c. 1660) seems to have been inspired by a revision of

north

Camden's account in Britannia (E. D. Jones. 1955: 209).

Wales began ni the second half of the sixteenth century. In 1574,the mathematician, astrologer and antiquary John Dee, inspired by an interest ni British history

Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) (Illus. MR23.2), as well as the only

(L Harleian borders noting antiquities, including Flint 1B MS 473, fo. 3; Hepple, 2002; R. J. Roberts, 2004). He was a friend of William Camden (1551-1623), the author of the mould-breaking and highly influential Britannia, first

the already incomplete inscription on the Pillar of Eliseg

Antiquarian

research

on

the

m o n u m e n t s in

because of his Welsh ancestry. made a tour of the Welsh

published in 1586 (Herendeen, 2004, 2007). Camden was

His Survey incorporates the earliest definite record of information concerning the now lost Llanuwchllyn 1

(MR19), which includes a useful sketch oft h e monument (Illus. MR19.1-2). It is also known that he travelled further

afield and on one of these journeyshe made a transcript of

(D3), a copy of which, most likely ni his own hand, sur-

vives in his Commonplace Book(Illus. D3.5).

2 0

EARLIER RESEARCH

-Who make fo Cloccaenry Mona n

infeription si exactly Kup)SUMILINI) - tOppherahrey Reines. ISS. 560,

or both. fisers

circles of flonent one.

Ill

The Wi lla s!i t hav e,

of :y "'Inmali call. y• Cryptr un, lar Cerig hnis Kon of stonestat c o a t t e r bellors my thislet a

Place Kelse pi R257 y:

Fig. .2 .1 Clocaenog1(DI),drawing by JohnLloydshowing both theroman-letter inscription and theogamstrokes (Bodleian MS Ashmole 1829,fo. 150r).

It was, however, the great Celtic scholar, natural scientist and antiquarian Edward Lhuyd (1659/60?-1709) (Emery, 1971; B. F. Roberts, 2004), likewise an admirer of Camden and greatly influenced by him (Edwards, 2007b:

176-7), who made the first real impact. Even though he published comparatively little of his research on early medieval inscribed stones and stone sculpture in Wales and other Celtic-speaking areas, his records and those of

his assistants, particularly of inscriptions, were often remarkably accurate and are sometimes the only ones to

have survived.

Indeed, Lhuyd's pioneering work

remained unsurpassed until the second half of thenine-

teenth century and is still of considerable value today (Edwards, 2007b: 188).

Lhuyd came from a Welshgentry background and was brought upon the border near Oswestry. His earliest record

of an early medieval monument is of Trawsfynydd 2

(MR23), which h efirst visited in 1687, probably while carrying out botanicalfieldwork in the area (Lhuyd, 1695: col.

662). He was appointed keeper of the AshmoleanMuseum in Oxford in 1691. However, the catalyst for his develop-

ment as an antiquarian was the invitation in 1693 by EdmundGibson to contributematerial to a new edition of Camden's Britannia, initially for the counties of

Denbighshire, Merionethshire and Montgomeryshire, thougheventually hetook onthe whole of Wales (Lhuyd,

1695; Emery, 1958; Parry, 1995: 345-54). Lhuyd con-

also drew some of the ogams, commenting 'At ye edges of ye stone J observ'd such stroaks as these on bothsides' (Fig.

2.1) (Roberts, 1971: 104). AlthoughLhuydfailed torealize the significance of the strokes, he did note that Lloyd's

sketch of the roman-letter inscription differed from Camden's reading. However, hiscorrectedreading, AIM-

ILINI TOVISAG, was less accurate than Lloyd's original

drawing (Gunther, 1945: 195; Lhuyd, 1695: cols 685-6). Lhuyd also noted two other inscribed stones for the first

time, Llangaffo 12 (AN38) and Llanbabo 1 (AN9), both initiallyreported to him by one of his Anglesey correspondents, the Revd John Davies of Newborough; an illustration of the latter was also included (Illus. AN9.1), sent by the Revd Robert Humphreys of Trefdraeth, another local correspondent (Lhuyd, 1695: cols 677-8; Roberts, 2008: 246). Lhuyd likewise recorded one cross, Whitford 2 (F12), perceptively noting a possible Danish connection. This was a result of his correspondence with

Richard Mostyn (1658-1735) of Penbedw, Nannerch, a

local gentleman antiquary who not only provided a detailed description and illustrations of both broad faces of the monument, but also attempted a narchaeological excavation around and under the base (Lloyd, 1971-2; Lhuyd,

1695: cols 694-5, figs 1-2).

The rest of Lhuvd's career was focused on research

towards his massive, multidisciplinary Archaeologia Britannica, but only his groundbreaking linguisticstudy of

ducted his own fieldwork in the south (Edwards, 2007b: 180; see vol.I : 8-10), butfor hisadditions to the northern counties he alreadyknew much more and, as forthesouthwest(seevol. II: 12), hada networko flocal correspondents who went to considerable trouble to inform him about early medieval monuments. His kinsman John Lloyd, the

(1707; Evans and Roberts. 2009) and most of hisresearch notes have perished. Nevertheless, it remains possible to piece together the extent of his work on early medieval inscribed stones, and, to a lesser extent, the sculpture, in the north, as in other parts of Wales and elsewhere. This

schoolmaster at Ruthin, visited Clocaenog 1 (D1) and

can be done from his correspondence, his few surviving

made an accurate copy of the roman-letterinscription. He

manuscripts containing archaeological material and.

the Celtic languages, the Glossography, was everpublished

EARLIER RESEARCH

L MSS Stowe 1023 4, two volumes most importantly, B of notes and illustrations of monuments anonymously

21

some measure influenced by him. They became regular correspondents c.1699 and met that year when Lhuyd vis-

copied from Lhuyd'sresearch after his death at the instigation of Sir John Anstis (1669-1744)(Edwards, 2007b: 169-76). From what survives it is clear that Lhuyd was interested not only in the language and lettering of the

(Woolf, 2004; chiefly remem(1723), which been the most important seat of the druids, he alsoshowed an interest in

of crosses and other types of early medieval sculpture,

island. He mentions Llangaffo 12 (AN38) (Rowlands,

inscriptions, but also in the locations and dimensions of the monuments themselves. He likewise noted examples t h o u g h thec a r v e d o r n a m e n t was lessa c c u r a t e l y recorded

than the inscriptions. In all, post 1695 Lhuyd and his

ited the island on his 'Great Tour' Williams, 2007). Although Rowlands is bered for his Mona Antiqua Restaurata attempted to prove that Anglesey had

recording the early medieval inscribed stones ofh i s native

1846: 310) and discusses Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) at

some length, noting that it was likely to be a gravestone thereby suggesting that Cadfan had not been buried on

assistants noted some twenty-three monuments in the northern counties, twenty-one for the first time, and six of these are no longer extant.' Acouple were noted in replies to his Parochial Queries, an information-gathering ques-

Bardsey Island as commonly believed (Rowlands, 1723:

Wales in 1696. However, most were recorded in the

Themost important contribution of the eighteenth cen-

tionnaire for Archaeologia Britannica sent toevery parish ni

course ofthe subsequent fieldwork. Lhuyd began ni north Wales between April and October 1696 during which he

156-7). He also noted LIangefni 2 (AN40 (now lost)a n d

Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58) for the first time (Rowlands, 1849: 265; 1723: 156).

tury was made by Lewis Morris (1701-65), the Welsh poet, scholar and surveyor, who was also a native of copied the incomplete inscription on Llandysilio yn Iâl 1 Anglesey (Wiliam, 1997, 2001, 2004). He came from a

(D3). Work then continued with his assistants William

Jones, David Parry and Robert Wynne as part of his 'Great Tour' (May 1697-March 1702) of Wales, parts of

Scotland, Ireland, Cornwall and Brittany (Gunther, 1945:

28-31, 329-32; Campbell and Thomson, 1963; Pool, 1977; Briggs, 2006). In October and November 1698they were in Montgomeryshire and then overwintered in Dolgellau (Mer.). It was during this time that Lhuyd recorded the unique Welsh inscription on Tywyn 2 (MR25), 'which by ye form of the letters I guess might have been of ye 7th or 8th century, but, tho the letters be very plain - I can make neitherWelsh nor Latin ofi t (Gunther, 1945: no. 208). In May and July 1699, they were in Caernarfonshire, in June Flintshire, and by August they had proceeded to Anglesey, where, before crossing to Ireland, Lhuyd must haverecorded theinscrip-

tion on Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), which he correctly identified as naming a known historical figure, King Catamanus (W. Cadfan), the early seventh-century ruler of Gwynedd (Lhuyd, 1700-1; Gunther, 1945: 496).

Lhuyd's contemporary, the Revd Henry Rowlands of

farming family and was largely self-educated, but like

Lhuyd he had a keen interest in the Welsh language, early

Welsh manuscriptsa n d antiquities. Though he never published hisrecords ofearly medieval inscribed stones, they

survive as notes and sketches in his manuscripts, and in one case they were added to the fly-leaves of his copy of

Geoffrey of Monmouth's Gesta Regnum Britanniae (Owen, 1896a; BL 872 L.25; see also vol. II: 13). In the north, Morris noted fourteen examples, seven for the first time,

but his records are of variable accuracy and he had not

necessarily seen them at first hand. Examples include the discovery of t h e fragmentary Llansadwrn 1 (AN45) in

1742 (Illus. AN45.2), made shortly before he left

Anglesey to livei n Cardiganshire. He also madevaluable records of monuments that are now lost: he had seen

Llangefni 2 (AN40) (Illus. AN40) and Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20) (Illus. MR20) for himself, but LIandygái 1 (CN22) (Illus. CN21.1) had been communicated to him

by a fellow Welsh poet, the Revd Evan Evans (1731-88), and he records two differing versions given to him ofthe

inscription on Llantrisant 2 (AN47) (Illus. AN47). In the later eighteenth and earlier nineteenth centuries early medieval inscribed stones and examples of stone sculpture were sometimes noted by topographical travel • Inscribed stones: Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), Aberdaron 1-2 writers. For north Wales by far the most important and (CN2-3), Llangian 1 (CN25), Llannor 1 (CN29), Gwytherin I most influential ofthese was Thomas Pennant (1726-98). (D2), Llandanwg 1 (MRI0). Llanfor 1 (MR18). Llanerfyl 1 (MT4); crosses: Penmon 1 (AN51), Llandysilio yn Iäl 1 (D3), a landed gentleman, naturalist, traveller and prolific Dyserth 1 (F2), Meliden 1 (F8); Corwen 1 (MR3) (cross-carved author, who was a native of Whitford in Flintshire

Llanidan (1655-1723), the Anglesey antiquarian, was in

stone): T v w v 2 (MIR25) (cross-carved stone with inscriptions):

(Evans, 1988; Withers, 2004). During the early 1770s he

monuments: Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 (AN20). Llannor 4 (CN32), Ffestiniog 2 (MR9). Tywyn I (MR24) (inscribed

journeyed extensively throughout the s ix northern conties and the fruits ofhis travelswere published in A Tour of Wales (1778-83). which became an instant success and

Meifod 1(MT6) (cross-slab);Newborough 1(AN49) (font). Lost

stones): P e n m o n 3 6 ( A N 5 3 5 6( c r o s s e s )

EARLIER RESEARCH

22 |

other inscribed stones, sometimes with illustrations, in his

1809), who produced the last major, expanded edition of

of the discovery of Penmachno 4 (CN38) and Festiniog 1 (MR8), and Angharad LIwyd (1780-1866), daughter of

had been copied by Griffiths (Pennant, 1778-83, it: supp. pl. V) (Fig. 2.2). Pennant noted two monuments for the first time:the incomplete cross, Corwen 5 (MR7), and the inscribed stone, Caerwys 1 (FI), which was moved to Pennant's seat at Downing by his son a few years after his death (Pennant, 1778-83, n:i 70; i: 454-5; Lewis, 1833: Caerwys). He was also a friend of Richard Gough (1735-

unpublished manuscripts. Notably, his is the earliest known reference to Llantrisant 1 (AN46), which he states had originally been located at Capel Bronwen (NIW MS 1713C, 8). Richard Williams (Wmffre Dafydd) (d.1865) recorded the antiquitiesaround his native Ffestiniog inan

eisteddfod essay competition, including the only accounts

Camden's Britannia (1789), and was responsible for

hte Revd John Lloyd of Caerwys (see above), was a very

information on and illustrations of early medieval monu-

likewise wrote prize-winning essays for eisteddfodau,

editing the section on Wales which included additional

ments ni the north (Gough, 1789, ii: 530-98, pls XIX-XXII).

In contrast, the prolific writings of John Skinner (1772-

1839). the Somerset clergyman and antiquarian, remain

rare example of a female antiquarian (Wright, 1959). She

notably AHistory of the Island of Mona, which discussed a

number of early medieval monuments, for example

Llansadwrn 1(AN45) (LIwyd, 1833: 147). Also worthy of

note si William Williams of Llandygai (1738-1817)

largely ni manuscript form(Mitchell, 2004). Nevertheless, (Richards, 1959), a quarry official for the Penhyn estate,

hislively account illustrated with many watercolour

whose unpublished survey of Caernarfonshire (1802)

sketches of his brief tour of Anglesey in December 1802

contains several illustrated references to inscribed stones

was eventually published (BL Add. MS 33636; Skinner, 1908) and si of considerable value for the light it sheds on

ni the county, including the lost Llandygái 1 (CN22) (Illus. CN22.2) (Jones, 1975). In 1846, Archaeologia Cambrensis, the first national antithe antiquities of the island. He saw six early medieval inscribed stones and his descriptions of Llanfaelog 2 quarian journal for Wales, was founded by the Revd (AN13), which he was the first to note, and Llantrisant I

(AN46) are particularly valuable (Skinner, 1908: 48, 54, illus. 29, 41). He also recorded the font at Cerrig Ceinwen (AN2) and attempted tosketch other sculptural fragments, now lost, built into the church belfry, which was later demolished; these may have included pieces of early

medievaldate (Fig. 2.3) (Skinner, 1908: 38-41, illus. 24-8).

Harry Longueville Jones (1806-70) and the Revd John Williams (ab Ithel) (1811-62). and the Cambrian Archaeological Association was established in the fol-

lowing year with the object of recording and preserving the antiquities of Wales. These two events were catalysts for an upsurge of interest in medieval Welsh antiquities,

especially those associated with the church, since the

Gwytherin 1(D2), Tywyn I (MR24); Llanfihangel-y-traethau (Appendix C).

excursions offered important opportunities to examine and discuss the monuments and foster their protection, leading to a torrent of articles ni the journal (see vol. :I 15;

vol. I: 13-14). The first annual meeting in the north at Caernarfon in 1848 demonstrates this well. The excursions included a trip to Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) and an

ambitious voyage by steamer to Bardsey Island where the

visitors discovered the inscription on Bardsey Island 2 (CN12) and 'took a cast of it in clay' which was brought back to Caernarfon and recast in plaster to enable further

study (Anon., 1848: 356, 363-4). Plaster casts had also

been taken of Tywyn 2 (MR25) prior to the meeting and

early medieval monuments (Anon., 1848: 364; Westwood and Williams, 1850). Harry Longueville Jones likewise embraced this more

modern approach (Williams, 2004). Born in London, in 1846 he moved to Anglesey. As a schools inspector, he travelled throughoutWales and this gave him the opportunity to record many early medieval monuments (see vol. I: 15; vol. II: 13-14). He wrote a long series of articles on Anglesey for the early volumes of Archaeologia Cambrensis under the title of 'Mona Mediaeva'. These studies exam-

ined the medieval archaeology of the island, especially its

churches, many of which were then in poor repair and

w e r e e x h i b i t e d in t h e t e m p o r a r y m u s e u m . T h i s r e s u l t e d in

t h r e a t e n e d w i t h d e m o l i t i o n or u n s v m p a t h e t i c r e s t o r a t i o n

the earliest attempts to decipher the Welsh inscriptions on the monument. The interpretation of John Williams (ab Ithel), who was a follower of Edward Williams (Iolo Morgang) and looked back to the Welsh mythical past, was largely the product of imagination, but J. O.

In addition to his architectural descriptions of church buildings, Jones discussed and illustrated the early medieval carved stone monuments associated with them. These included Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26): he carefully recorded the inscription using rubbings, which he then

.J O. Westwood for comment, since some had thought ti a

Otherwise. antiquarian interest in the early medieval

founders were High Church and had sympathies with the

monuments of the northern counties during this period

Tracterian Movement (Donald Moore, 1998: 8-14). As a

was sporadic and the emphasis was still primarily on

result, a more widespread interest in the early medieval

recording inscriptions. First, there are occasional refer-

inscribed stones a n d stone sculpture w a s encouraged

Westwood's careful discussion took a new. more scientific

across Wales. The annual summer meetings with their

and critical approach to the recording and analysis of

ences in Samuel Lewis's Topographical Dictionary, for

(LNESSUd

included some illustrations taken from Lhuyd's, which

SE NEMAS LI

at Meifod (MT6), where he had been curate, ni another Welsh journal of the period, The Cambrian Quarterly Magazine (G.M., 1829: 323). He also mentioned several

chia

ments are based, as well as Lhuyd's manuscripts in the Sebright collection prior to their destruction; he also

C a m d e n , on w h i c h s o m e of his descriptions o f monu-

VINNEMS LIKILI

Walter Davies (Gwallter Mechain) (1761-1849) (Owen, 1959), a native of Montgomeryshire, noted the cross-slab

y 23Дио0 121N020023 2 1 0 WE

naires to the local gentry, probably modelled on Lhuyd's Parochial Oueries. He also consulted Lhuyd's additions to

EG IM (GPR EWINI R

Pennant conducted a considerable a m o u n t o f

background research which he incorporated into his travel writing. He was undoubtedly influenced by Lhuyd and prefaced his Welsh tours by sending out question-

a d z a n e

lications.

example to the discovery of Llangefni 1 (AN39) and Llannor 2 and 3 (CN30-1) (Lewis, 1833: Llannor, Llangevni). Secondly, there are a handful of notices ni antiquarian periodicals, such as the London-based monthly, The Gentleman's Magazine, which included an illustrated account of Clocaenog 1(D1) (H.M., 1803) and the discovery of Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) during the construction of Telford's London/Holyhead road (Anon., 1820a), which was also reported ni two short-lived Welsh journals, The Cambro-Briton and Goleuad Gwynedd (Anon., 1819-20, 1820). Thirdly, there was acontinuing tradition of Welsh local antiquarians. For example, the Revd

1ODELEVO, PMYEDE,CAV

encouraged English tourists to view the Welsh picturesque landscape for themselves (Evans, 1991). Pennant spoke little or no Welsh, having been latterly educated ni England, and was accompanied on his Welsh tours by the Revd John Lloyd of Caerwys (1733-93), a scholar ni his own right who read and translated Welsh manuscripts for him, and also by Moses Griffiths (1747-1819), his servant and draftsman, who provided the illustrations for his pub-

2 3

EARLIER RESEARCH

sent to the famous Irish antiquarian George Petrie and to

EARLIER RESEARCH

EARLIER RESEARCH

Revd D. R. Thomas (1833-1916) for Montgomeryshire

he came from a Pembrokeshire family. He wrote prolifically on early medieval sculpture in Britain and Ireland

increasingly scholarly interest, not seen since Edward

and is most famous for his great work, The Early Christian Monuments of Scotland (Allen and Anderson, 1903;

tions provided vital evidence. The significance of the

work of Sir John Rhys (1840-1915), the first Jesus Professor ofCeltic at Oxford University, was established by the publication of his Lecturesi n Welsh Philology in 1877 (second edn 1879) and he dominated research on the early medieval inscribed monuments of Wales throughout the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Fraser and

78880 poP2

N°|

This paved the way for the work ofH. Harold Hughes (1864-1940), a practising architect in Bangorwith a keen interest in archaeology (Davies, 1959a). His articles in

vol. I: 14-15). He was particularly interested in ogam

1908: 38-62).

Following the workof Harry Longueville Jones and the publication of J. O. Westwood's Lapidarium Walliae, it si also possible to detect agrowing interest in the recording

Insular illuminated manuscripts (Jones, 1846: 165-7,

302-3). Much of the sculpture. both cross-carved stones

and crosses, for example Heneglwys 2 (AN6), Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1 (AN14) and Penmon 5 (AN55), had not been previously noted (Jones, 1846: 65-6; 1847: 1767;1849: 201, 202). During this period the work of .J O. Westwood (180593), entomologist and palaeographer, and Hope Professor of zoology at Oxford University (Foote, 2004), also stands out, since he was the first to compile a systematic catalogue of the early medieval stone monuments, Lapidarium Walliae (1876 9). This remainso f considerable value even though the emphasis was on description. There was no

introductory analysis or serious attempt to date the monuments and the volume also includedsome examples from other periods (see also vol. 1: 16-18; vol. II: 14). Westwood had begun to make records of stones in the

north as early as 1835 when he visited Corwen and noted Corwen 2 (MIR4), now lost(LW:168). In all, he described and illustrated over forty examples from north Wales in

first systematic listing and illustrated analysis of theform,

inscriptions, which were concentrated in the south-west.

I l 1 (D3) (Rhys, illegible inscription on Llandysilio yn @

fake. However, both regarded it as genuinely seventh century as a result of comparing the letters with those in

Christian art in Wales' was a landmark. It consisted o f the o r n a m e n t a n d i c o n o g r a p h y o f crosses a n d cross-slabs t h r o u g h o u t Wales. including several in the north.

though his identification ofthe possible vestigeso fa third on Treflys 1 (CN41) was mistaken (Rhys, 1874a: 17-19; 1903, 1907: 94-102). Amongst other publications ofn e w discoveries, he reported on the finding of Penmachno 3 (CN37) and reconstructed thehorizontal inscription, sug. gesting it was a consular or post-consular date, a system used in sixth-century Lyon (Rhys, 1919). He likewise made an important study of Lhuyd's transcript of the

Fig. 2.3. John Skinner's drawings of possible early medieval sculptural fragments (now lost) at Cerrig Ceinwen, Anglesey B (L Add. MS 33636)

Henderson, 1993, 2004). In Wales, he edited Archaeologia Cambrensis for nearly twenty years (1889-1907), as well as recording early medieval stone monuments, mostly in the south and south-west(see vol. I:2 1 , fig. 16; vol.I I ; 15). He was particularly interested in Insular ornament and was an excellent draughtsman. His 1899 article 'Early

Williams, 2004; Morris-Jones, 1925; see also vol. I: 18;

However, he also recorded the only two then known in the north, on Clocaenog 1(D1) and Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18),

(Reproducedb y permission of the BritishLibrary).

(1847-1907). Though he lived most of his life ni London,

(see below), both of whom wererespected antiquarians. From the early 1870s, it is also possible to trace an Lhuyd, in the study of Celtic linguistics and philology, for which the personal names in the early medieval inscrip-

B

2 5

and analysis of crosses and cross-carved stones. In 1886, the Revd Elias Owen (1833-99) published Old Stone Crosses of the Vale of Clwyd and Neighbouring Parishes

(Davies. 1959). This was mainly concerned with later medieval churchyard crosses and the customs and folklore of the district but earlier crosses and cross-carved

stones, such as Corwen 1and 5 (MR3, 7)and Dyserth 1-2 (F2-3), were also included with attractive illustrations

andlocation plans. However,Owen continued to be influenced by loloMorganwg and, partly as aresult, attimes his analysis seems eccentric. For example, he suggested

Archaeologia Cambrensis on the early medieval sculpture of north Wales, illustrated in his own distinctive style (Fig. 2.4), spanned a period of over forty years (1897-1938). On the one hand, he wrote detailed analytical studies of the major monuments which enabled them to be more

soundly dated using art-historical comparison. For

example, he recognized the Scandinavian and Irish links of Penmon 1 (AN51) and the Anglo-Scandinavian paral-

lels for Whitford 2 (F12) (Hughes, 1919, 1926). On the

other, he recorded anumber of new discoveries, including

Clynnog 1(CN14), Llanfachraith 1(AN11) and four fragments from Bangor (CN4, 8-10) (Hughes, 1901: 182-3; 1904, 19306, 1931, 1932a, 1938). The Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales (RCAHMW) was established in 1908. Early volumes on the north - Montgomeryshire

(1911), Flintshire (1912) and Denbighshire (1914) - provided relatively brief notices of inscribed stones and stone sculpture, only sometimes illustrated, and in the introductions they are discussed after prehistoric standing stones

rather than under the early Middle Ages. This apparent lack of interest may have been partially because such monuments are comparatively rare in these counties. Merionethshire (1921) was a definite step forward.

that Llangernyw I and 2 (D4 5) had been prehistoric

Entriesa r e much fuller and mostly well illustrated a n di n

standing stones, later Christianized, which might ori-

the introduction the monuments are recognized as the

Lapidarium Walliae. For his entriesh e wasawareo f earlier antiquarian records, but drew most heavily on the many

ginallyhave supported a cromlech (Owen, 1886: 118-26).

D500-1060 in only known remains datable to theperiod A

The R e d D. R. Thomas, author of The History of the

the county. Tvwyn 2 (MR25). which merited a special

articles published by himself and others in Archaeologia

Diocese of St. Asaph (1874, second e d 1906-13), also

contribution by Professor John Morris-Jones (1864-

fore relied on information, rubbings and other drawings

ments at Llandrinio (MT2-3) where he was rector (Thomas, 1893; 1906-13: 154; Jenkins, 1959).

Cambrensis. However, frequently he had not had the opportunity to see the monuments for himself and there-

sent bylocal correspondents, notably W. W. E. Wynne of

Peniarth (1801-80) for Merioneth (Illus. MR21) and the

recorded several monuments, including the cross frag-

1929). was identified 'as bearing an inscription which is

the earliest extant fragmentof the Welsh tongue'

By far themost important. however, wast h eresearch of

(RCAHMW. 1921: xviii). However, the introductory discussions of the inscribed

the archaeologist and art historian J. Romilly Allen

stones and stone sculpture for the Anglesey volume (1937)

26

EARLIER RESEARCH

by C. A. Ralegh Radford and Ifor Williams (both of

of Celtic archaeology at University College Dublin

c o n s e q u e n t l y v e r y i n fl u e n t i a l o n s u b s e q u e n t r e s e a r c h .

(1909-43) and a wide-ranging and prolific author on archaeology ni general (Fagan, 2004), had begun long. term

research

towards

Corvus

C o n q u e s t m e m o r i a l s t o n e s a n d crosses'. he began b y

Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum (1945, 1949). The first and more valuable volume catalogued the early inscribed stones of Celtic Britain and Ireland in both the roman and

confidently asserting,

ogam

8, w a s a n e x p e r t o n t h e a r c h a e o l o g y o f t h e e a r l y m e d i e v a l

church (Todd, 2004). In his discussion of 'The pre-

T h e inscribed a n d o r n a m e n t e d stones o

fW a l e s f o r m t h e t w o

m o s t precious series o f m o n u m e n t s illustrating the early m e d i e v a l period. T h e e a r l i e r. u n d e c o r a t e d a n d r o u g h l y h e w n . b e l o n g s to t h e Sth, 6 t h a n d 7 t h c e n t u r i e s , a n d i sd e r i v e d f r o m t h e p a g a n a n d e a r l y C h r i s t i a n m o n u m e n t s of t h e R o m a n

Empire. The later, generally shaped and often elaborately carved, is influenced by English and Irish work. The earliest W e l s h e v a m n l e s o f t h es e c o n d s e r i e s m a y h e d a t e d t o t h e fi r s t

half o f t h e 9 t h c e n t u r y. a n d t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e s e monum e n t s o n l y c e a s e d in t h e 12th c e n t u r y w h e n t h e P r i n c i p a l i t y fell u n d e r t h e i n fl u e n c e of t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n R o m a n e s q u e

(RCAHMW, 1937: xciv). H e

then

established

an

2 7

Meanwhile, R . A . S. Macalister (1870-1950), professor

whom were commissioners) were groundbreaking and

Radford (1900-98), an inspector of ancient monuments in Wales 1929-36 a n d secretary of the RCAHMW 1946-

EARLIER RESEARCH

alphabets,

the

second

the

later

monuments

inscribed ni book-hand (see vol. II: 15-16). Though these volumes were a great achievement, they contain many

errors (LHEB: 150) and at times Macalister's imagination could get the better of him. For example, he recorded a

non-existent ogam inscription on Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) (CIC: no. 401). He also claimed to have been able to copy much of the now illegible inscription on Llandysilio n I@l 1 (D3) by collating what he saw on the stone with Lhuyd's transcript (CIIC, ii: 146, pl. LIV). Not long after his appointment to the National

PROM

EASTERN:

FACE

OF HEAD

WESTERN

FACE

PENMON

CROSS , No. I

BROM

HEAD

Museum of Wales in 1924, V . E. Nash-Williams (1897-

1955) (Randall, 1956) was also beginning to assemble his internal

chronology

for

the

inscribed stones based on their letter-forms (well illus-

m a g n u m o p u s covering b o t h the inscribed s t o n e s a n d

stone sculpture. In an important article entitled 'Some

trated by line-drawings), emphasizing links with the

dated monuments of the "Dark Ages" in Wales', he estab-

church in Gaul. He associated the advent of crosses and ornamental sculpture in Wales with the ending of the isolation oft h e Welsh church as aresult of its acceptance of

(Nash-Williams, 1938a). For the north, he argued that the

the Roman Easter in 768 and the construction of Offa's Dyke providing a fixed frontier between Anglo-Saxon

stone had been carved c.540 and Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) was the memorial to King Catamanus (Cadfan) of

carved stones, such as those at Llangaffo and Llangeinwen, were upright grave-markers, which he dated from the eighth to twelfth centuries, and set them in

association 3) (CN30-1) to the sixth century because they

England and Wales, though he recognized that the crosses of Anglesey were later. He also realized that the cross-

lished a relative chronology based on external factors

consular date on Penmachno 3 (CN37) indicated that the

Gwynedd who died c.625. He also attempted to date Llansadwrn 1 (AN45) to c.530 and LIannor 2 (and by

named early saints. However, only two later monuments

were datable. These were Llandysilio yn Iäl 1(D3), which

their broader Insular context (RCAHMW, 1937: xciv-c,

Nash-Williams tentatively placed in the first half of the

Sir for Williams (1881-1965) was professor of Welsh language and literature at Bangor, but also had a lifelong

Llanfihangel-y-traethau (Mer.) (ECMW: no. 281; Appendix C) which commemorates Wleder, the mother of Odelev who had first built the church there in the time of Owain Gwynedd (1137-70). The EarlyChristian Monuments of Wales was finally pub lished in 1950 after lengthy delays caused by the war and

i n t e r e s t in a r c h a e o l o g y a n d w a s w e l l a w a r e o f t h e v a l u e o f

multidisciplinary research on the monuments (Haycock,

2004; Foster, 1967). He realized that, since the inscrip-

tions could be approximately dated using their formulae

ninth century, and the late, Latin-inscribed pillar at

and palaeography, 'it was possible to use the Personal Names contained in them as test material for the study of

dominated research onthe subject for half a century (see also vol. I : 22-3; vol. II: 16-17). The catalogue included

language of the ancient Britons' (RCAHMW, 1937: cxiv)

nine from Anglesey, thirty-two from Caernarfonshire,

and to reassess earlier work on their phonology (Williams, 1939). He also provided the first detailed reading of the lengthy but poorly preserved inscription on

nineteen from Merioneth, eight from Denbighshire, seven from Flintshire and three from Montgomeryshire. Because of the distance from Cardiff. Nash-Williams seems to have been less familiar with the northern monu-

the development of Welsh from Brythonic or British, the

Llantrisant 1(AN46) (RCAHMW, 1937: clx-cxili) and an important reassessment of the Welsh inscriptions on

Tywyn 2 (MR25) (Williams, 1949).

108 monuments from the six northern counties: thirty-

F PENMON. SHAFT O CROSS.

No.I

NORTHERN

PENMON. SHAFT OF CROSS No.I. WESTERN FACE

FACE.

ments than he was withthose in the south and south-west, though hetook the opportunity to visit whenever possible;

Fig. 2.4. H. Harold Hughes's drawings of Penmon I (AN51) (Hughes, 1919).

PENMON. SHAFT OF CROSS No. I . SOUTHERN

FACE

28

EARLIER RESEARCH

for example, he spoke at Whitford 2 (F12) during the

Cambrians' summer meeting in Rhyl in 1947 (Donald Moore, 1998: pl. 23). Nevertheless, it is interesting to note that only two examples were acquired for the National Museum collection, both inscribed stones of considerable importance, Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) in 1932 and

Clocaenog 1(D1) in 1936 (Nash-Williams, 1936b: 278-9;

Williams and Nash-Williams, 1937: 1-4). In his research,

Nash-Williams also made use of the large collection of

casts in the National Museum (see vol. :1 28). He also

drew extensively on earlier work including that of Rhys on Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3), that of Hughes on the northern sculpture (which included reproducing many of his illustrations) and that of Radford in the Anglesey In the introduction, Nash-Williams divided the monu-

ments into four groups, which have remained very influential:

northern Britain' (ECMW: 31). Amongst the transitional

Romanesque monuments of Group IV were several from the north, including Heneglwys 1 (AN5), Newborough 1 (AN49), Clynnog 1 (CN14) and Corwen 5 (MR7) (ECMW: 48-9). Language and History in Early Britain (1953) by Kenneth

Jackson (1909-91), professor of Celtic first at Harvard

and then Edinburgh, was likewise an important milestone

ni our understanding of the development of the Brittonic languages, for which the personal names on the inscribed

stones provided unique evidence (see also vol. I: 17). As a student in Cambridge, he had studied some archaeology as well as the Celtic languages, and later, while at Bangor, he attended the lectures of Sir Ifor Williams (Williams, 1993: 323, 326; Gillies, 2004). He regarded the discussion of the inscribed stones by Radford and Williams in the Anglesey Inventory as a 'model of epigraphic study' (LHEB: 149-50). He did not see ECMW until his own

work was already at proof stage (LHEB: 158). His own

Group .I Simple inscribed stones (fifth-seventh century A

D

Group I. Cross-decorated stones (seventh-ninth century AD)

Group III. Sculptured crosses and cross-slabs (ninthe l e v e n t h c e n t u r v A

D

Group IV. Transitional Romanesque monuments (eleventh-thirteenth century).

magisterial discussion of the inscribed stones was based on fieldwork carried out in 1947 (LHEB: 159). Interestingly, although he accepted that Christian links with Gaul were significant, he further mused on whether there might also have been s o m ec o n t i n u i t yo f t h e R o m a n

epigraphic tradition in Britain into the fifth century

(LHEB: 162-4). In discussing what little was known about the Irish settlement of north-west Wales, he noted the

comparative lack of ogam inscriptions, though some of

EARLIER RESEARCH

2 9

Gresham (1985) made a detailed study of the reading of ton of letter-forms and other epigraphic characteristics the inscription on Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23). Radford and o n t h e e a r l y i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s t r o m e x a m o l e s o n K o m a n o Hemp (1957) also reassessed the significance of the British inscriptions. Similarly, Gifford Charles-Edwards inscription on the cross-slab Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant I (2006), ni her study of the origin and development of (D7) and came to the erroneous conclusion that ti might Insular geometric letters, demonstrated that the distincbe linked with Elystan Glodrydd (fl. c.1010-40), a local

of North Wales Bangor from 1960 a n d the foundation of the Clwyd-Powys and Gwynedd Archaeological Trusts in

tive lettering most clearly seen on Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) was not a product of the importation of manuscripts from Gaul, but rather evolved from the alphabets already available in Roman Britain. There has also been an important reappraisal of the phonology of the Celtic

archaeological excavations began to play a significant

2003). As a result of the growth of landscape archaeology,

r o l e . A t A r f r y n . B o d e d e r n . e x c a v a t i o n s r e s u l t e d i n t h e dis-

another

covery o f an inscribed stone (AN1) reused as a lintel over

agrave (White, 1971-2), and at Capel Eithin they uncov-

interest in the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l contexts of the early medieval inscribed stones, cross-carved stones a n d o t h e r

ered the complex archaeological history of the site where

stone sculpture for what this can reveal about their func-

ruler, thereby dating the monument.

The teaching of archaeology at the University College

1974 also had an impact on the reporting of new finds and

Lhuyd had first noted an inscribed stone (Llanfihangel Ysgeifing 1 (AN20), now lost) at the end of the seven-

teenth century (White and Smith 1999). Archaeological

monitoring of church restoration at Hope led to the discovery of three cross-carved stones (F5-7) (Jones et al., 2001: 46-7), while at Llandanwg an inscribed stone and crOss (MIR12, 14) were recently dug up during churchyard

clearance under archaeological supervision (Davidson, 2008).

There was, however, almost no in-depth consideration of monuments at a county or regional level. Similarly, such was the impact of CIIC, ECMW and LHEB that

inscriptions of Britain by Patrick Sims- Williams (CIB, recent

development

has

been

a n

increasing

tions and broader developments, such as the evolution of early medieval church sites (Edwards, 2001).

This discussion has shown that from the late sixteenth

century onwards, research on the early medieval inscribed s t o n e s a n d s t o n e s c u l p t u r e o f n o r t hW a l e s h a s f o c u s e d pri-

marily on the monuments with inscriptions, which might

be read as both historical and linguistic documents and research on the sculpture has tended to play a secondary role. Lhuyd did show an early interest in recording both cross-carved stones a n d m o r e a m b i t i o n s m o n u m e n t s a n d

in the ornament on them which he termed 'British carving' (Edwards, 2007b: 185). However, research on

major reassessments only began to appear at the turn of

sculpture was not revived until the mid-nineteenth cen-

Penmachno 3 (CN37) and LIantrisant 1(AN46) as exam- Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58), included Irish names, and

the millennium. As in the past, however, the emphasis has been on the monuments with inscriptions. Following the realization that Christianity did not die out in Britain with

tury with the publications of Harry Longueville Jones and .J O. Westwood. Later .J Romilly Allen's (1899, ECMS) seminal workon form and ornament provided a

of the fourth century (LHEB: 172). During the second half of the twentieth century research continued on the early medieval inscribed stones

the withdrawal of the Roman administration at the begin-

foundation for the art-historical studies d u r i n g the first

ning of the fifth century (Thomas, 1981), there has been

half of the twentieth century, principally by H. Harold

an important reappraisal of the legacy of Roman literacy

Hughes. During the same period there is the gradual

In discussing the Group 1 Latin-inscribed stones (using ples), he emphasized their 'alien derivation' and wrote that 'in both language and ni lettering, [they] are akin to the Early Christian inscriptions of the western Roman Empire, especially Gaul, and thus indicate direct and con-

tinuing intercourse between Wales and Gaul ni the sub-Roman period', and particularly with Lyon and

Vienne in Burgundy (ECMW: 4, 55). Nash-Williams was primarily interested in the monuments with inscriptions and there were very few of these amongst the later sculp-

the Latin inscriptions, such as Llanfaelog 1 (AN12) and

thought that the meagre evidence mightbe a consequence of their 'expulsion' by Cunedda from Gwynedd at the end

and stone sculpture of north Wales, often at a local level.

Over twenty-five new monuments have come to light in the region since the publication of ECMW. Work towards the Royal Commission Inventory for Caernarvonshire

ture ni the north. He dated the majority of GroupII

(RCAHMW, 1956, 1960, 1964), which had been inter-

cross-decorated stones to between the seventh a n d ninth

r u p t e d b y t h e w a r. resulted in t h e r e c o r d i n g o f several

centuries, but realized that some examples, such as

cross-carved stones, such as Waunfawr 1 (CN42), for the

Llanbadrig 1 (AN10), Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 (AN22) and several from Llangaffo and Llangeinwen, might continue 'to be used locally to the end of the Early Christian period, especially ni outlying regions' (ECMW: 20). He also saw intrusive influences behind the more ambitious crosses and cross-slabs of Group III. He wrote, 'Those of north Wales, so far as their fragmentary condition leaves them determinable, as well as being fewer [than those ni the south], are almost entirely intrusive, having their affinities mainly with the sculptured monuments of

first time (RCAHMW, 1960: 214 no. 1263; Radford and Hemp, 1961: 150-1). C. A. R. Radford, W. .J Hemp (1882-1962), the secretary of the Royal Commission 1928-39 (Gresham, 2009), and C . A . Gresham (1913-89), the Merioneth archaeologist and farmer (Hughes, 2009), were also active ni recording new discoveries and attempted reassessments of other monuments, some of which had not been included ni ECMW. For example, Hemp and Gresham (1961) noted the discovery of the unusual early inscribed stone Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22) and

ni the sub-Roman period. Although Charles Thomas and Jeremy Knight (1999: 101-11) have continued to argue for a strong Gaulish connection, Mark Handley (2001) has

development in archaeological studies, notably the recording of the Anglesey inscribed stones and other

sculpture by the RCAHMW (1937) and the publication of indicated that the early inscribed stones should not neces-Nash-Williams's Early Christian Monuments of Wales. sarily be seen as a reintroduction of Christian memorials More recently, rapidly expanding archaeological research

into Britain from the Continent, but as part of a late

antique continuum. There have also been major new studies of the paleography of the inscriptions. Carlo

Tedeschi (1995, 2001, 2005)has shown the gradual evolu-

has developed alongside art-historical, linguistic, palaco-

g r a p h i c a l a n d o t h e r s t u d i e s to p r o d u c e a

holistic approach.

much more

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES A N D SELECTION OF STONE

ANGLESEY

CHAPTER 3

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES A N D SELECTION O F STONE

JANA HORÁK

The area covered by this volume incorporates the six

METHODOLO GY

counties of Anglesey, Caernarfonshire, Denbighshire,

Flintshire, Merionethshire and Montgomeryshire. It

Thepetrological data in thisstudy was obtained byexam-

encompasses a varied landscape which is strongly influerosion and deposition of glacial sands and gravel, boulder clay, alluvium and peat.

ination of each stone following the principles outlined Petrographic under Natural Stone Test Methods Examination. British Standard EN 12407:2000. In all instances this was in situinvolving the use of a hand lens

Thebedrock geology underlying the area is bothvaried

(×10 magnification) and a LED light source. In some

enced by the bedrock geology modified by Quaternary

and locally complex (Fig. 3.1). It ranges ni age from Neoproterozoic (at least 615 million years old) to

examples the level of information obtained was limited by a coating of mortar, lichen or a thick weathering crust

morphic components. These lithologies are more diverse

rock. For a small number of stones it was possible to obtain more detailed data by examination of thin-sections

Miocene and includes sedimentary, igneous and meta-

which preclude examination of the true nature of the

CARDIGAN B AY

Fig. 3.1. Bedrock map of the geology ofnorth Wales (Copyright: Amgueddfa Cymru - National Museum Wales).

bedrock geology provides the basis forgeological interpretation ofa region, for provenance studies an awareness of

were prepared from small fragments of rock obtained by Dr F. .J North, keeper ofgeology at theNational Museum

was flow-banding in igneous rocks and cleavage or foliation in metamorphic rocks. Where possible the main minerals were identified and their approximate proportions estimated. As highlighted by other stone provenance researchers (e.g. Hudson and Sutherland, 1990), unless a lithology that has been exploited possesses distinctive features, or there is documentary evidence of its quarrying, attributing a precise source or making a precise litholog-

example of the variation ni accessible bedrock, Anglesey, western Caernarfonshire, the Vale of Clwyd and the

general colour of fresh and/or weathered surfaces of

matching of stone may result in spurious and unhelpful interpretations. The petrological features above wereused

than those documented in volume I (south-east Wales) or volume I (south-west Wales). Whilst knowledge of the the lithologies which are exposed at outcrop, that is not obscured by glacial, fluvial deposits or other superficial deposits (collectively known as 'drift'), is far more informative. Such rocks provide accessible stone, the potential source materials for carved stone monuments. As an

area adjacent to the Dee estuary are extensively covered by glacial deposits or alluvium and consequently have limited exposures, whereas the upland area of the R h i n o Mountains (Merionethsh ire), Snowdonia and the

Clwydian Range possess a far higher percentage of bedrock free ofdrift.

using a polarizing light microscope. These thin-sections

of Wales during the course of Nash-Williams's original study (ECMW). These samples, and thin-sections, are held at the museum under accession number NMW78.58G. The key features observed during examination of the stones were as follows. An assessment was made of the

the rock. Where possible a Munsell value was attributed (using both the Munsell Rock Colour Chart (2009) and Munsell Soil Colour Charts (2000)). The grainsize of the rock was measured in microns or mm and converted to

the Wentworth, grain-size category (Wentworth, 1922),

and an estimation of grain sorting was made by compar-

ison with standard grain-sorting charts, to provide an indication of variation in grain size. In addition to these features, a n yf a b r i c within the rock was described, such as

bedding, laminations or other structures in sediments, as

lithic source materials, the ease of extraction of the stone, the nature of the stone (freestone or otherwise), the ease of working for inscription or more complex forms of carving and optionsavailable for transportation tot h e site of erection. All of these must be weighed against theform of the stone and any constraints that this might place on the lithology selected. As the forms of inscribed and cross-carved stones and stone sculpture changed through the early medieval period, so the type of lithologies used

ical match to a worked stone is difficult. Overambitious

w o u l d alsob e expected t o change.

to provide alithological name foreach rock and an assess-

ment of the geological unit from which ti was derived. SELECTION O F STONE

A range of factorsi s likely to haveinfluenced the selection

of stone used for the fabrication of the early medieval

monuments described here. These include the location of

EXTRAC TION As already outlined in volume I (46-58). in contrast to

parts of England,t h e r e is little recorded evidence of the use ofstone inearlymedieval Wales. In fact, theevidence provided byt h e inscribed stones andstone sculpture ist h e main source of information on how stone was used and

sourced duringthis period. Scant other evidence includes that from the excavations at Llanbedrgoch (Anglesey)

3 2

(Redknap, 2000: 76-9), which indicates that the stone used was very locally derived. However, even with this knowledge, sites of stone extraction from the early medieval period in the study area remain unknown. It has not been established if such sites are yet to be located or if workings of this period have been eradicated by subsequent phases o f extraction.

T R A N S P O R TAT I O N The identification of source lithologies for the stones in this volume provides the possibility of evaluating the distance these materials may have been transported to the

find site. Although patterns do emerge, the results of such an analysis can only be regarded as a crude approximation tot h e true picture, unless a distinctive lithology with

a limited outcrop has been exploited. Where a lithology is less distinctive and covers a wider area, an assumption

can be made that the stone comes from the closest acces-

sible source; however, such an assumption may be too simplistic and ignore other factors. There is noevidence t o indicate how stones may have been transported. Many sites are located quite a short distance from the coast and therefore transportation by sea is an option. Such a method was clearly the only route by which Bardsey Island 1 and 2 (CN11-12) weretransferred to the island. It may also have been used for stones such as Llanfachraith 1 (AN11), which lies on the west side of

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE a product of the tectonic processes they have undergone and contrasts with the m o r e coherent arrangement of the

overlying, and younger, Silurian, Carboniferous and Permo-Triassic strata. The type and availability of stone

types into which it couldb e fashioned.

Some oft h e oldest rocks in southern Britain are found on Anglesey and south-western Caernarfonshire (Llyn) where they form distinct north-east/south-west oriented zones of contrasting lithologies. In Anglesey, these comprise the Coedana Complex, an association of granite (Coedana Granite), hornfels and higher grade metamorphic rocks ('Gneisses'), and successively to the south-east

the Central Anglesey Shear Zone, Gwna Group and

Eastern Schist Belt. Thesea r e complex zones of variably deformed and metamorphosed rocks containing a range of lithologiesincluding metabasites(some aspillow lava),

marbles, sandstone, deformed granite, blueschist metaba-

Group lies the Sarn Complex, a plutonic intrusion of metagabbro to metagranite composition, and further to the north-east a thick sequence of acid tuff (Arfon Group) and the Twt Hill Granite are exposed.

Much of the outcrop of these older rocks si masked by glacial deposits. On Anglesey only the Coedana Granite

vided useful access routes closer to the find site. From

and Gwna Group show scattered outcrops(Fig. 3.2). On LIgn, there si minimal inland exposure but extensive

evidence of later quarry and transportation methods we know that even small waterways were exploited. In particular, the process of sequential damming, to raise the level of the water temporarily and locally, would allow stones

coastal outcrops of all the Gwna Group lithologies. Of the 130 monuments examined in this study, including the eighty-nine from Anglesey and Caernarfonshire, only three were found to be derived from Neoproterozoic

of c o n s i d e r a b l e s i z et ob et r a n s p o r t e d a u i t e c l o s et om a n v

strata: Aber 1 (CNI), Llangaffo 12 (AN38 and Llangwnnadl 1(CN26). Both Aber 1(a Roman milestone

LITHOLOGIES This section details the relationship between the bedrock geology of north Wales and the lithologies from which the 130 stones described inthis volume were worked. The geology of north Wales is in parts highly complex but shows a general distribution of older rocks to the north-west with progressively younger rocks to the east

Locality: LITHOLOGY

sites and quartz mica schists (for a more detailed summary see McIlroy and Horák, 2006). Some of these rocks (chaotic metabasites, sandstones, limestone and mudstones of the Gwna Group) also occur along the north-west coast ofLlyn. To the south-west of the Gwna

Anglesey over 20km from the nearest outcrops of the

GEOLOGY AND SOURCES

NGLESEV

available for monumental purposes differs widely across this area but thereappears to be a relationshipbetween the geological age of a lithology and the range of monument

source rock on the east side of the island. In many instances, rivers and smaller waterways would have pro-

of the find sites along quite n a r r o w or shallowwaterways.

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

possibly reused in the fifth or sixth century- see Appendix A) and Llangaffo 12 (seventh century)have rough forms, little modified from the natural dimensions of the stone, and arecomposed of fine-grained, quartz-chlorite phyllite similar to lithologies within the Eastern Schist Belt and Central Anglesey Shear Zone. Llangwnnadl 1 (seventhninth century) has a similar unmodified form and is worked from metagabbro from the Sarn Complex. Lin.

The low usage of Neoproterozoic lithologies is not hard to understand, as many of these do not possess the welldeveloped planar fabrics which produce natural slabs nor

(Fig. 3.1). Thefragmented occurrence of the older

have compositions which render them easy to carve. In

Neoproterozoic, Cambrian and Ordoviciansuccessions is

addition to this, the presence of extensive jointing and

CARDIGAN

BAY

Fig. 3.2. Map of north Wales showingsolid geology and overlying drift deposits. The locations of the monumnetsare colour coded ot indicate the geological age of thesourcerock and theshape of thesymbol indicates the nature of the lithology (Copyright: Amgueddfa Cymru -

NationalMuseum Wales).

fractures in the rock precludes easy extraction of large blocks.

Cambrian rocks are present in Anglesey, Caernarfon-

ition of the sandstones varies considerably from those

that are g u a r t z - d o m i n a t e d .f o r e x a m p l e B a r m o u t h 1_2

(MRI-2), to those with a higher lithic content such as

ten stones (Fig. 3.3). In Merionethshire, the sandstones

Llandygai 2. The factors that have most likely influenced the selection of these Cambrian sandstones are their local availability, the lack of better alternatives and the structure of the rock. Although these rocks are generally lithified by pressure solution and an overgrowth of quartz, the process is not so extensively developed that it forms ar o c k too hard or compact t o permit working with an inscription. It is also of note that the Egryn Stone (Rhinog Formation), a honey coloured sandstone, supposedly worked south of Dyffryn Ardudwy from the late

are well exposed in the R h i n o Mountains and the higher peaks east of the A470. These sandstones are in general less deformed thanthose on Anglesey, and form beds of a

Abbey and Harlech Castle (Palmer, 2003: 8), does not appear to have been exploited during early medieval

shire and western Merionethshire a n d are d o m i n a t e db y sediments: sandstone a n d m u d s t o n e with m i n o r volcanic

horizons. On Anglesey, particularly on Holy Island, the sandstones of the South Stack and New Harbour Groups are well exposed but no early medieval monuments derived from these units have been identified. This contrasts with the Cambrian succession to the south. In Caernarfonshire, two stones can be identified as Cambrian sandstones, Llandygai2 (CN23) (see Appendix A) and Treflys 1 (CN41), and in Merionethshire a further

twelfth century as a freestone. as. fore x a m p l e , at C y m m e r

usable thickness yielding sufficiently large slabs suitable

times. Similarly, there si no evidenceof slabs of Cambrian

for fashioning into early inscribed stones. The compos-

slate beingexploited.

34|

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

[Description

Date (century)

No.

B a r m o u t h

MRI MR2 MR10 MRI1 MR12

5th-6th 5th-6th

l a n d a n w s 4

M R 1 3

7 t h _ O t h

T l a n d a n w g >

MR14

Barmouth 2 L a n d a n w e I

Llandanwg 2 Llandanwg 3

Lithology

Sth-6th 5th-6th

Latin-inscribed Latin-inscribed

S a n d s t o n e

5th-bth

Latin-inscribed

Sandstone

Latin-inscribed

S a n d s t o n e

Latin-inscribed

S a n d s t o n e

9th-Ilth 9th-11th

S a n d s t o n e

Cross-carved

S a n d s t o n e

Cross

S a n d s t o n e

Cross-carved

Llanegryn 1 Trawsfynydd 1

MRI7 MR22

S t h _ 6 t h

Latin-inscribed

Sandstone Sandstone

Tr a w s f v n v d d 2

M R 2 3

5th-6th

Latin-inscribed

S a n d s t o n e

35

provenancing. For instance, Llannor 2 (CN30) is particu-

Montgomeryshire is underlain by Silurian rocks of

larly distinctive and the stone has a form that is defined by columnar jointing. This can be matched to acid tuff from

Llandovery to Ludlow age with the same rocks contin uing westwards into southern Merionethshire (Fig. 3.1).

the Llanbedrog Volcanic Group, with the observed tex-

M i n o r S i l u r i a n s t r a t a a r e a l s o p r e s e n t o n A n g l e s e v, o u t a s

tures most closely resembling those described from the Carneddol Rhyolitic Tuff Formation (Young et al., 2002). Other examples, whilst showing textures and compositions consistent with documented volcanic sequences in the area, cannot be so precisely constrained. The four acid tuffs from Merionethshire (Fig. 3.5) provide such an

example. The high occurrence of igneous rocks in stones

Stones from Merionethshire worked from C a m b r i a n sandstone.

Fig. 3.3.

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

outcrops

from

northern

Anglesey

over

much

of

Caernarfonshire, west and southern Merionethshire and

The Ordovician succession in both Caernarfonshire and Merionethshire, in addition to containing mudstone a n d s a n d s t o n e . i n c l u d e s a c o n s i d e r a b l e t h i c k n e s s o f vol-

canic rocks ranging in composition from basaltic, through

the north-eastern corner of Montgomeryshire (Fig. 3.1). The succession si dominated by mudstones and sandstones with locally extensive sequences of volcanic rocks

andesitic and dacitic, to rhyolitic (Fig.

(from basic to acid in composition), cut by granitoid and

stones and other monuments. O f the twenty-one stones

basic intrusions. On Anglesey, the Ordovician sequence si generally covered by glacial deposits (Fig. 3.2). The sandstones and conglomerates at the base of the sequence, the Carmel and Foel Formations (Bates, 1972), are the best

from the county, fourteen are of igneous origin, four of which are plutonic rocks, one granite (Clynnog 1(CN14)) and four metagabbros: Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18), Llangian 1(CN25), Llandudno 1(CN21) and Llangybi 2(CN28).

exposed and form scattered outcrops. Six of the forty-nine

stones described from the island are worked from coarse,

green, lithic Ordovician sandstone from these formations

(Fig. 3.4). All six are very similar ni texture and composition, and the five fifth- or sixth-century inscribed stones

are all of a rough, natural form with no evidence of shaping. Llechgynfarwy I (AN48), a seventh-ninth-

c e n t u r y c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e

is e m b e d d e d i n m a s o n r y a n d

3.1).

In

Caernarfonshire, particularly on Llyn, this abundance is

The three fifth- or sixth-century inscribed stones worked

from metagabbro have an unmodified form; although

Llangian 1 may appear modified, the pillar-like form of the stone results from natural jointing in the rock pro-

duced during the cooling of the gabbro. The remaining igneous rocks are volcanic in origin with rhyolitic or acid

tuff, and tuff and lava of andesitic compositions dominating. Just one dolerite, Llannor 1 (CN29), was

identified. In all instances the volcanic rocks are thought

picrite, presumed to be of Ordovician age. The petrology

confidence can be placed on the source of the andesites as

to be derived relatively locally to the find sites. Particular

of this lithology has been studied ni some detail yb volcanic rocks of this composition are almost unknown Windley et al. (1998: 75-7), who concluded that it was a from the Ordovician sequence elsewhere ni north Wales. glacially derived boulder from picrite outcrops in north- In some instances, thevolcanic rocks possess textures east Anglesey.

which are sufficiently distinctive to allow more precise

Description Llanbabo1 Llangefni 1 Llantrisant 1

N

o

AN9 AN39 AN46

Llechgynfarwy 1 AN48 Llanfaelog 1 AN12 Llanfaelog 2

Llanbadrig 1

AN13 ANIO

Date (century)Form 5th-6th 5th-6th 5th-6th

Latin-inscribed Latin-inscribed

746.

C r o s s - c a r v e d

0th

5th-6th 5th-6th 7th-lith

Wales is dominated by sediments, with only minor and thin volcanic ash horizons. The oldest Silurian rocks, of Llandovery age, are poorly exposed in Denbighshire, but

b e t t e r e x p o s e d in M e r i o n e t h s h i r e . n o r t h o f t h e R i v e r D y fi

and in western Montgomeryshire. They typically com-

t o b e a r e fl e c t i o n o f t h e l o w l e v e l o f o u t c r o p in t h e s e a r e a s

prise m u d s t o n e s w i t h a variably d e v e l o p e d slaty cleavage.

the prominence o f igneous rocks w h e r e outcrop

S a n d s t o n e a n d c o n g l o m e r a t e units a r e locally present.

O C C 1 1 ¼ 8

Silurian strata dominate the counties of Denbighshire and Montgomeryshire. In Denbighshire, they occupy the Denbigh Moors, extending westwards into Caernarfonshire, and also the CIwydian Range and its northern extension in Flintshire. All except the north-east corner of

such as the Powys Castle Conglomerate Formation. Only one stone, Llanfor 1 (MR18), a grey siltstone, has been tentatively ascribed to a source in the Llandovery succesSion.

A l t h o u g h siltstone m a y n o t be a n o p t i m u m m a t e r i a l

for fashioning carved and inscribed stones, its selection in this instance may be founded on the fact that Llanfor lies

reflected in the lithologies selected for use as inscribed

so the form and degree of modification is unknown.

Llanbadrig 1 (AN10) si worked from a large boulder of

rocks, they are considered no further here. Unlike the

Ordovician succession, the Silurian sequence in north

from Caernarfonshire and Merionethshire is considered and

The Ordovician sequence is more geographically extensive and lithologically diverse than the Cambrian. It

n o early medieval stones have been derived from these

Lithology Pebbly sandstone Pebbly sandstone

Pebbly Pebbly Tatin-inscrined Pebbly Latin/ogam-inscribedPebbly Latin.inscribed

pillar

Fig. 3.4. Stones from Anglesey worked from Ordovician lithologies.

Picrite

sandstone sandstone sandstone sandstone

[Descriotion

N

B a r d s e y Island 1

CN11

Clynnog 1

CN14 CN15

Clynnog 2 Dolbenmaen 1 Dolbenmaen 2 Llanaelhaearn 1 Llanaelhaearn Llandudno 1

Llanfaglan I Llangian 1

Llangybi 1 Llangybi 2

o

CN17 CN18

CN19 CN20 CN21 CN24 CN25 CN27

Date (century) Lithology 7th_9th 8th-9th

Sandstone

5th-6th 5th-6th 5th-6th 5th-6th

Sandstone

S t h _ 6 t h

5th-6th 5th_6th

7th-9th

7th-9th 6th-7th

Llanrhaeadr-vm-Mochnant 1

CN29 CN30 CN31 CN33 CN35 C 3 6 CN37 CN38 CN40 D7

Pentrefoelas 1

D9

Ffestiniog 1 _ L a n d e c w v n

MR8 MRIS

T v w w n Z

MR25

Llannor 2 Llannor 3 Nefvn 1 P e n m a c h n o

Penmachno 2 P e n m a c h n o 3 P e n m a c h n o 4

Pistyll 2

Tywyn 3 v

w

u

n 4

MR26 MR27

Granite

7 t h _ O t h

CN28

Llannor 1

Sandstone

S t h _ 6 t h t h - o t h

7th-9th 5th_6th

Microgabbro Andesite Andesite/dacite Gabbro Andesite tuff G a b b r o

Rhyolitic tuff | Microgabbro Dolerite Rhvolitic tuff

Rhyolite/rhyolitic tuff A n d e s i t e tuft

Sandstone

7th-9th

Sandstone

5 t h - 6 t h

S a n d s t o n e

r o t h - o t h

Sandstone

7th-9th 9th-10th 5th-6th 5th-6th 9 t h - 11 t h 9th 7th-9th 8th_9th

Andesite Sandstone

Rhyolitic tuff Sandstone A c i d tuff

Acid tuff Acid tuff A c i d tuff

Fig. 3.5. Stones from Caernarfonshire, Denbighshire and Merionethshire worked from Ordovician lithologies.

36

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

in an area of high drift cover around the River Dee and

and fine-grained; they may be micaceous and include

A t o n I r y w e r y n valleys w i t h t e w other available options

slump units. Llanwyddelan 1 (MT5), a dark, fine-grained

locally.

Description

Formation which forms the bedrock at the findsite.

continuing into the western part ot Montgomeryshire.

sion

The succession comprises mudstones with major sand-

identified in this study. However, the most commonlyiden-

to

the

Carboniferous

Limestone

have

been

stone units. In Montgomeryshire, the Penstowed Grits

tified lithology for stones ni this volume occurs as minor

Formation forms a sequence o f turbiditic sandstones

interbedded with mudstones, with individual sandstone

sandstone lenses within the Carboniferous Limestone of Anglesey and the adjacent mainland, and is informally

beds up to 50cm thick. Grain size varies from fine through

termed 'Anglesey Grit' (Fig. 9.2). There appear to be two

to granule grade, and flute marks, cast structures and cross

main variations of this sandstone. Whilst most stones

T w o stones have a

d e s c r i b e d in t h i s s t u d y a r e w o r k e d f r o m c r e a m . c o l o u r e d

source tentatively attributed to the Penstrowed Grits Formation, Carno 1 (IMTI) and Llanerfyl 1(MT4). This provenancing is, however, strongly influenced by the local

glomerate) with the coarser grained sandstones containing

bedrock geology, rather than by the matching of unique petrological features. These samples illustrate the difficulty in attributing sandstone to very specific sources in

quartz arenite of variable grain size (fine-grained to conpebbles of white, pink and yellow quartz, and less commonly jasper, red and yellow iron-stained sandstones also occur.Although little detailed work has been undertaken

The

Clwydian range, as well as occupying the ground around Llangollen on either side of the Dee valley and in

southern Montgomervshire. T h e sequence has many sim-

Arenite

Cross

O n a r t z arenite

11th-12th

r A c e . c i a r

surface, may have been uncovered during limestone

m e d i u m - to c o a r s e - g r a i n e d s a n d s t o n e a n d m a v b e locally

extraction. The Carboniferous sandstone that is present along the coast of the Menai Strait at Moel y Don is more extensively iron-stained and is typically mottled pink or

pebbly, occasionally bearing plant fragments. Although white or grey when fresh it weathers yellow or reddishbrown and is variably cemented by carbonate (Davies et

purple. The sandstone lenses within the Carboniferous Limestone succession on the mainland side of the Menai Strait are exposed within a thin tract of land from Y Felinheli to the south-west of Bangor. The sandstone si medium to coarse-grained, and relatively homogenous,

al., 2004). The three monuments at Hope (F5-7) are all worked from Cefn-y-Fedw Sandstone, as is the church where

they

are

housed.

The

overlying

Gwespyr

Sandstone Formation (GSF) si a thickly bedded, felds. pathic, brown, buff-weathering sandstone. It extends from

on the mainland were worked in medieval times. It is highly likely that Penmon 1 and 2 (AN51-2) were derived from local quarries, as they resemble the sandstones cur-

rently exposed there. This suggests that they were quarried during the extraction of limestone for lime production. However, Penmon 4 and 5 (AN54 5) show no

Sandstone

crosses, Penmon 1 and 2 (AN51-2), are examples of the calcareous arenite, whereas the remainder are of the c r e a m , n o n - c a l c a r e o u s variety.

A few o f the s t o n e s

tury). Several examples of Anglesey Grit have also been

identified from Caenarfonshire, including Bardsey Island 2 (CN12), Pistyll 1 (CN39 and the stones a tBangor Cathedral (CN4-9). Two likely examples have also been identified in Flintshire: Dyserth I and 2 (F2-3).

south as Llanbadarn Fawr (Cards.) and as far west as

changes to disturbed beds with minor sandstones (Elwy Formation). The sandstones are grey-green, brown-

Bardsey Island. In the early fourteenth century, the millstones are recorded as having being derived from limestone quarries at Mathafarn Eithaf, Mathafarn Wion

siltstone. The disturbed beds show contorted bedding and

(to the east of Benllech) and Penmon, which was owned

are more resistant to weathering and therefore form some

by the Augustinian priory (Carr, 1982: 108-10). The

twelfth-century church and the later buildings at Penmon Priory are constructed from local Carboniferous grit (both

Formation, Llangernyw 1-3 (D4 6), as they are fine-

calcareous a n d non-calcareous) a n d auartz-rich conglom.

grained, thinly bedded sandstones containing convoluted, elongate fragments of mudstone. In Montgomeryshire,

erates. The grit outcrops in several areas ni the east of the island, at Few Fawr east of Penmon, north-east of Llanbedrgoch, east of Llangefni and in the vicinity of Penrhosllugwy. However, other lenses, not exposed at the

Formation. The sandstones are typically thickly bedded

e

three are worked from Anglesey Grit' (see Fig. 9.2). Two

Of the forty stones described from Anglesey, thirty-

d o m i n a t e d , b u t t o t h e west o n t h e D e n b i g h M o o r s this

the main s a n d s t o n e - b e a r i n g unit is the Bailey Hill

t

Fgi. 36.. Stones from north Wales worked from Permo-Triassic lithologies.

The precise source of the sandstone for many of these

appear to have a n

The Anglesey Grit has a protracted record of exploitation for millstones and as a building stone, particularly for fashioning as quoins and worked stone, from the later Middle Ages onwards. These have been identified as far

of the higher ground ni the area. Three stones are believed to be derived from the disturbed strata of the Elwy

n

sition (e.g. Davies et al., 2004), in hand specimen it may be hard to tell fine-grained Cefn-y-Fedw from Gwespyr.

q u a r t z rich,

ilarities to the Wenlock succession comprising mudstone, often 'ribbon-banded', interrupted by sandstone units. On the edge of the Clwydian Range the sequence si mudstone

weathering, parallel-bedded greywacke that grade into

e

clearly derived from the area ni eastern Anglesey outlined above. There si no evidence to suggest that the sandstones

still

Bodedern 1(ANI), Llansadwrn 1(AN45), Penrhosllugwy Denbigh Grits Formation: one sandstone, Clocaenog 1 1 (AN58), are dated as fifth or sixth century, butthe (DI), and two cleaved mudstone/siltstones, Corwen 1 majority are later than this (typically tenth-twelfth cenThe youngest Silurian strata of Ludlow age are exposed on the higher ground of the Denbigh Moors and

r

Arenite

d e s c r i b e d a s s i g n i fi c a n t l y d i t t e r e n t in t e x t u r e a n d c o m p o

although

paler. Three stones are considered to be derived from the

and 5 (MR3, 7).

A

r o s s - c h a i r

s t o n e s c a n n o t a t p r e s e n t b e c o n s t r a i n e d , a l t h o u g h i t is

Formation (equivalent to the

stones with a thin disturbed unit at the top.

Fragment

iron-bearingcarbonate cement. Weathering of this cement imparts the observed colour variation.

stones,

sa nd stone s are typically grey to grey-green but w e a t h e r

F12

9th-10th 10th 10th 9-10th

the north of Flintshire to the south of Hope Mountain.

In Denbighshire and Flintshire, the mudstone succession is laminated ('ribbon-banded' mudstones in Warren et al., 1984) and interrupted by the Denbigh Grit

Penstrowed Grits

T i t h o l

D a t e (century) F o r m

MT2 MT6

Meifod 1

37

but present in thin beds.

on the petrology of these rocks, the iron-stained sand-

terrains d o m i n a t e d by sedimentary successions.

Formation). It comprises mudstones with minor sand-

o

D8 F 8

Meliden 1 Whitford 2 Llandrinio 1

No stones traceable to the Old Red Sandstone succesor

N

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2

sandstone, is considered to come from the Bailey Hill

The overlying Wenlock strata are exposed along the western margin of the Denbigh Moors with the outcrop

b e d d i n g a r e c o m m o n l y observed.

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

Although the two sandstones (CFSF and GSF) are

The Pillar of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3)), is considered to be sourced from the Gwespyr Sandstone as it contains feldspar and brown iron oxide spots. Gwespyr has

been

used

for

the

construction

of

Basingwerk Abbey and iron spots have been observed ni the sandstone at this locality. Permo-Triassic rocks are present ni the eastern part of

evidence of iron staining. This does not preclude the source of stone for these being worked from ahorizon in

the region forming the bedrock to the Vale of Clwyd from

the quarries that si no longer exposed. Aseparate study si required to establish fi any of these sandstone lenses show ' ncharacteristic petrological features that might permit fi gerprinting' and thus allow stones to be matched to sources more precisely. Such a work is beyond the scope

St Asaph to south of Ruthin, the hinterland to Rhyl and the Dee valley east of Wrexham (Warren et al., 1984). Although five stones have been identified as being derived from Permo-Triassic strata (Fig. 3.6) and two of these, Meliden 1 (F8) and Llandrinio I (MT2), have find sites

of this study, but it is anticipated that the author will initiate research on this in the near future. It should be noted

that it is unlikely that further details of hte petrology of t h e

s t o n e s w i l l

b e e t a i n e d

w i t h o u t

a

s m a l l

a m o u n t

of

sampling ofthe relevant monuments.

Sandstone also occurs higher in the Carboniferous sequence ni the east of the region. The outcrop of the Upper Carboniferous or Silesian sequence, more com-

monly known as the Millstone Grit, runs from northern Flintshire southwards along t h eeast side of the Clwydian

very close to Permo-Triassic bedrock, there is little or no exposure of this succession s o the stones must be sourced

from other exposures outside the area. Llandrinio 1, a pinkish-buff sandstone, and Meifod 1 (MT6), a pink-grey iron-stained sandstone, show similarities to the Grinshill Stone (Helsby Sandstone Formation)

used extensively as a building stone from the late Middle Ages onwards. It is therefore suggested that this stone was derived from the Grinhills area, where natural processes stripped the more intense iron-staining from similar red

Hills to Ruabon Mountain. It is best exposed from

sandstones of this age. Exposures of Helsby Sandstone

Wrexham to Ruabon. The two main units are the lower Cefn-v-Fedw Formation and the upper Gwespyr

Formation, which retain their dull-red colour, provide a reasonable match for the other three stones: Meliden 1,

Sandstone. The Cefn-y-Fedw Sandstone Formation (CFS) si better developed ni the south of Flintshire continuing into Denbighshire. It is typically a quartz-rich,

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2(D8) and Whitford 2(F12). The find sites of these three monuments are widely spaced, and ti is not implied that they were derived from

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

38 the

same

geographical source within the Helsby

(Fig. 3.7b). The seventeen stones of this period are

Sandstone Formation. It is possible that Meliden 1 and

worked from seven different lithologies, with seven stones

Whitford 2 could even have sources on the east side of the

composed of igneous rocks. With the exception of

D e e e s t u a r y.

Bardsey Island 1 (CN11), all of these stones have local sources so the diversity of lithologies again reflects the

T H E R E L AT I O N S H I P O F S T O N E F O R M T O LITHOLOGIES

stone with a sufficiently flat surface to apply an inscription. There appears to have been little attempt tomodify

the external morphology of the stone and therefore lithologies did not need to be suitable for fashioning in

in intermediate and acid composition volcanic rocks in

this way. Of the forty-two inscribed stones of this age, all

the study area, in particular in north-west Wales, both

tion of stone appears to have been obtaining a block of

have an unmodified irregular form with surfaces either

bounded by joint or fault planes, or a rounded form resulting from glacial or fluvial processes. The most impressive examples of the former are the two stones

from Llannor (CN30-1), which have a polygonal

columnar form produced by natural igneous columnar

Metamorphic

Ordovician)'

28% (Cambrian)

8%

From the ninth century onwards, a marked change in

A n a l e s e y Grit)

San dst one Tr i a s s i c )

stone use si not restricted to these forms but also affects the lithologies from which cross-carved stones and cross

Sandstone

(Silurian)

slabs were worked. Of the twenty-five ninth- to twelfth. century stone sculptures, all are worked from sedimentary

ranging in age from Cambrian to Carboniferous and in sandstone, Meliden 1 (F8) and Whitford 2 (F12). most lithology from greywackes to quartz arenites. In terms of likely derive fromthe Cheshire Basin and one, Rhuddlan proximity to source, only six stones have been matched to 1 (F9), from the local Coal Measures strata, but Anglesev exposed bedrock geology more than 5-6km from the find Grit predominates. A high proportion of these stones site: Aber 1 (CI1), Bodedern 1 (ANI), LIandudno 1 have find sites in Anglesey, and many also have find sites (CN21). Llangefni 1 (AN39). LIantrisant 1 (AN46) and close tot h eoutcrop of Anglesey Grit. However, there are

have been attributed, with reasonable confidence, to a source less than 5km from the find site, and the remainder are considered to be 'local' on the basis of similarity to local historic building materials (such as thefabrico f the church). Therefore the diversity oflithologies seen is consideredt o reflect thediversity of the local environment.

A similar pattern of stone selection and use to that of

Anglesey Grit)

Perma.

of three-dimensional forms of sculpture, such as pillars, monolithic and composite crosses and fonts, t h echange in

Carboniferous

mentary (Fig. 3.7a). With the exception of Llanfor I rock, and all but one of these, Bangor 7(CN10), are free(MRI8) (a siltstone), these sediments are all sandstones, stones (Fig. 3.7c). Two examples of Permo-Triassic

Pentrefoelas 1(D9). Of the remaining stones, twenty-four

Ordovician)

rocks.

a significant development at this time si the introduction

metamorphic (both phyllites) and the remainder are sedi-

12%

facilitates extraction and yields useable sized slabs. For

Barmouth 1-2 (MRI-2) and Llandanwg 1(MR10), and

these, almost a quarter are igneous rocks, just two are

Carboniferous)

Siltstone

Carboniferous

these reasons a large proportion of the fifth- to seventhand seventh- toninth-century inscribed and cross-carved stones examined i n this study are fashioned from igneous

the variety and nature of stone used si observed. Although

Llandudno 1(CN21). Therange oflithologies suitable for such stones appears to have been wide with igneous, metamorphic and sedimentary types all represented. Of

(Silurian)

ioning as slabs). The presence of well-developed jointing

joints. Examples of cruder joint-bounded blocks include of rounded bouldersinclude Aberdaron 1-2 (CN2-3)a n d

Sandstone

diversity ofthe geology local to thefind sites.

The slab form of the inscribed and cross-carved stones and cross-slabs allowed masons to exploit a wide variety oflithologies. Providing the stone is ofsufficient strength to retain its coherence as a slab, the lithology possesses a well-developed layering, such as bedding or jointing, a n d it is not so hard that it cannot be easily carved orinscribed, then it would be suitable for this purpose. Such criteria encompass igneous, metamorphic and sedimentary lithologies (although the metamorphicgrade of many of the rocks in Wales does not result in good planar fabrics, such as that seen in slate, which would besuitable for fash-

A synthesis of the petrological data obtained from this study indicates changingpatterns of stone use through the early medieval period. For the early inscribed stones (Nash-Williams's Group 1) spanning the fifth to seventh centuries, the most important consideration in the selec-

3 9

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

notable examples of more ambitious sculpture located a significant distance from the bedrock source, including

Sandstone

Sandstone (Cambrian)

Fig. 3.7. Pie charts of monument lithologies by period (number of stones in each group = n): a. fifth-seventh centuryinscribed stones, n= 42. b. seventh-ninthcentury cross-carved stones, n = 17: c. ninth-twelfth century sculpture. " = 25: d. ninth-twelfth century cross-carvedstones

the cross-shaft Bardsey Island 2 (CN12), the font from Pistyll (CN39) and the cross and cross-base from Dyserth (F2-3).

Such monuments with a three-dimensional form need to be worked from stone lacking pronounced bedding or

layering, which might impart a preferred orientation to

the inscribed stones is also seen in the seventh- to ninth-

t h e s t o n e a n d c a u s e it t o fail in o n e d i r e c t i o n

century cross-carved stones (Nash-Williams Group 2)

examples of such stone are termed freestones. Three main

T h e hast

sources of freestone are present within the area of this study. but are not equally distributed across it. These are Anglesey Grit, found within the Carboniferous

Limestone sequence of Anglesey and the adjacent main-

and Cefn-y-Fedw Sandstone and Gwespyr Sandstones, both occurring within the Upper land,

Carboniferous sequence of north-eastern Wales. Egryn Stone, mentioned previously, also constitutes a freestone, but its use and distribution is as yet poorly understood. In addition to these the Permo-Triassic succession of the Cheshire Basin provides access to freestone in avariety of colours. Interesting diversions from this general pattern

40

GEOLOGICAL SOURCES AND SELECTION OF STONE

are presented by the slightly older, tenth- to eleventh.

carved stones. although stone o f m o d e s t size from a n

century, cross-base of Corwen 5 (MR7), which is worked

erratic source

from tine-grained Silurian sandstone, n o t a freestone, a n d

Wales)

not Anglesey Grit, and the ninth-century Pillar of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3)), worked from Gwespyr Sandstone, both a freestone and relatively locally derived. The change ni the pattern of stone usage during the ninth t o t w e l i t h c e n t u r y o b s e r v e d i n t h e s c u l p t u r e is m i r r o r e d b

that for cross-slabs and cross-carved stones (Fig. 3.7d), with Anglesey G r i t dominating. The factors driving such

a change are clearly of great importance and suggest an interplay between the m o r e complex forms o f the sculp-

ture, which necessitated a specific stone type, and the p a t r o n a g ew h i c h m a y h a v e e n c o u r a g e d e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e

stone. In addition to this, consideration must be given to the location of this sculpture. Is the predominance of

Anglesey Grit (as opposed to the equally fine Gwespyr or

Cefn-y-Fedw sandstones, or even the virtually unex-

ploited Egryn Stone) a reflection of local patronage or the productivity or wealth of the ecclesiastical communities from which they were derived? Or, in this context, what insight do the Pillar of Elise (D3) and Cowen 5 (MR7)

provide? T h e former was worked

from a

freestone,

whereas the cross-base of the latter utilized an adequate but less than ideal stone.

was i d e n t i fi e d in volume II (south-west

The patterns of stone selection observed ni this study

show some similarities with those observed in volume I

CHAPTER 4

from five to six lithological groups in the early phases (fifth to seventh centuries and seventh to ninth centuries) and this pattern is also seen in the stones of this volume.

T H E E A R LY I N S C R I B E D S T O N E S

(south-east Wales) but there are also some differences. nI south-east Wales, the level of stone diversity increases

Whereas ni south-east Wales just two lithologies dom-

inate in this early phase (i.e. at least 80 per cent of the inscribed stones are of Old Red Sandstone or Coal

Measures sandstones), in north Wales such domination si

less pronounced, reflecting the more varied bedrock

geology. These patterns emphasize the selection and sourcing of stone on a very local scale. A different pattern is seen ni the later period (ninth to twelfth century) between the two regions. Although appropriate stone, including some freestone, was selected for the production of all types of monuments ni southern Wales (nine different lithologies are recorded with none constituting more than 31 per cent of the total), ni north Wales Anglesey Grit swamps all other lithologies during this period (six lithologies are recorded b u t Anglesey Grit

The results of this study indicate that the early medieval monuments ni north Wales are predominantly derived

from the local geology. Of the 130 stones examined al

could be attributed to north Wales or the adiacent area of

England. No exotic lithologies such as Jurassic limestones

(e.g. Bath Stone or Dundry Stone) from the Jurassic strata

of south-west England, as recorded ni volume I (south-

east Wales), or far-travelled erratics derived from the

glacial drift deposits, were identified. The absence of the

latter may be because the general dimensions of such erratics are typically too small for working as inscribed or

with incised inscriptions in roman letters, ogam or both.

They correspond to Nash-Williams's Group I, 'Simple

ther two possible examples, Aber 1 (CN1) (a reused Roman milestone) and Llandygai 1(CN22) (now lost), are noted in Appendix A . The monuments are concentrated in

the north-west ni Anglesey (13), Caernarfonshire (17) and

Inscribed Stones', which he dated from the fifth to the seventh centuries (ECMW: 3). Their primary function was

Merioneth (14), with only six altogether in Denbighshire (4), Flintshire (1) and Montgomeryshire (1) (Fig. 4.1).

c o m m e m o r a t i v e a n d they were almost certainly t h e grave-

Nine monuments (18 per cent) are no longer extant.' Since ECMW was published ni 1950, four new inscribed stones have been discovered: Bodedern 1 (ANI), Llangernyw 3 (D6), Llandanwg 3(MR12) and Trawsfynydd 1(MR22). On Anglesey, a lost monument, Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1

markers of high-status individuals. Examples are found throughout Wales (see vols I-II), south-west Britain,

period in southern Wales, lithological diversity increased

southern Scotland and the Isle of Man. In north Wales the early inscribed stones are concentrated in the north-west and are carved with roman-letter

(AN20), which was noted by Lhuyd, may also b e added to

stone appropriate for carving into more complex three-

inscriptions. The most common formula si the Latin hic

the list, but the inscribed lead coffin from Rhuddgaer,

diversity remained relatively constant with one stone

orated, and is usually regarded as Christian. It may be elaborated in a number of ways and ni the north there are

comprises 17 per cent of the total). Therefore, in the late CONCLUSION

The early inscribed stones may be defined as pillars, slabs o r b o u l d e r s . m o s t v n a t u r a l b u r s o m e t i m e s r o u g n l y n e w n .

as access was gained ot a wider range of freestones, or dimensional forms, but in north Wales, lithological

dominating. This pattern can be attributed ot the geo.

graphical distribution of the sculpture and other monuments, which ni turn is influenced by secular patronage or ecclesiastical activity across the region. It is

likely that Anglesey Grit became so pervasively used as Anglesey lay within a more stable part of the area con-

trolled by the rulers of Gwynedd during the tenth- to twelfth-century period and patronage supported greater

production of stone sculptures.

iacit ('here lies') with the name of the person commem-

several examples of longer, more complex inscriptions denoting the presence of a more Romanized Christian elite. Three monuments also have a monogram chi-rho symbol or a cross. The use of the Latin form of the 'X son of Y' formula (X fili Y), which is religiously neutral, is less common than in the south-west and, as in Breconshire

Newborough, which is probably late Roman, has been excluded, since it is not made of stone (CIC: no. 322;

ECMW: no. 27; Pollock, 2006: 75-7). In Caernarfonshire,

the stone (MR8) commemorating Cantiori, which is now in Penmachno Church, in factcomes from Ffestiniog parish, and is therefore listed under Merioneth. Nash-Williams

also identified possible ogams on Treflys 1 (CN41) which

may now be discounted. However, Llanfaelog 2 (AN13),

which was missing when Nash-Williams noted it, has been

The

l o c a t e d a n d a n e w o g a m i n s c r i p t i o n h a s b e e n f o u n d o n it.

roman-letter inscriptions are incised mainly in capitals

This makes a total o f only three m o n u m e n t s (6 per cent) i n

incorporating a range o f characteristic forms. though

t h e n o r t h w i t h b o t h r o m a n - l e t t e r a n do g a m i n s c r i p t i o n s -

somealso include minuscule letters forming distinctive mixed-alphabet inscriptions. There are no examples of monuments in the north with ogam-only inscriptions and

Llanfaelog 2, Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18) and Clocaenog 1 (DI) -and no ogam-only inscriptions have been recorded. This is significantly less than elsewhere in Wales. nI the

a n d G l a m o r g a n . it is o f t e n c o m b i n e d w i t h h i c iacit.

only three with both roman-letter and ogam inscriptions.

s o u t h - w e s t . o u t o f s i x t y - fi v e m o n u m e n t s . t h e r e a r e s e v e n -

teen with roman-letter and ogam inscriptions (26 per cent) and five with ogam-only inscriptions (8 per cent)

NUMBERS A N D DISTRIBUTION Around 150 early inscribed stones are now known from Wales and the English border (Herefordshire and Shropshire). Some fifty of these are from the north; afur-

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog I (AN20). Llangefni 2 (AN40). Llantrisant2 (AN47), Llannor 4 (CN32), Festiniog 2(MR9), [ a n u w c hl v a" ( V R9 ) . L a n y m a w d d w y I ( V I R 2 0 ) . M a e n t w r o g

1(MR21)and Tywyn I (MR24).

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

Ogam-and-Roman inscriptions

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

4 3

R o ma n inscriptions

Anglesey

Caernartonshire Denhishshire

Flintshire Merioneth

14 [5]

Montgomeryshire

F i o . 4 N u m h e r s a n dd i s t r i b u t i o n o fr o m a n . l e t t e r a n d o c a m . a n d - r o m a n

Walesb y county.

early inscribeds t o n e s in n o r t h

N u m b e r s in saware brackets in c o l u m n 3i n d i c a t e the n u m b e r of lost m o n u m e n t s with

recordedr o m a n inscriptions within the total f o r each county. Inscribed stones in the Appendices are n o t included in the tahle

Gwytherin

(vol. II: 31). In south Wales and theEnglish borders, where thirty-six early inscribed stones have been identified (vol. :I 60) (four of which are more doubtful), there are fivewith

Gwytherin 1 (D2) are located in the valley of the Elwy, while Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) was found on the bank of the

roman-letter and ogam inscriptions (one lost) (14 per cent)

Conwy, but Clocaenog 1(D1) was formerly sitedo n open moorland. Caerwys 1(F1) is the only monument east of

and four with ogam-only inscriptions (11 per cent), all but

the C l w y d in Flintshire and was located o n the b r o a d

two of which arei n Breconshire.

Although thepresent numbers and distribution of early inscribed stones only indicate what has survived, the differences between the north-west and the north-east are real (Fig. 4.2). In the north-west, monuments are found in most parts of Anglesey, reflecting the wealth oft h e comparatively low-lying land and fertile soils, and they are denser in the southern half of the island. Across the

coastal plain east of the Clwydian hills.

The contrast in the distribution between different regions of north Wales may be indicative not only of geography and patterns of settlement, but also of the process of kingdom formation and competition for land and power. The main concentrations are in Gwynedd on Anglesey, the productive core of the kingdom located in a pivotal position int h e Irish Sea zone, and on the westward

Menai Strait in Caernarfonshire, the distribution extends

facing coast centring on LIn. However, the fact that there

south-westwards along the coast of Arfon with a second

is only one bilingual ogam and roman-letter inscription

concentration onthe LIn peninsula where there arelike-

wise areas with productive soils (Bowen, 1957: 318-20). In contrast, as might be expected, there are no definite

from Anglesey, Llanfaelog 2 (AN13), does not preclude a

significant Irish presence amongst the post-Roman population. In Ireland, ogam stones are most commonlyfound

examples in the more sparsely occupied mountainous

in the south-west in Waterford, Cork and Kerry, whilst

those at Penmachno (CN35, CN37-8), which geograph-

there are comparatively few elsewhere and this difference may likewise be reflected on Anglesey compared with Pembrokeshire (CIC,i : 502; F. Moore, 1998: 24, fig. 4.1;

areas of northern Snowdonia. The only exceptions are ically have more in c o m m o n with examples in the interior

of Merioneth. Llandudno 1 (CN21) is the only stone on the coast east of the Conwy estuary. Monuments in

Merioneth are also found on the coast, but there si a significant group in the uplands of the interior between the Afon Dwyryd and Llyn Tegid (Bala Lake) which are sited

with reference to river valleys, Roman forts and roads and other routeways, again suggestive of pockets of settlement. There are only three stones recorded south of the Mawddach, one at Tywyn (MR24) on the coast and another inland atLlanymawddwy (MR20), with athird to the east in Montgomeryshire at Llanerfyl (MT4) in the valley of the Banwy, but there are none south of the Dyfi estuary. T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of m o n u m e n t s in t h en o r t h e a s t

is also sparse. In Denbighshire, Llangernyw 3 (D6) and

see vol. II: 31-2). In addition, there are at leastthree other stones on the island with Irish personal names: Bodedern

1 (ANI), Llanfaelog 1 (AN12) and Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58), and the name on the lead coffin from Rhuddgaer has also been identified as Irish. Likewise in Caernarfon-

10 K i l o m e t r o e

30M i l e

shire, although there is only one roman-letter and

ogam-inscribed stone, Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18). Penmachno 3 (CN37) also probably has an Irish name (see chapter 10). In contrast, no monuments with definite Irish connections have been identified in Merioneth (Sims-Williams, 2002: 29). Although next to nothing is known about the kingdom of Meirionnydd orDunoding, itspossible neighbour to the north centring on the cantrefo f Ardudwy, the

Fig. 4.2. Distribution of roman-letter and ogam-inscribed stones in north Wales (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

rugged geography of this region, with its mountains and remote valleys, would surely have encouraged fragmenta-

tion andstrong local identities. Thescattered distribution of the early inscribed stones, and the three monuments almost certainly belonging to members of the same family at Llanfor (MR18) and Llanuwchllyn (MR19) around

Llyn Tegid and at Llanymawddwy (MR20) in the neighbouring valley of the Dyfy, wouldseem to support this. East of the Conwy the fact that so few monuments have been found and their scattered distribution suggests that there were generally not the same traditions, circumstances or mechanisms which encouraged investment in

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

4 4

permanent and visible memorials of this kind. Llandudno 1 (CN21), located not far from the hillfort of Degannwy, m a y b e a n o u t l i e r o f t h o s e i n O r w y n e d d , a n d t h i s is a l s o pos-

sible for other monuments ni western Denbighshire.

However, the almost total lack in the heartlands which

became the kingdom of Powys is surely significant.

Clocaenog 1 (D1), the only bilingual roman-letter and ogam-inscribed stone in the region, but commemorating a man with aRoman name, is in an isolated upland location,

b u t w i t h w i d e v i e w s o f t h e s u r r o u n d i n gc o u n t r y s i d e . O v e r

the English border the roman-letter inscription at Wroxeter (S2)likewise has Irish connections (vol. I: 538-9).

CONTEXT AND FUNCTION

although Camden (1594: 519) only notes that Clocaenog 1 (DI) was sited near Clocaenog, more detail concerning its location and a possible adjacent barrow is given by Lhuyd's kinsman John Lloyd (Lhuyd, 1695: cols 685-6); its

a s s o c i a t i o n

w i t h

a n o t h e r

m a s s i v e

b u t

u n c a r v e d

W a l e s a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t o h a v e s u r v i v e d i n

4 5

dramatic account concerns Llannor 2 and 3 (CN30-1), which were discovered in 1833 reused as the sides of a

s e e m t o b e indicative of v a r y i n g p a t t e r n s i n t h e founda-

cist-and-lintel grave. They were reburied but then dug up again periodically before being removed by a' gentleman'

tion a n d d e v e l o p m e n tof church sites, only s o m e of which evolved from early cemeteries.

to Oxford c. 1895 and donated to the Ashmolean Museum

(Breese, 1925: 387); however, after alocal campaign, they

p e r c e n t a g e s in d i f f e r e n t p a r t s o f W a l e s w o u l d t h e r e t o r e

In the north-west, although no monument has def.

initely been found in a primary context marking a grave,

standing stone (still extant on t h esite) is mentioned f o rthe first time in the later eighteenth century (Gough, 1789: 578-9). Occasionally, useful details are also given on the circumstances of discovery. For example, Vaughan notes that Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19) was 'digged up' at the Roman fort of Caer Gai (Illus. MR19.1), while

were returned to Llanbedrog in 1993. Severalstones were

eight (16 per cent) are closely associated with burials and

removed ot gentry houses for protection during the late

cemeteries, none of which developed into church sites.

Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) was noted by Lhuyd 'above the church door' (Lhuyd, 1700-1: 790, fig.) and Morris

Clocaenog 1 (D1) was first moved c. 1813 to Pool Park by

thought to b e have been reused as a lintel over a grave, but

L o r d B a g o t a n d erected as a g a r d e n o r n a m e n t in front o f

this si no longer considered likely (White, 1969-70: 257; 1971-2: 34). Nevertheless, extensive excavations on the site revealed a large inhumation cemetery clustered

records that Llansadwrn 1 (AN45) had been found during

Llanfaelog 1(AN12) si the only early medieval inscribed s t o n e i n n o r t h

times e l a b o r a t e d on by later writers. For example,

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

grave-digging in the churchyard (Owen, 1896a: 139).

It has to be said that during the late eighteenth and early n i n e t e e n t h

c e n t u r i e s .

w h e n

a

nurther

n i n e

m o n u m e n t s

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; then in the twentieth

c e n t u r v . o f t e n w h e n e s t a t e s fell i n t o d e c l i n e , t h e y w e r e

donated, either t o museums or to the local parish church,

thereby providing wider public access. For example,

the house, but was subsequently acquired by the National Museum and taken to Cardiff in 1936 (Anon., 1921: 376; CIIC: no. 399, 374-5; Nash-Williams, 1936b: 278-9). Llantrisant 1 (AN46) was removed to Trescawen House in

LIannor 2-4 (CN30-2) and Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) were reused as side slabs or lintels in long-cist graves (Lewis, 1833: Llannor; B L Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88. When

Bodedern 1 (ANI) was originally excavated ti was also

a r o u n d a m i d - B r o n z e A g e e n c l o s e d s e t t l e m e n t a n d it 15

suggested that the inscribed stone, which commemorated

situ, though Llangian 1(CN25), first noted in the churchyard by Edward Lhuyd and later reused as a sundial (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 86; Jones Parry and Westwood,

(18 per cent) were noted for the first time, details concerning their discovery can be sparse. For example, there is enough evidence to piece together the original location

t h e early n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y but later d o n a t e d to the

a m a n with a n I r i s h n a m e , might originally have stood as a

of four small standing stones first recorded in 1724 (Bourke, 2009: 382, fig. 20.7), are also possibilities. The

the stone was moved to his family seat at Downing Hall, though there has been considerable confusion since.

nearest museum at the University College of North Wales in Bangor c.1966 (Anon., 1908a: 83; Stanley, 1870: 158; MoPBW, 1966), while Aberdaron 1 and 2 (CN2-3) were

taken to the house known as Cefnamwlch c. 1843 and then moved to the parish church in Aberdaron c. 1992. Only Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) is still at a country house. Some, such as Barmouth 1 and 2 (MIR1-2), Llandudno 1 (CN21) and

focus, possibly a 'founder's grave', in the centre (Hedges, forthcoming; pers. comm., David Longley). Two other lost inscribed stones on Anglesey, Llanfihangel Yseifiog

1848a: 105, fig.), and Gwytherin 1 (D2), still one of a row

of Caerwys 1(FI) from Thomas Pennant's account before

recent discovery, came to light during an archaeological

However, the location of Capel Bronwen, w h e r e Llantrisant 1 (AN46) was first noted, is unknown. The accounts by Richard Williams (Wmffre Dafydd) of the discovery of Penmachno 4 (CN38) at Rhiw Bach and

watching brief (Davidson, 2009). The fact that so few early inscribed stones have survived in situ or have been

the original location of Ffestiniog 1 (MR8) on the site knownas Beddau Gwÿr Ardudwy only came to light com-

o n l y m o n u m e n tt o h a v e b e e n f o u n d i n a m o d e r n a r c h a e o .

logical excavation is Bodedern 1 (ANI) (White, 1969-70:

257; 1971-2: 34), but Llandanwg 3(MRI2), the most

Bodedern 1 (ANI), were simply moved from where they were found to the nearest parish church. The rest, for example Llandanwg 1-3 (MR10-12), are either preserved in the church where they were discovered or. as

e x c a v a t e d u s i n g m o d e r n m e t h o d s h a s . u n t i l r e c e n t l y, c a s t

parativelv

were

Dolbenmaen 1-2 (CN17-18), on the farms where they

doubt on whether ti was possible to recover their original contexts (Lewis, 1976: 183-4). However, the tracing of individual monument movements in the antiquarian and

unpublished and ni Welsh (Dolgellau: Richard Williams, of Pentrefoelas 1(D9) ni 1820 during the construction of

were first noted. In fact, only seven monuments (14 per cent) have no

archaeological literature from the time they were first discovered to the present has demonstrated that their size

Telford's famous road to Holyhead was immediately reported in several publications, both national and local

used alongside other archaeological, documentary, topo-

and ni both English and Welsh (Anon., 1819-20, 1820a, 18206). With the founding of Archaeologia Cambrensis ni 1846

and weight means that few have been transported very far. Furthermore, the earliest accounts of discovery can be

graphical

and

place-name

evidence

to

examine

the

broader context of the monument and what this can

r e c e n t l y.

probably

because

they

Traethawd Wmffre Dafydd: 3, 6). In contrast, the discovery

a n d t h e C a m b r i a n A r c h a e o l o g i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n t h e fol-

lowing year documentation improves considerably.

were being recorded by antiquarians, notably William

However, only six early inscribed stones (12 per cent) in north Wales were first noted during the second half of the nineteenth century. Of these, Llanfaglan 1 (CN24), Penmachno 1(CN35) and probably Llandang 2 (MR11)

Camden, Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt, Edward Lhuyd

were found during church restoration and rebuilding, and

reveal about settlement a n d society in north Wales in the

post-Roman centuries (Edwards. 2001: 16-29). A s w e h a v e s e e n . e a r l y i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s in n o r t h W a l e s

and his associates and Lewis Morris, from the late six-

r e e n t h

century

onwards

(see

chapter

2).

By

the

mid-eighteenth century, some twenty-seven (54 per cent) of the total now known had been recorded for the first time, though eight of these are now lost. In each case an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e s t o n e ' s l o c a t i o n is g i v e n a n d t h i s is s o m e -

Llanaelhaearn 2 (CN20) was unearthed during gravedigging. Since 1900, a further eight (16 per cent) have come to light but, as we have seen, only two were found under archaeological supervision. I n all. r e m a r k a b l y f e w m o n u m e n t s h a v e b e e n m o v e d

v e r y f a r f r o m w h e r e t h e y w e r e fi r s t r e c o r d e d .

The most

recoverable context. If we now examine the contexts of the rest some interesting patterns emerge. First, less than

1 (AN20) and Llangefni 2 (AN40), are likewise associated with cemeteries which failed to develop into parish churches. The site of the former, Capel Eithin, has been the subject of major excavations where several phases of

activity have been identified, including early Bronze Age cremations and a Roman structure as well as an early medieval cemetery with over 100 inhumations (White and Smith, 1999). The latter si from a site known as Capel Heilin where trial excavations uncovered early medieval inhumations after two stone pillars, one with La Tène ornament, indicative of ritual and possible funerary

activity, were discovered (Davidson et al., 2002: 46-8, 737; Edwards, 1997a). Llantrisant 1(AN46) is also noted as

half (some 40 per cent) were found directly associated with churches: built into their fabricor under their foun-

coming from a capel site. It is a term which literally means 'chapel' but may similarly have been associated with an

dations (e.g. Llanfaglan 1(CN24), Llangefni 1(AN39)),

'undeveloped' early medieval cemetery. Penmachno 4

standing in or dug up in the churchyard (e.g. Llanerfyl 1 (CN38) was found in association with one of two graves (MT4), Llandanwg 3 (MR12)), set in the churchyard wall revealed near the line of the Roman road at Rhiw Bach; or entrance (Treflys 1 (CN41), Llannor 1 (CN29), or the inscription, which includes the words in hoc congeries found close by (e.g. Penmachno 3 (CN37), Llan- lapidum ('in this heap of stones'), suggests that the monuymawddwy 1 (MR20)). This may be contrasted with the ment once stood on acairn overlying the grave.

directly with achurch site (see vol. II: 33). However, it is

As already indicated, Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 (AN20) and Llangefni 2 (AN40) are associated with early

more similar to the south-east and b o r d e r s where only

medieval cemeteries which were located with reference to

south-west

where almost

70 per cent

mav

be linked

thirteen monuments (approximately 36 p e rcent), seven in

prehistoric sites with funerary and/or ritual monuments.

Breconshire and six ni Glamorgan, were found at or adjacent to a church (vol. I: 134). Where a monument can eb associated with a church this si of significance because ti suggests that the origins of the site go back to the fifth, sixth or seventh centuries, or even earlier. The differing

It has also been argued that by the time Bodedern 1(ANI) was erected the denuded remains of the enclosed settlement would have superficially resembled a prehistoric barrow or cairn (Hedges, forthcoming; pers. comm., David Longley). This reuse of prehistoric sites and

THEE A R LY INSCRIBED STONES

mentary but formerly an imposing monument, may well be a further example (Lynch, 1991: 151). On the LIgn, Llannor 2-4 (CN30-2) were associated with long-cist graves sited with reference to two or more prehistoric

standing stones (RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1676, 83). Trawsfynydd 2(MR23), ni the uplands of Merioneth, was likewiselocated near a standing stone known as Llech Iris on the opposite side ofthe Roman road (RCAHMW, 1921: no. 565). Festiniog 1 and 2 (MR8-9) were found at the now destroyed site known as Beddau Gwÿr Ardudwy ('The Graves of the Men of Ardudwy'), which seems to have consisted ofprehistoric burial monumentsa n d laterlong-

addition to Llanfor 1(MR18), Ffestiniog 1 and 2 (MR89), Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) and Penmachno 4 (CN38), Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19) was dug up at the Roman fort of Caer Gai (Illus. MR19.1) while Maentwrog 1 (MR21)

was found at the fort of Tomen y Mur (LW: 156-7); running north to Caernarfon (Segontium) (Hopewell,

A Roman structure was also excavateda t the site of Capel

Eithin where Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 (AN20) was recorded. However, its function has proved difficult to

from Caerhun (Canovium) to Caernarfon, may also belong

close to a richarchaeological landscape with Bronze Age

to thisgroup (Hogg, 1961: 6; see Appendix A).

The association with Roman forts and roads may be

well as a likely early medieval site (Crew and Crew, 1997; Hopewell, 2005: 247-54; pers. comm., Tudor Davies). In

closely compared with early inscribed stones ni Breconshire and Glamorgan, which, as Aileen Fox (1939) first

to prehistoric monuments or to have reused prehistoric

recognized, were sited often on high moorland a n d with reference toRoman forts and roads. At leastseven monuments in the south-east can now be identified:

LIanfihangel Cwm Du (Cae Gwynlliw) 1 (B21) and

Nynnid) 1(G86) and Margam (Port Talbot) 1(G92), a

identified ni south-west Wales, but the picture there may

routes of Roman roads. Llansanffraid (Scethrog) 1 (B35), which likewise came to light on a routeway, might also be

have been identified as associated with Bronze Age funerary and ritual monuments: Vaynor (Abercar) 1-2 (B46-7), probably Cadoxton-Juxta-Neath (Clwydi Ban-

wen) 1 (G7) and Gelli-Gaer (Cefn Gelli-gaer) 1 (G27), which are also sited near Roman roads, and Margam (Margam Mountain) 1 (G77) (vol. I: 135). Although to

date the majority of identifiable early medieval burial sites are in the north-west and south-west, it has recently been noted that over 20 per cent of early medieval cemeteries and burials in Wales as awhole are associated with prehistoric ritual and funerary activity (Longley, 2009: 120). As indicated above, a significant group comprising at

least eight monuments (16 per cent) from theuplands,

a reused Roman milestone (vol. :I 134-5, 221). In contrast, in south-west Wales only one early inscribed stone, Castell Dwyran 1 (CM3), hasbeen identified as sitednear

a Roman road,though Penbryn 1 (CD28) in all likelihood originally stood on a cairn with a Roman cremation (vol.

II: 34). Beyond Wales early inscribed stones have been

found not only at theRoman towns of Wroxeter (S2)a n d

Silchester (Hants) (Fulford et al.,

2000; see vol. :I 143),

but also at the Roman fort ofVindolanda near Hadrian's Wall (CIC: no. 498; Tedeschi, 2005:n o . S-1). It is relevant to note that occupation at Vindolanda continued into the fifth century at least (Forsyth, 2005: 117), and in south Wales there wasrenewed activity atLoughor in thelater third and possiblyt h e early fourth centuries Burnham

and Davies, 2010: 60, 262, figs 2.16, 2.18). However, there

w e r e d i s c o v e r e d at o r n e a r R o m a n

is no definite evidence for occupation or reoccupation of

forts or sited with reference to Roman roads (Fig. 4.3). In

the forts in north Wales where early inscribed stones

m a i n l y in M e r i o n e t h

Llanfor 1

Lianuwchllyn 1

BRITHDIR Lando v e r 500m

1

Roman fort

Cadoxton-Juxta-Neath (ClwydiBanwen) 1 (G7), GelliGaer (Cefn Gelli-gaer) 1 (G27), Margam (Eglwys reused Roman milestone, were found on the presumed

L'ANFOR.

F Maentwrog

F'CAER GAI

Loughor 1 (G76), a reused Roman altar, came to light near forts, while Ystradfellte (Maen Madoc) 1 (B50),

have been obscured by the fact that many more early

medieval cemeteries developed into church sites (vol. II: 33-4). In the south-east, five monuments (18 per cent)

TOMEN YMUR

Ffestiniog 1and 2

R o m a n milestone found near the line of the R o m a n road

f u n e r a r y m o n u m e n t s a n d R o m a n m i l i t a r y s t r u c t u r e s as

standing stones. This is significantly more than can be

Penmachno 4.

PEN LLYSTYN.

P1 Dolbenmae

interpret: a Roman military signal station or watchtower has been suggested, though a Romano-Celtic shrine

Gresham, 1967: 281-2; Edwards, 2001: 24-5). Thechurch where Llanfor 1 (MR18) was first reported is also located

sibly a reused prehistoric standing stone) may also have been (Lhurd, 1695: cols 685-6), though Knight (2001: 14) has suggestedthat those whoerected the stonemistook two natural mounds for prehistoric burial monuments. Therefore, as many as twelve early inscribed stones (24 per cent)seem to have been sited either with reference

BRYN Y GYFEILIAU

ginallyhave beenlocated withreference toa Roman road.

cist graves, also sited beside a Roman road (Bowen and

(Pennant, 1778-83, :i 454-5)and Clocaenog 1(DI) (pos-

"CAERNARFON

2006: 13, map 31). Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22) may also ori-

seems more likely (White and Smith, 1999: 29-127, 1503; Longley, 2009: 120, fig. 6.5). Aber 1 (CN1), a reused

the north-east. Caerwys 1 (FI)w a ssited close to a barrow

CAERHUN

Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18) camet o light near the fort ofP e n Llystyn and was sited with reference to the Roman road

-LP' ENnAL

20

FORDEN GAER

•

is repeated elsewhere. On Anglesey, Llanfaelog1 (AN12) almostcertainly originated as alater Neolithic or early Bronze Age standing stone which was reused (Wilson, 1983: 378); LIanbabo 1 (AN9), now fragmonuments

THE EARLYI N S C R I B E D STONES

8

4 6

CAERSWS/

Fig. 4.3. Map of north-west Wales showing inscribedstones in relation toRoman forts androads (Crown copyright: RCAHMW). have been found after the mid-second century, though their presence certainly points to continued or renewed activity in their vicinities and of their cemeteries in particular

Of thetwenty early inscribed stones first recorded at or n e a r churches. nine are associated with sites t h a t later

Celtic saint's dedication or a nearby holy well. Nevertheless, the stone (AN45 commemorating Saturninus, a diminutive of Saturnus (W. Sadwrn), gave rise to the dedication at Llansadwrn (Rhys, 1905: 32)a n d he was At therefore regarded as the founding saint. Llangadwaladr, the church dedication is identified with

became definite or probable mother churches: Llandanwg Cadwaladr, the ruler of Gwynedd (d.664), suggesting a 1-3 (MR10-12), Llanfor 1 (MR18), Llanymawddwy 1 roval foundation. The monument (AN26) there com(MR20) andTywyn 1(MR24), all in Merioneth, and also memorates his grandfather King Catamanus (W. Cadfan)

Gwytherin 1 (D2) and Penmachno 1 (CN35) and 3 (CN37), suggesting the significance of these at an early date. This contrasts with Anglesey and western Caernarfonshire where the sites seem to have remained of lesser importance, though they ultimately acquired the status of parish churches. There is often little to identify them as having early medieval origins other than the monuments themselves and perhaps, as atLlanfaglan (CN24), the remains of a curvilinear churchyard enclosure, a

(d.c.625), indicating that in the seventh century this was a royal burial place most likely sited with reference to a llys ('court') at Aberffraw nearby. It is interesting to note that none of the four inscribed stones referring to members of the clergy, Aberdaron 1-2 (CN2-3), Llandudno 1 (CN21) and Llantrisant 1 (AN46), can be associated with church sites, thought h e last commemorates the wife ofa sacerdos,

not the man himself. The name Mailisi on Llanfaelog 2

(AN13) is thought to have been transferred to the parish,

4 8

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

ticularly those associated with early medieval cemeteries

name), survives in the name of the medieval township. 'the land of Conisiog' (RCAHMW, 1937: cv-cxvi; Jones and Roberts, 1996: 39, 127). The early inscribed stones sited with reference to

a n d sites that d e v e l o n e d into c h u r c h e s .c o m b i n e d w i t h t h e

R o m a n forts a n d r o a d s maw h e seen a s the c o n t i n u a t i o n

c o m m e m o r a t i v e n a t u r e o f t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s , c l e a r l y indi-

a n d r e w o r k i n g o f a d i f f e r e n t s e t o f c u s t o m s a n dv a l u e s

c a t e t h a t t h e i r p r i m a r y f u n c t i o nw a s a s g r a v e - m a r k e r s .

stemming from the more recent past. Burial along the

t h o u g h t h e s t o n e i t s e l f is n o t fi r s t r e c o r d e d o n t h e s i t e o f

the church (see p. 165). ' T h e c o n t e x t s o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e s e m o n u m e n t s , par-

However, ni terms of the number of burials excavated

they were certainly not the norm. This, and the fact that they were of stone, underlines the intention of those who erected the monuments to provide permanent and longlasting memorials to high-status individuals, a need that arose, at least in part, as a response to the uncertainties of t h e p o s t - R o m a n p e r i o d w h e n different elites w e r e v v i n g f o r p o w e r.

T h e a s s o c i a t i o n o f early medieval m o n u m e n t s a n d

burials with prehistoric ritual and funerary sites si part of a much more widespread phenomenon found at this time throughout Britain, including the parts that became

Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, and also ni Ireland (Edwards, 2001: 22-3; Williams, 1997; O'Brien, 2009: 139-45). The

reuse of prehistoric monuments not only provided a more imposing backdrop, but also presented opportunities to make links with the 'ancestral' past and its mythical asso-

ciations, thus facilitating their reinvention for the needs of

the present by native and incomer alike. Early Irish law indicatesthat ogam stones might be set up on boundaries and their inscriptions were seen as written proof of the ownership of land by the descendants of the person

m o r e e l a b o r a t e Latin inscriptions,? w h i c h are u n p a r a l -

the n a m e of the person c o m m e m o r a t e d , but t h e w o r d

leled elsewhere i nWales apart from Cynwyl Gaeo 2 order can vary as, for example, on Caerwys 1(F1), which (CM5). In general, the grasp of Latin case-endings can be begins with hic iacit. T h e r e a r e t h r e e m o n u m e n t s in n o r t h W a l e s w h e r e t h e poor and vowel-sounds were changing. This has recently

commemorated, whether real or imagined. Their form was also influenced by Roman milestones (Radford, 1971: 8), as was the siting of some examples on the open road where they would have become significant way-

markers for passing travellers. In someinstances, for

example Ffestiniog 1 and 2 (MR8-9), which were sited beside the Roman road at Beddau Gwÿr Ardudwy, prehis-

toric monuments were also harnessed to become part of the display. Again, a function as signifiers of the ownership of land may well be relevant. For example, the lost

monument Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19) names Burgocavus and it has been suggested that, since it incorporates

BR[G]O- meaning 'borough' or 'rampart', this may

refer to the fort of Cai Gai whereit was found (see p. 407). The location of this monument should be considered alongside Llanfor 1 (MR18), found near the Roman fort at the opposite end of Llyn Tegid, and Llanymawddwy 1

m o n u m e n t s s h o u l d b e s e e n a s indicative o f c l a i m s to the

w i t h t h ef a c t t h a t a l l t h r e e s t o n e s a p p e a r t o c o m m e m o r a t e

members of the same family, it may be argued that they are landmarks indicative of the ownership of a territory,

r o m a n - l e t t e r a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d pillar, C l o c a e n o g 1

the e x t e n t o f w h i c h can still be b r o a d l y traced o n the

(D1), was part of an unusually complex monument sited

ground (Fig. 4.2). It si also likely that some of the monu-

with reference to a possible Bronze Age barrow and there are others in the vicinity. The spot was formerly on high

m e n t s located n e a r roads o n high open m o o r l a n d were

open moorland which would have given commanding views of the surrounding country. Equally, the tall thin

medieval use of Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) ni this way (Pryce, 2005: no. 229; Gresham, 1985: 391).

1 1

a

natural

amphitheatre surrounded by dramatic hills and distant mountains (Edwards, 2001: 19-20). Both Bodedern 1 (AN1) and Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 (AN20) were located

1), but there are other possibilities and a combination of

served to emphasize the continuing romanitas of those

land (see vol. I: 135-6; vol. II: 34) and in the north there are several persuasive candidates for this. The impressive

set

interpretations may have been intended. These include 'tomb', 'grave' and 'memorial' and the possessive might

rather than the genitive case as, for example, on Aberdaron 1 (CN2). The inscription usually begins with

a pass known as Bwlch y Groes: both sites eventually

stones

Clocaenog 1 and Gerontius, the son of Spectatus or Spectatius, on Llandanwg 3 (MR12). Brittonic and Irish

son of Y'), which are quite frequently used together, but there is also a small group of monuments with longer and

developed into mother churches. Taken ni conjunction

standing

likely to be the stone itself (ECMW: 7, no. 9; cf. CIIC, n.

practice and is also widespread in Wales (Pollock, 2006: 99). The erection of post-Roman inscribed grave-markers in such locations prolonged that tradition and may have

roads outside forts a n d towns was the n o r m a l R o m a n

combination of the siting of some early inscribed stones

b r e n i s t o r i c

names. These include commonly attested examples, such

as Martinus on Llangian 1 (CN25), Similinius on

also refer to the ownership ofthe land on which the monument stood or marked the boundary (Handley, 1998: 348-9; see above). Alternatively, the name of the person

and their association with real or perceived prehistoric

s i v e

4 9

personal names in the inscriptions (see chapter 10) are likewise usually given contrived Latin rather than Celtic case-endings. As elsewhere in Wales the most character-

buried there (Charles-Edwards, 1976). In Walesalso a (MIR20),which was noted on arouteway at the far end of

columns of Llannor 2-3 (and Llannor 4, now lost) (CN30-2) were originally sited to contrast with the mas-

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

boundary markers, as is hinted at by the possible later

ROMAN-LETTER INSCRIPTIONS: WORDS AND FORMULAE

in c e m e t e r i e s w i t h p r e h i s t o r i c a c t i v i t y s i t e d in e l e v a t e d

Of the fifty monuments in north Waleswith roman-letter inscriptions, only three, Llanfaelog 2 (AN13), Dolben-

positions with wide views. Similarly, the reused prehis-

maen 2 (CN18) and Clocaenog 1 (DI), also have

toric standing stone, Llanfaelog 1 (AN12), is sited on a long ridge possibly related to the line of an ancient

inscriptions in the ogam alphabet (Fig. 4.4). The language of the roman-letter inscriptions is Latin and a significant

r o u t e w a y ; the m a n c o m m e m o r a t e d , C u n o g u s u s (an Irish

n u m b e r c o m m e m o r a t e individuals with Latin p e r s o n a l

istic formulae are hci iacit ('here lies') and Xfili Y('of X commemorated si sometimes given ni the nominative

been interpreted as evidence for the demise of spoken

hic iacit formula has been elaborated. On Llansadwrn 1

Latin (Adams, 2007: 619). However, it is much more likely that ti can at least partially be accounted for by the

(AN45) the formula may be reconstructed to read hic selpultvs| iacit (here lies buried'), while Trawsfynydd 2

fact that Latin continued to evolve since it remained a spoken language, which was not confined to the church, well into the sixth century (LHEB: 119; Charles-Edwards, 1995: 715-17). In north Wales, the most common formula used is the Vulgar Latin hic iacit ('here lies'), which is regarded as Christian and has its origins on the Continent (see pp. 122-3). This is found in some form or other on thirtv-one m o n u m e n t s ( 6 2 per c e n t ) a n d is m u c h m o r ec o m m o n t h a n

in other parts of Wales, south-west England, south-west Scotland and the Isle of Man (see vol. II: 41). The north Welsh monuments include a single example of the

Classical Latin spelling hci acet on Llanaelhaearn 2 (CN20), which may be unique amongst all the Insular early inscribed stones. Despite the fact that Pennant (1778-83, in: 211) noted hic iacet on thenow lost Llannor 4

(CN32). he had not seen the monument and had probably 'corrected' Lhuyd's earlier record which clearly shows hic iacit (Illus. CN32). Similarly, in south-west Wales the reading of hic iacet on Llandeilo Fawr 1 (CM18), also lost, cannot n o w b e corroborated (vol. II: 238). In addition, hic iacit is sometimes abbreviated, either to ic acit, as on Pentrefoelas 1 (D9), or simply to iacit, exemplified by Llangian 1 (CN25). At its simplest the hic iacit formula is combined with the name of the person commemorated, usually in the geni-

tive case, as, for example, Cynogsi /hic iacit onLlanfaelog 1 (AN12), which may be translated as 'of Cunogusus, here he lies'. The fact that the name si used ni the genitive case implies that the subiect is understood.

This is most

(MR23) and Llanerfyl 1 (MT4) have the formula hic in tvmvlo iacit ('here in the tomb lies'). Like hic iacit, both originated

on

the

Continent.

The

former

is

unique

amongst the early inscribed stones in Britain and the latter is also rare - there are only six (perhaps seven) examples (with some variations), including Hayle in Cornwall (see p. 441). In addition, the unparalleled wording on

Penmachno 4 (CN38), Caravsivs / hic iacit / ni hoc con/geries la/ pidvm ('Carausius, here he lies, ni this heap of stones'), might be a local adaptation of hic ni tumvlo iacit, reflecting the realities of the burial rite. A number of other early Christian formulae with exam-

ples ni north Wales also have their origins abroad.

Christian epitaphs incorporating the phrase in pace ('in

peace') are extremely common on the Continent

(Handley, 2003: 8), but is also occasionally found in Britain. The inscription on Llanerfyl 1 (MT4) ends with IN / PA, clearlya n abbreviation of i npa(ce), but the reading of Llansadwrn 1 (AN45) i s uncertain because the monument is fragmentary. The visible inscription terminates in PA, though Morris's illustration shows the remnants of a further line (Illus. AN45.2), which might suggest a reading of pax vobiscm sit ('may peace be with you both'). The only other example in Britain is again on Hayle, but is part of a longer formula which may read hic in pace

requievit (here ni peace rested'), commonly found ni Spain (Handley, 2003: 8). Both Llanerfyl 1and Hayle also give the age of the deceased, an extremely common practice

on Roman pagan epitaphs which continued on many early Christian inscriptions on the Continent with the

addition of a couple of possible late Roman examples

from Maryport (Cumbria) (Handley, 2003: 65-100; Petts, 2 Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), Llangaffo 12 (AN38), Llansadwrn 1 2003: fig. 75; see p. 66). The only other post-Roman (AN45). Llantrisant 1 (AN46), Aberdaron 2 (CN3), Penmachno 3-4 (CN37-8), Ffestiniog 1(MR8), Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23), example in Britain is on t h eLatinus stone from Whithorn (Galloway) (CIIC: no. 520; Tedeschi, 2005: no. S-8; Llanerfyl 1(MT4).

50

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

CAERNARFONSHIRE

E a r l y i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s i n n o r t h W a l e s : t a b l e s u m m a r i z i n g t h et e x t s

The text of each inscription as it appears in the catalogue is shown in capitals, followed by the interpretation in italics as it a p p e a r s i n t h e c a t a l o g u e , w h e r e v e r a p p r o p r i a t e . O g a m i n s c r i p t i o n s a r e s h o w n i n b o l d . C o n v e n t i o n s f o l l o w t h e k e y a t

CN2

Aberdaron 1

VERACIVS / PBR / HIC / IACIT Veracivs / p(res)b(yte)r /hic / iacit

CN3

Aberdaron 2

(i)SENACVS / PRSB / HICIACIT / CVMMVLTITV / DÍNEM / F R AT R M

t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h ec a t a l o g u e . E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s m a y b e f o u n d u n d e r t h ea p p r o p r i a t e e n t r y i n t h e c a t a l o g u e

ANGLESEY ANI

R o d e d e r n

1

Senacvs / pre)sb(yter)/ hic i a c i t/ cvm mvltitv/ dinem / fratrum

ERCAGNI

(il) PRE[SIBUTERI

Ercagni

AN9

Llanbabo 1

ÉTTORIGIHICIAC[IT)

CN17

Ettorigihic iacl.It

AN12

Llanfaelog 1

CVNO[G]VSI/ HICIACIT Cunogsi / hic iacit

AN13

Llanfaelog 2

MAILISI

AN26

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1

CN18

Llangefni 2 (lost)

e t O r v i t e Im y h e r i

Llansadwrn 1

Llanaelhaearn 1

…Soris

Llanaelhaearn 2

CN21

Llandudno 1

CN24

Llanfaglan 1

FILILOVERNIL / A N AT E M O R I Fili Lovernii / Anatemori

CN25

Llangian 1

MELIMEDICI / FILI MARTINI /IACIT

CN29

Llannor 1

-ILT .A / ISANCTISSI / MAMVLIER / IICIACITOVE / FVUITAIMA TI / SOPLAVLINIA|DOCO / GNAL-JELEI TOMMI / VMCIVIVMADOVAE /

PARENTMEXEMPILI/ AETMORIBVSDIS/ CIPLINAACSAPIEN/ TIAE / / AŸROE- I / LAPIDIBI / S ...iva (or . . . ina) / sanctissi /ma mvlier / Ihlic iacit qve / fvit amati/Is?si(ma) colnlivx Bi/vatisi fla)mv[Lv|s / d(e)i sacerdos et vas/so Pavlini Avdo (or Ando) cog/na|tion]e et m c i v i v m a d a v c e I n a r e n t u m e x e m n l ta

Llantrisant 2

e t m o r i h u s d i sI c i n l i n a a

(OBARRVSCONBVRRICIACIT) or (BL.I.PP' VS / CO'BURRI / 'CIAC!.JI / E D )

VENDESETLI Vendesetli

CN31

Llannor 3

IOVENALIFILI / ETERNI HIC IACIT lovenalifi l i / Eterni hic iacit

CN32

Llannor 4 (lost)

( D E RV O R I / H I C I A C I T ) Dervori / hic iacit

C35

Penmachno 1

-ORIAICIACIT -oria (h)ic iacit

CN37

Penmachno 3

AN58

Penrhosllugwy 1

HICIACIT /M A C C V D E C C E T I

Hic iacit / Maccvdecceti

G - / I F U L I AV I TO R I - / fi l i Avitori

cs a m i e nI t i a e

(ii) INTEPIOIL-1 / IVSTE.IL-I/COLMIin te(m)po(re) / Ivst... / con...

CN38

Penmachno 4

CARAVSIVS / HICIACIT / INHOCCON / GERIESLA / PIDVM Caravsivs / hic iacit / in hoc con / geries la/pidvm

Obarrvs / Conbvrri / (h)ic iacit

or (C)o(n)barrvs / Conblalrri / (h)ic iacit

FIGVLINIFILIN/LOCVLITI/HICIAICIT

Llannor 2

11 Avro elt] /lapidibv/s AN47

Meli medici / fili Martini / iacit

CN30

[-ISICOL.JIVXBI/VATISIF.MV..ST/DISACERIDIOSIETIVAS/

O M n iu

SANCT / INVS / SACER / DIOIS S a n c tl i n u s I s a c e r / d o s

Hic beatvs... / Satvrninvs selpvltvs] / iacit • et svasaInctal / conivx •pa... / . Llantrisant 1

ALIORTVSELMETIACO / HICIACET Aliortvs Elmetiaco/ h i c iacet

-HICBEAITVS-1 / SATVRNINVSS[E-1 / IACIT • ETSVAS[A-1 / CONIVX • PA L - I / (CVIS)-

AN46

MELITV (.)

Fiovlinifili / Locvliti / hic iacit

( - ( A C T / I-]SORIS) …iacit /

AN45

CN20

CVLIDORI-1 / IACIT / ETOR VVITE / M V L I E R / SECVNDI a. Cvlidor/-] / iacit / / Secundi h

I C O R I F I L I V S / P O T E N T I / NI Icori filivs / Potenti/n i ICORIGAS

Melitv

CATAMANUS / REXSAPIENTISI / MUSOPINATISIM / US OMNIU//MREG / U M Catamanus / vex sapientisi /mus opinatisim /us omnium reg/um (G)VR/IGININ / FILIUISI / CUURITSI/ CINI / ERE / XIT / HUNC / LAPI / DEM Gur/gnin/ filius / Cuuris / Cini / ere/xit / hunc / lapi/dem

Llangefni 1

Dolbenmaen 2

(DEVORI|GII)

Llangadwaladr 1

AN39

AN40

CN19

Devorigi

Llangaffo 12

FILICVNALIPI / CVNACI IA|CIT / BECCVRI

Icorigas

(lost)

AN38

Dolbenmaen 1

Fili Cvnalipi / Cvnaci iacit / Beccvri

MA.STU M a l i l is u

AN20

51

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

CN41

Treflys 1

IACONVSFIR]MINI / IACIT Taconvs Firmini / i a c i t

52

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

DENBIGHSHIRE DI

Clocaenog I

SIMILINI / TOVISACI Similini / Tovisaci SI.]B[.]L[.]N[.] / / -VISACI S[i]b[i]1 [i|n/i] / / ITo]visaci

D2

Gwytherin 1

VINNEMAGLIFILI / SENEMAGLI Vinnemaglifili / Senemagli

D6

Llangernyw 3

VEREL.IVe r e . .

Pentrefoelas 1

.

MR22

Trawsfynydd 1

[RI]GELLA H I - J / FILIATVN CCRigella hi(c iacit) /filia Tvncc...

MR23

Trawsfynydd 2

PORIVS / HICINT\MVLOIACIT /HOMOL.]P[ANVSFVIT Porivs / hic in tumvlo iacit /homo (x)p(ist)ianvs fvit

MR24

Ty w y n 1 (lost)

(PASCENT) Pascent

MONTGOMERYSHIRE MT4

Llanerfvl 1

Hic [in] / tvm/v]lo i a /cit • R/ ]ste/ ce • filia • Palternini • / an(n)i(s) XIII • in /pa(ce)

Brohomagli /I a t t i(h)ic iacit / et vxor eivs Cavne

F1

Caerwys 1

Fig. 4.4. Early inscribed stones in north Wales: table summarizing the texts.

HICIACITMVLI / ERBONANOBILI Hic tacit mvli/er Bona Nobili

MERIONETH MRI MR2

Barmouth 1

Barmouth 2

CAELEXTI / MONEDO / RIGI Caelexti / Monedo / rigi

ÂETERM-J/ ET / AETERNA p t e r n - I p t A p t e r n _

MR8

Ffestiniog 1

CANTIORIHICIACIT / VEMEDOTISCIVE F I T / [JONSOBRINO / / MALJLI / MAGISTRATI

MR9

Ffestiniog 2 (lost)

Cantiori hic iacit / Venedotis civefvit / |clonsobrino / /Malg]li / magistrati (FERRVCI HIC IACIT-) Ferrvci hic iacit-

MRIO

Llandanwg 1

IN[G]ENVI / [B]ARBIA / [-ICIA]CUT] Ingenvi / Barbi / [-Jic iacit

MRI1 MR12

Llandanwg 2 Llandanwg 3 Llanfor 1

Llanuwchilyn 1(lost)

LIanymawddwy 1 (lost)

-CAVOSENIARGII-

tive plural (nomena) is favoured.

By contrast, D(is) M(anibus) ( t o the Spirits of the

(MR21) (now lost), is almost ubiquitous on pagan Roman

grave-stones in Britain and elsewhere. Nevertheless, the

formula continued to be used on some Christian epitaphs o n t h e C o n t i n e n t i n t o t h e fi f t h c e n t u r y a n d t h e r e a r e a

D(is) M(anibus) to indicate the religion of the man com-

Apart from hic iacit, the only other common commemo-

rative formula in north Wales is X fili Y(*'X son of Y') and

combination si also found on almost a third of the legible inscriptions in the south-east. In the south-west, where

only twelve monuments (20 per cent) have the hic iacit for-

mula, nine of these combine it with X fili Y. The 'X son of Y' formula in north Wales has several

variations.Sometimes it is entirely ni the genitive case as,

tive fili is usual but the nominative filivs is also found, for

example on Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18). Women are also

commemorated as filia ('daughter'), exemplified by

Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22), or uxsor ('wife'), as on the lost

Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20), both ni the nominative case. Occasionally filivs is understood, as on Treflys 1 (CN41),

w h e r e t h e n a m e o ft h e d e c e a s e d i s i n t h e n o m i n a t i v e a n d

the patronym si ni the genitive. Where the X ' son of Y' formula is c o m b i n e d with hic iacit t h e w o r d order is very

variable. On Llannor 1 (CN29), for example, the former,

, which has the same meaning and si charIrish X magi Y

Llanuwchllyn I (MR19) (now lost) the opposite order si noted, while on Llandang 3 (MR12) the name of the

form or other on around 30 per cent of the monuments in the region. It is therefore much less commonly used in north Wales than in the south-west, where it is found on

D(is) M(anibus) /Barrect/i] / Caran/te]i

Christian rather than a religiously neutral epitaph. This

in

(FILIAE SALVIAL. I) / HIC IACIT VELJIMAIE /

(D M / BARRECTI-] / CARAN!.I)

Davies et al., 2000: 90-2, F5, C1, M3). nI north Wales, X fili Y si usually combined with hci iacit, indicating a

variations of it. This Latin formula is derived from the

acteristic of ogam alphabet inscriptions, or uniquely in roman letters and in the Latinized form of macs on

/ .../clit Rigohene / ...oceti / ... aci

of Man and Brittany (Okasha, 1993; Tedeschi, 2005;

for example, on Gwytherin 1 (D2), butthe word order can Departed'), the commemorative formula on Maentwrog 1 vary as, for example, on Llanfaglan 1 (CN24). The geni-

(ICIACIT SALVIANVS BVRSOCAVI FILIVS CVPITIAN[I]) and (IC IACITSAVIANS BVRS[0-] / [F]ILIVSCVPITIAN[I])

[-JIGITRI[GJOHE[N]E / [-][JOCETI / (-IL.JACI) Filiae Salvia/n]i / hic iacit Ve[h or n)imaie / uxsor Tigirn/a]c/il / etfilie eius Onerati

Maentwrog 1 (lost)

458). In north Wales, ti si found on Llandang 2 (MRI1), where the most likely meaning is 'by name' since it is used in the ablative singular (nomine), but on St Davids 18 (P107), the only other British example, the meaning of 'mortal remains' or 'relics' si probable since the nomina-

m e m o r a t e d o n M a e n t w r o g .I

UXSORTI|GIIRNIICI.I/ ET FILIE EJUS ONERATI /

MR21

'mortal remains' or 'relics' of the deceased (seevol. I: 42,

[GEROINTIHIICIACI/TI/ FILISPECTATI

(h)ic iacit Salvianvs Bvr/glocavi / filivs Cvpitiani

MR20

mula found both on the Continent and ni North Africa where ti came to mean 'person' and, ni the plural, also the

ravestra n o m i n e

- CavoseniArgiiMR19

Forsyth, 2009). Nomen (literally 'name') is a further for-

couple of possible examples of fourth-century date ni Britain (see p. 413). However, there is nothing other than

EQVESTRINOMINE

Gerontihic iacit / fili Spectati

MR18

HIC[-J/ TVMIJLOIA / CIT •R[JSTE / {E}CE • FILIA /P A /TERNINI• / ANIXIII • IN / PA

BROHOMAGLI / IATTI ICIACIT/ ETVXOREIVSCAVNE

FLINTSHIRE

| 53

THE EARLYI N S C R I B E D STONES

Wroxeter 1 (S2). The X fili Y formula appears in some

some 70 per cent of the stones. It is likewise more

common in the south-east where it appears on over 50 per cent of the monuments with legible inscriptions. It is also frequently used on monuments in Cornwall and Devon with occasional examples in southern Scotland, the Isle

the

genitive

case,

precedes

the

latter,

but

o n

deceased is followed by hic iacit and then the rest of the X

fili Y formula. Uniquely, Llangaffo 12 (AN38) opens with

the commemorative 'X son of Y' formula usingfilius, but then names a second man, in all likelihood the patron rather than the sculptor, who h a dthestone setup. The formula Cini / ere/xit / hunc / lapi/dem ('Cini erected this stone) is reminiscent of formulae recording the name of the patron on monuments in Wales from the ninth century onwards, notably the Pillar of Elise (Llandysilio yn Iâl1 (D3)). In addition, around 20 per cent of monuments

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

5 4

in north Wales simply record the nameof the person com-

m a r r i a g e a s it c o m m e m o r a t e s a m o t h e r a n d d a u g h t e r b u t

m e m o r a t e d , u s u a l l y in t h e g e n i t i v e case, as, for e x a m p l e ,

also names both their fathers. Indeed, the Salvianus

on Bodedern 1 (AN1) and Llannor 2 (CN30).

Occasionally, a patronym or second name is added, as on Barmouth 1 (MRI). Therefore. m o s t o f the roman-letter Latin inscriptions

named as the grandfather on LIanymawddwy 1si almost

certainly the man commemorated on Llanuwchllyn 1

(MR19) nearby (also lost). The use of names incorporating the same elements - Burgocavi on Llanuwchllyn 1

in north Wales are comparatively simple, consisting

and Cavosenon Llanfor 1 (MR18) at either end of Llyn

largely o f terse c o m m e m o r a t i v e f o r m u l a e a n d p e r s o n a l

Tegid - likewise suggests that the monuments commemorated relatives. The carving on stone of such family

names, but further information can often be extracted, esneciallv w h e r e inscrintions a r e m o r e e l a h o r a t e

k o r t h e

most part, the recording of family relationships was important, as the 'X son o f Y' formula and its variations

indicate, for women as well as men. Generally, women are c o m m e m o r a t e d

t a r

less

o f t e n

t h a n

m e n

o n

t h e

i n s u l a r

early inscribed stones, where they make up only 9 per cent

of the total, whereas the percentage si much higher on contemporary monuments on the Continent (Handley, 1998: 44-5). But, interestingly, of the eighteen early

inscribed stones in Britain w h i c hdefinitely commemorate women, nine are in north Wales, some 18 per cent of

monuments ni the region.The fragmentaryinscription

relationships amongst the elite would not only have acted as a long-standing reminder of such links - a form of written genealogy - but also embedded these in the territorial landscape in which they had lived (see above).

Two inscriptions in north Wales, Festiniog 1 (MR8) and LIanaelhaearn 2 (CN20), are particularly significant because they provide the earliest written evidence for the e m e r g e n c e o f t w o historic k i n g d o m s . O n the former t h e

m a n c o m m e m o r a t e d is described as Venedotis cive ('a cit-

izen of Gwynedd'), while the latter names Aliortys Elmetiaco ('Aliortus from Elmet'), a British kingdom located east of the Pennines ni the area of modern Leeds.

on Penmachno 1 (CN35) appears simply to record the

which was overrun by Edwin of Deira (616-33)

n a m e o f t h e w o m a n c o m m e m o r a t e d w i t hh i c i a c i t . b u t t h i s

(Rollason, 2003: 85-7; Koch, 2006: map). Allusion to or

is rare. Characteristically, women are remembered either

as filia ('daughter') followed by a patronym, as on Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22) and Llanerfyl 1 (MT4), which

the recording of both kingdom and tribal affinities has

been noted elsewhere on St Dogwells 1(P119), Penbryn 1

(CD28) and Buckland Monarchorum (Devon) (CIIC: no. may reflect their unmarried status - the girl on Llanerfyl 1 488; Okasha, 1993: no. 60; Tedeschi, 2005: no. DSD-12). was only thirteen years old - or as a wife, variously termed A further tribal allusion is made in the n a m eMaccvdecceti

conivx (LIansadwrn 1, Llantrisant 1 (AN45-6)), mvlier (Llangefni 1(AN39), Llantrisant 1, Caerwys 1(FI)) and vsor (Pentrefoelas 1 (D9)) or uxsor (LIanymawddwy 1 (MR20), now lost) with the name of their husband. In three instances (Llangefni 1, Llansadwrn 1 and Pentrefoelas 1), the couple seem to have been buried together, though on Llangefni 1the name of the wife has been added later, suggesting that she was pre-deceased by her husband,and this is also possible on Pentrefoelas .1 In addition, the inscription on Festiniog 1 (MR8) describes

the deceased as a 'cousin (consobrino) of Maglos', while

that on Barmouth 2 (MR2), which is incomplete, might commemorate a brother and sister since they have very

similar names. The lost Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20)

on Penrhosllugwy 1(AN58),which refers to *Dece(1)s, the divinity associated with the Decanti tribes in bothIreland and Wales where it si found in the place-name of the early medieval stronghold known as arx Decantorum at

(FI), Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20) (lost), Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22), L l a n e r f v l 1 ( M T 4 ) : s o u t h - w e s t Wa l e s : L l a n d v s u l 1 ( C D 1 4 ) .

Tregaron 1 (CD32). Eglwys G y m n 1 (CM7). St Nicholas 1

the commemorand to be identified as King Cadfan of

Gwynedd who died c.625. Although the Latin rex si the

( P 1 3 3 ) . Spittal 1 ( P 1 3 6 ) : s o u t h - e a s t Wa l e s : Va v n o r ( A b e r c a r ) 2 (B47); C o r n w a l l : H a v l e ( C I C : no. 479); S c o t l a n d : M a n o r Water,

m o s t c o m m o n t e r m used for a ruler in e a r l medieval

Whithorn (CIIC: nos 511, 520).

Wales (Davies, 1990: 10-13), the Welsh tywysog (Ir.

under the control of Gwynedd (see p. 8). There is a further e x a m p l e o f t h e c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f sacerdotes o n a n e a r l y

inscribed stone from Kirkmadrine, G a l l o w a y (CIIC: no.

memorated on Llannor 1 (CN29) are more puzzling, but

priests using abbreviated forms of presbyter, both in north

(Figulinus) and patronym (Loculitus) of the man com-

might recall the family occupation in an earlier generation since there was no local ceramic tradition in post-Roman Wales. These may be compared with the reference to a smith (fabri) on the stone from Buckland Monarchorum, Devon (CIIC: no. 488; Okasha, 1993: no. 60; Tedeschi, 2005: no. DSD-12).

In addition to the use of Christian memorial formulae, there si a small group of inscribed stones that provide important evidence on the status of Christianity and organization of the early church ni north Wales at a time broadly contemporary with Gildas' description of the

British church in De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae

(Winterbottom, 1978; Snyder, 1998: 120-7). The inscriptions ni this group do not include patronyms, probably because clerics and those whose epitaphs emphasized

their Christian status acknowledged their heavenly father rather than their father on earth (Matt. 23: 9; ECMW: 6;

Radford, 1955: 7). Uniquely in Britain, Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) commemorates a homo (x)pians ( a Christian

man') using a contraction of xp(istians with the Greek

implication to its sacramental functions and can therefore

named. The most important of these si Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) commemorating Catamanus rex, since this allows

at D e g a n n w y, a n area that was probably not initially

516; Tedeschi, 2005: no. S-4). However, ni Britain the only possible example of an early inscribed stone commemo. rating a bishop using the abbreviated term ep(iscopu)s is Cardinham (Cornwall) (CIIC: no. 459; Tedeschi, 2005:

Roman Empire but ni the post-Roman period ti also takes

on a Christian meaning, as implied on Llantrisant 1 (AN46) (Charles-Edwards, 2010: 9, 12-13). In addition, a small number of inscriptions contain secular titles or 3 Llangefni I (AN39), Llansadwin 1 (AN45), Llantrisant 1 information about the possible occupation of those

the region, perhaps associated with sub-kingdoms. Llandudno 1 is located east of the Conwy near the hillfort

back to the Roman past, though its precise meaning in this context si unclear. The only other secular profession noted is the medicus ('doctor') on Llangian 1(CN25). The references to the craft of the potter in the personal name

letters chi and rho at the beginning rather than the Latin form christianvs; the inclusion of the phrase underlines his religious affiliation. As Gildas indicates in De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae,

appears to record a more complex set of family relationships over three generations through ties of blood and

( A N 4 6 ) . P e n m a c h n o 1 ( C N 3 5 ) . P e n t r e f o e l a s 1 (D9). C a e r w v s 1

taoiseach) meaning 'leader' si used as a title or epithet, or

possibly a patronym, on the roman-letter and ogaminscribed monumentClocaenog 1 (D1) and is also found in vernacular poetry. In contrast, the use of magistratus ('magistrate/office holder') on Ffestiniog 1 (MR8), like protictor ('protector') on Castell Dwyran 1 (CM3), harks

Degannwy (Dumville, 2002: s.a. 811, 822; see p. 000). On Llantrisant 1 (AN46) a phrase, the most likely reconstruction of which si Avdo (or Ando) cogna[tion]e ('from A. . . by kinship'), indicates the origins of the husband of the woman commemorated, though these can no longer be identified as ni Gaul in the region of Angers on the Loire as formerly thought (ECMW: no. 33). The term civis ('citizen') found on Festiniog 1 (MR8) harks back to when all free Britons were citizens of the

55

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

there were three principal orders of clergy: bishops (episcopi), priests (presbyteril) and deacons (diacones). The term sacerdos, which he also uses (Winterbottom, 1978: ch. 66),

no. C-4). There are two inscriptions commemorating

Wales, Aberdaron 1 and 2 (CN2-3). There is also a possible e x a m p l e o f a s u b - d e a c o n o n the lost s t o n e f r o m L o w

Curgie (Galloway) (Craig, 1997: 619). In addition, the personal name MAILISI on Llanfaelog 2 (AN13)i s prob-

ably derived from the Irish Maelisu meaning 'Bald one of Jesus', thereby referring to his clerical tonsure.

Gildas likewise m a k e s m e n t i o n of monasticism in his

writings (Winterbottom, 1978: chs 28, 34-5; Pryce, 1992: 47, 51) and there si also a small number of possible references on the early inscribed stones. First, Aberdaron 2

(CN3) commemorates Senacus the priest cum mvltitv/. dinem / fratrvm ('with the multitude of the brethren'), which may indicate that his grave was within a monastic

cemetery. Secondly, Llantrisant 1 (AN46) describes Bivatisus the sacerdos as famulvs d(e)i ('servant of God') and vas/so Pavlini ('disciple of Paulinus'). Both formulae are unique ni Britain but more commonly found on the Continent where they can both have monastic

At least three inscriptions make use of laudatory and often pious adjectives, frequently in the superlative, to

emphasize the qualities of those named. On Llansadwrn 1(AN45), Saterninus si described as beats ('blessed') and his wife probably as sancta] ('holy'), while t h e commemo-

rand o n Llantrisant 1 ( A N 4 6 ) is termed a sanctissi / m a

mvlier ('very holy woman') and amati/[s?]si(ma) co[n)ivx ('very loving wife'). The woman commemorated on

is found on Llantrisant 1 (AN46) and Llandudno 1 Caerwys 1 (FI) may also be described in a laudatory

(CN21) and literally refers to the priestly office but by

apply to both a bishop and a priest (Thomas, 2010: 70). In the case of Llantrisant 1, the length of the inscription and its panegyric qualities indicate the high status of the man whose wife is commemorated making the identification

fashion. On Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), Catamanus is

hailed as rex sapientisi /mus opinatisim/us omnium reg/um

(wisest, most illustrious of all kings") in order to empha s i z e h i s v i r t u e s a s a r u l e r. T h e s e a r e B r i t i s h e x a m p l e s o f a

practice with a long history. The use of adjectives, often ni

of a bishop more likely, but this cannot be proved. I t is per-

the superlative, to describe the status and qualities of those commemorated began in the Roman period and

t i n e n t t o n o t e t h a t n e i t h e r s t o n e w a s f o u n d in a s s o c i a t i o n

c o n t i n u e d

with an ecclesiastical site. Although Bangor si assumed to

Middle Ages (Handley, 2003: 41). The Llangadwaladr phraseology si influenced by both Old Testament ideals of kingship and the language of inscriptions referring to late antique rulers on the Continent (see p. 182). In Britain, it

have been the seat of a bishop in north-west Wales from

an early date (see p. 15), there si some evidence to sug.

gest that there were also other bishops of lesser status in

o n

c o n t i n e n t a l

i n s c r i n t i o n s

i n t o

t h e

e a r l y

5 6

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

m a y a l s o b e c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e p r i n c e s c o m m e m o r a t e d at

Yarrowkirk (Selkirkshire), who are described as insignisimi ('most distinguished') (CIC: no. 515; Forsyth,

2005: 119-20; Tedeschi, 2005: no. s-10, 298-9). In addition, on Llantrisant 1 the character of Bivatisus the sacerdos i s held up as an example to others in his discipline

and wisdom which are compared with or, perhaps more likely, thought better than gold and (precious) stones, thereby echoing passages in the Old Testament (Tedeschi, 2005: 179). Such laudatory phraseology may be compared with Cynwyl Gaeo 2 (CM5) and it has been

suggested that its use may be evidence for the survival of a tradition of Latin panegyric in post-Roman Britain as well as in Gaul (Sims-Williams, 1984: 170-1). Similarly, it

might also indicate the availability of pattern books to aid composition (Handley, 2003: 26). Finally, the fragmentary horizontal inscription on Penmachno 3 (CN37), which reads in te(m)po(re) / Ivst..

/

con.., may be identified as a unique example ni Britain of a

notches (vowels) set out in relation to a vertical baseline,

was devised, possibly during the fourth century or slightly

earlier, as a means of writing Primitive and Old Irish

presence of ogam stones in Britain, whether monolingual, or paired with roman-letter inscriptions, is regarded as the most significant evidence for Irish settlement at the end of

the Roman period (see vol. II: 34-5).

Of the thirty-four ogam and ogam and roman-letter known

from

Wa l e s *

only

three.

N 4 T h e o t h e r s are.

ogam

onlv:

Llanddeti (Ystrad)

1.

LIvwel

[ A b e r h y d f e r ) 1. w h e r e t h e r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i n t i o n i s i n d e n e n d e n t

of the ogam. Ystradfellte (Pen-y-mynydd) 1 a n d

Loughor 1 (vol.

I: B11, B40, B51, G76); Brawdy ,2 Bridell 1, Caldy Island 1,

L l a n f y r n a c h 2 a n d L l a n d a w k e I w h e r e t h e r o m a n - l e t t e r inscrip

tion is independent of t h eogam (vol.II: P2, P5-6, P30, CM15). Roman.letter a n d

ogam: Crickhowell 1, Llywel (Crai) 1 (lost),

Llywel (Pentre Poeth) 1, Trallwng 1; Margam (Eglwys Nynnid) 1

(vol. :I B2, B41-2, B45, G86); LIanwenog 1; Castell Dwyran 1, Eglwys Gymyn 1, Llangeler 1, Llanwinio 1; Brawdy 3,Cilgerran

1. C l v d a i 2 a n d 3. J o r d a n s t o n 1. L l a n d e i l o 2. M a t h r y 1. N e v e r n 1

a n d 2 . S t D o s m a e l s 1.

St Dogwells "

S t e y n t o n I ivol

T

C D 2 6

CM3, CM7,CM25,CM34,P3, P12, P14-15, P20, P22, P60,

P70-1,P110,P119, P138).

is a

t r a n s l a t i o n o f

t h e other.

associated: t h e o g a m s also run u p the r i g h t angle b u tcon-

T h e small n u m b e r and brevity o f these three o g a n

w h i c h m a y indicate their s u b o r d i n a t e position i n relation

with setting out, composing and reading ogam in the north

compared with

areas.

notably

Pembrokeshire

western Carmarthenshire and Breconshire, where ogam inscriptions are more concentrated. This is to be expected if one considers the relatively small number of ogaminscribed stones from Leinster c o m p a r e d with M u n s t e r.

the Irish province which lay geographically closer to south-west Wales. The presence of Irish settlers in north. west Wales, in Anglesey and, to a lesser extent, Caernarfonshire, is also indicated by Irish personal names o n

s o m e m o n u m e n t s

w i t h r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i n t i o n s

ROMAN-LETTER INSCRIPTIONS:

than the roman-letter inscription.

LAYOUT, CARVING AND EPIGRAPHY

easily damaged, notches and strokes on Clocaenog 1 and Llanfaelog 2 are scored onto the coarse-grained sandstone, while those on Dolbenmaen 2, which are broader, are punched onto dolerite or microgabbro, which, though

harder, is a more suitable medium for carving ogam inscriptions (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2006: 294, figs 910). Consequently, the ogam inscription on Dolbenmaen 2 is comparatively well preserved but those on Llanfaelog

b u t

no ogam (Sims-Williams, 2002: 29 map 4; see chapter 10).

tinue horizontally along the top of the stone. On Clocaenog 1, the first word runs up the left angle, the second upthe right and both are placed at a lower level

geology of the monument. The small, finely cut, though

which consists of groups of strokes (consonants) and

inscribed stones

o n e inscrintion

All three ogam inscriptions are incised but their appearance and the technique of carving is affected by the

symbol for P is also found (B2 and possibly G86). The

Fig. 4.5. The ogam alphabet (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

right angle of hte face (A/B) and are positioned so as to On Dolbenmaen 2, the inscriptions are likewise closely

western Britain, including Wales where an additional

p

(P71). Though the roman-letter inscription on Llanfaelog

elsewhere on the Continent, are characteristic of the kingdom ofBurgundy and those naming Justinus are particularly common around Lyon, though the surviving phrase on Penmachno 3 is not directly comparable with the

where stones with c o m m e m o r a t i v e o g a m inscriptions are

X

roman-letter inscriptions on both Clocaenog 1 and

i n d i c a t e that

concentrated in Cos Waterford, Cork and Kerry, to

I

inscription reading downwardsand the ogam running up

the left angle of the same face (A/D). However, all three examples in north Wales diverge from this pattern. The

sular a n d post-consular dates, t h o u g h s o m e t i m e s found

(McManus, 1991: 1-41; Fig. 4.5). It spread from Ireland,

=

to the roman-letter inscriptions, all suggest less familiarity

2 does read vertically downwards, the ogams run up the

The twenty-letter ogam (alternatively ogham) alphabet,

• F (w/v)

inscriptions, a s well a s their less c o n v e n t i o n a l layout.

gual. ogam Characteristically, r o m a n - l e t t e r a n d inscriptions are set out vertically with the roman-letter

the same name have also been suggested (Handley, 2003:

I N S C R I P T I O N S IN T H E O G A M ALPHABET

NG (g")

Llanfaelog 2 (AN13), Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18) and Clocaenog 1 (DI), are from the north and all are bilin-

Dolbenmaen 2 are horizontal, a feature only otherwise paralleled on Castell Dwyran 1 (CM3) and Nevern 2

m o r e complex formulae f o u n do n epitaphs in that region

Z (ts/st or sw)

57

consular or post-consular date. It is most likely to name Justinus who was consul in Rome in 540 before appointments ceased in 541, though several other candidates with 130;Charles-Edwards, 2010: 20-3). Inscriptions with con-

E

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

The stones on which the inscriptions were carved consist almost entirely of unmodified pillars, slabs and boulders derived from local sources (see chapter 3). They range from tall, thin pillars such as LIannor 1 (CN29), which is dolerite, and Llannor 2-3 (CN30-1), which are volcanic tuft, b o t h v e r y h a r d stones, t o softer s a n d s t o n e pillars

slabs and boulders, such as Barmouth 1-2 (MRI-2), Clocaenog 1 (DI), Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) and Aberdaron 1-2 (CN2-3). The hardness and more general suitability of the stone undoubtedly influenced carving

2 and Clocaenog 1 are more fragmentary. The name techniques and affected the layout of inscriptions. For

Shibilllinlil on the latter provides a classic example of where the ogam strokes on the angle forming the consonants may be read with ease but the smaller vowel notches have been severely damaged.

Each ogam inscription is restricted to the name of the deceased ni the genitive case (see vol. II: 36) with the only addition a probable title (/To|visaci,

'leader') on

Clocaenog 1which mirrors the roman-letter inscription.

example, the inscription on Bodedern 1 (ANI) is set out on the right side of the face close to the angle, which is the flattest part. Similarly, the inscription on Dolbenmaen 1

(CN17) is incredibly uneven, particularly line 2 where there is a large gap between the words and the Aof iacit si

raised because of the need to adjust to a ridge in the stone. Likewisethehorizontalinscriptionon Llangaffo12 (AN38) w a s s e t o u t u s i n g s h o r t c e n t r e d l i n e s in o r d e r t o t r y t o

Therefore, there are no examples of the characteristic, religiously neutral ogam formula X magi Y('X son of Y') or variations of it, though Wroxeter 1 (S2) has a roman-

avoid the vertical ridges on the face. Only very occasionally is there any evidence for the preparation of the face prior to carving: on Llangefni 1 (AN39) the part within

letter

the frame seems to have been dressed, a n d on Llanfaelog

inscription

with

X macvs

Y and

the l o n g e r

roman-letterinscription on Dolbenmaen 2 consists of X 2 (AN13) there are some indications that the area of the filivs Y. Interestingly, the patronym on this stone is also

Latin, as si Similin(i)us on Clocaenog 1, though Latin names are also occasionally found in ogam inscriptions in Ireland (Sims-Williams, 2002: 28). Also of note si the name on Llanfaelog 2 (Mailisi / / Ma[ili|su), which si both Irish and Christian since it is derived from Máel isu

meaning 'bald one of Jesus'

roman-letter inscription has been partially dressed. Of the fifty early inscribed stones in north Wales with

roman-letter inscriptions, some twenty-eight (56 per cent) read vertical downwards$ while fourteen (28 per cent) are

3 Bodedern 1, Llanbabo 1, Llanfaelog 1-2, Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog

1 (lost), Llangadwaladr 1, Llangefni 2 (lost), Penrhosllugwy 1

58

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

5 9

(MT4), with longer and more complex inscriptions where

are still well preserved, such details may still be visible.

vertical and horizontal inscriptions and in s e v e ncases the

inscriptions on both Aberdaron 1 and 2 ( C N 2 - 3 ) continue

punctus (stops) a r e used to s e p a r a t e w o r d s a n d phrases, a

N e v e r t h e l e s s , c l o s e o b s e r v a t i o n is n e c e s s a r y s i n c e o n

direction of the inscription can no longer definitely be

round the curve of the boulder, the even layout, the use of letters with serifsand, on Aberdaron 2, ligatures and conjoined lettersin line 3, give the inscriptions an ordered and very attractive appearance. Though simpler, some other inscriptions, such as Clocaenog I (D1), Llanaelhaearn 2 (CN20) and Llandanwg 2(MR11), were neatly and com-

feature only otherwise found on Llywel (Aberhydfer) 1

Llanaelhaearn

horizontal. In addition, Penmachno 3 (CN37) has both

determined.' The number of horizontal inscriptions si sig-

nificantly more than ni either the south-west, where only f o u r ( 6 . 6 p e r c e n t ) a r e d e fi n i t e l y h o r i z o n t a l . o r i n t h e

south-east, where there is only one possible example, Llywel (Aberhydfer) 1 (B40). The number of horizontal inscriptions in the whole of western Britain is only around

15 per cent of the total (Tedeschi, 2005: 19). With the exception of Ffestiniog 1(MIR8), ti is generally the longer, more complex Latin inscriptions that are horizontal,

For example, though the opening lines of the horizontal

petently set out as is the sinuous lineof surviving letters

on Llanfor 1 (MRI8). The horizontal inscription on Penmachno 4 (CN38), which si rather squashed at the ends of some of the lines, si nevertheless clearly set out, as

including those which commemorate or name church- is the roman-letter inscription on Dolbenmaen 2 (CIN18), men, such as Aberdaron 1-2 (CN2-3) and Llantrisant 1 even though the final two letters of the patronym have (AN46). On both Festiniog 1 and Llantrisant 1 the gone onto a third line, which may suggest little prior plan-

inscription is completed on an adjacent face. However, most of the simpler inscriptions with the hic iacit and X ' son of Y' formulae, and all of those combining the two,

are vertical. Notable exceptions are LIangefni 1 (AN39)

and Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18). The adoption of vertical inscriptions, which is a break with the Roman past,

ning. At the other end of the scalethere are somevery unevenly set out inscriptions with sometimes poorly

formed letters which can detract from their legibility as on

Llantrisant 1 (AN46) and Llandudno 1(CN21). However, in some instances a more successful though sprawling layout was adopted as, for example, on Pentrefoelas 1

should be seen partly as a response to the introduction of ogam, especially where the two were placed side by side. However, in many instances the preference for vertical inscriptions was also affected by the shape of the stone.

(D9) where the letters were made more visible by the choice of stone, a tuff which is grey-green on the surface but, where this has been cut away, a darker grey is

(CN30-1), a horizontal inscription would have been

letters or the type of stone. The inscriptions on Llanfaelog

For example, on tall, slender pillars, suchas Liannor 2-3

impractical. The longer lines of some vertical inscriptions

revealed b e n e a t h . In contrast, s o m e inscriptions must

always have been difficult to see because of the size of the

1 (ANI2), Llannor 2-3 (CN30-1) and Llandanwg 1

broken up into phrases with line breaks at the ends of

(MR10) would all have been very difficult to read unless

words, as on Pentrefoelas 1 (D9), may also have made

they were originally enhanced with paint. However, no

t h e m easier t o r e a d

There is no evidence that the roman-letter inscriptions were set out with the aid of ruled lines. However, occasionally natural lines or ridges on the stone were partially utilized as on Llanbabo 1 (AN9), Caerwys 1 (F1) and Llandanwg 3 (MR12), where ni line 2 the horizontal bar

of the inverted A is aligned with the T's on either side. Despite the lack of lines some inscriptions were very elegantly set out and are consequently pleasing to the eye.

(ANI, 9, 12-13, 20, 26, 40, 58); Dolbenmaen 1, Llanaelhaearn 1 - 2 . L l a n f a a l a n 1. L l a n g i a n

1. L l a n n o r 1_3

Penmachno 1

Treflys 1 (CN17, 19-20,24-5,29-31, 35, 41); Gwytherin 1 Pentrefoelas 1(D2, 9); Caerwys I (FI); Ffestiniog ,1 Llandanwg

Tlanuwehllun a 1, L l a n d a n w g 3, (ost). v m a w d d w y 1 (lost). T v w v n I (lost) ( M R 8 . 10. 12. 18_20. 24)

n

.

Llangaffo 12, Langefni ,1 Llantrisant 1 (AN38-9, 46);

A b e r d a r o n 1 - 2 . D o l b e n m a e n 2. L l a n d u d n o 1. P e n m a c h n o 4

(CN2-3, 18. 21, 38); C l o c a e n o g 1.

Barmouth 1-2, Trawsfynydd 2(MRI-2, 23); Llanerfyl 1(MT4). • Llansadwrn I (horizontal?), Llantrisant 2 (lost,horizontal?) ( A N 4 5 . 47): L l a n n o r 4 L a n d a n w g 2. M a e n t w r o s

(vertical?)(MR9, 11, 21-2).

(lost) (CN32); Festiniog 2 (lost), 1 (lost

horizontal?)

T r o w e f s u d d

evidence of paint has survived on any of the early

inscribed stones.

Unusually, two inscriptions, Llangefni 1 (AN39) and

Llanfaglan 1(CN24), are enclosed byframes. The former si a horizontal inscription and the frame clearly demonstrates Romano-British antecedents. Though the latter si vertical, it is also likely that Roman inscriptions were

influential since the stone si located only 3.5km

(2.2 miles) south-west of the Roman fort at Caernarfon These are the only two framed inscriptions in Wales. but

there are a further four from Cornwall (CIIC: nos 465, 484, 1048; Okasha, 1993: nos 21, 32, 52, 70; Tedeschi,

2005: nos C11, C14, C26. C28). The inscriptionsonly occasionally have spaces between words, though the ends of words often come at the ends

of lines, as on Aberdaron 1 (CN2), thereby facilitating

reading. Where there is word separation this is often related to the need to avoid faults in the stone as on Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17) and Llangïan 1 (CN25), though this is not necessarily the case on Llannor 3 (CN31) However, in north Wales there are also two rare examples

of monuments, Llansadwrn 1 (AN45) and Llanerfyl 1

(B40) and an early inscribed stone from Wareham, Dorset

(Tedeschi, 2005: no. DSD-15). The size of letters within individual inscriptions can sometimes vary greatly. Typically, the heights of letters in

a single inscription range between 5 and 9cm (2 < 3.5in.). However, the height of lettering on some monuments,

such as Clocaenog 1 (DI) (4 < 5cm/1.5 < 2in.),

1 (CN19),

Llanerfyl

1 (MT4) and

Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) there is evidence for recutting a n d / o r the a d d i t i o n a n d deletion of characters in c o m p a ratively m o d e r n times. All the inscriptions were incised

and a variety of techniques were used. It has also been argued that the skills used were closely aligned with those

of the smith, who would also have been needed to fire-

sharpen the iron tools (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2006: 34).

Llandanwg 2 (MR11) (1.75 < 3.5cm/ 0.75 < 1.25in.)and Trawsfynydd 1(MR22) 1( < 2.75cm/0.5 < 1.25in.) is con-

or p e c k e d i n t o t h e s u r t a c e o f t h e s t o n e u s i n g a p o i n t or

siderably smaller, while letters on Llanfaglan 1 (CN24)

hand-pick. The punchmarks made are visible as small pits

First, a significant number of inscriptions were punched

are larger (7.5 < 13cm/3 < 5.25in.). The size of the let- within the lines of the l e t t e r sw h ich have broad, u-shaped tering can also vary from line to line. On Llangefni 1 sections. There is a good example of this technique on (AN39), asecond inscription in smaller letters commemo- Ffestiniog 1(MR8) where lines 2-3 onA and both lines on rating the man's wife has been inserted between the lines

of the original inscription. Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) provides a particularly interesting example of this. The letters ni the first line giving the name of the deceased,

Catamanus, are the largest, thereby indicating his status,

followed by four further lines ni gradually diminishing

sizes. This is similar to the stylistic practice of diminuendo openings in Insular manuscripts, such as the broadly contemporary Cathach of St Columba (D. G. CharlesEdwards, 2006: 84). A s a

recult o f

r e c e n t r e s e a r c h

o n

t h e letter_forms a n d

techniques of carving, evidence has come to light on the methods used in setting out the inscriptions (D. G.

D show clear evidence. A second characteristic technique created thinly but sharply incised lines with shallow v-

shaped cuts, as on Clocaenog 1 (DI), or more deeply incised, broader lines and straight-sided cuts, as on Gwytherin 1 (D2), using either a pointed or a straightedged chisel struck with a wooden mallet. Sometimes

both these techniques were combined, as on Penmachno 1 (CN35), where the letters initially seem to have been punched and then chased with a chisel to give them a

better finish. In the case of Llansadwrn 1 (AN45), stops

were first cut to indicate the positions of the terminals of the letters; then the lines of the letters were punched and

afterwards chased, thereby joining up the dots. The purCharles-Edwards, 2000: 9, 15-18; 2002, 2006; see vol. I: pose of the terminal stops was to prevent the chiselled 77-87). It has been argued that at least some were origi- lines from over-running, a trick also employed for letter. Charles-Edwards, 2006: nally composed on wax tablets before being transferred cutting on metal and wood (D. G onto the stone at a much larger scale with the aid of char- 112-13). A further technique si found on Llangadwaladr coal, chalk or paint. This si demonstrated by workaday 1 (AN26) where, after the inscription had been painted forms ni hte lettering not found ni manuscript writing and with broad brush-strokes onto the stone which was lying monoline and cursive features which are characteristic of flat on the ground, the mason, using a punch, has caretabletwriting (vol. I: 79-80). For example, the inscription fully outlined the letters before more roughly cutting away On Llangadwaladr 1seems first to have been composed on the centres (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2006: 87). Finally, a wax tablet before being painted onto the stone using broad brush-strokes which have left tell-tale clues in the letters-forms (D. G. Charles-Edwards. 2006: 80-1, figs 12). Further likely examples of inscriptions which show the influence of tablet writing include Llantrisant 1 (AN46),

there are two inscriptions, on Llandanwg 3 (MR12) a n d Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22), which have more the appearance of graffiti since the letters are incisedwith very fine, sharp lines probably made with a knife in the manner o f scribing on wood or metal. The only other broadly contemporary

Llandanwg 3 (MR12) and Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22). Recent research, augmented by practical experiments ni letter cutting on stone that have attempted to replicate

e x a m p l e s o far r e c o g n i z e d w h e r e t h e s a m e t e c h n i q u e h a s

early medieval methods, has also greatly added to our understanding of the tools and techniques used in the

carving of these inscriptions (vol. II: 122-4, figs 81-3;D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2006: 292-4, figs 4-12). In many cases, where the letters are worn, evidence for the cutting techniques will not have survived, but where inscriptions

been used si on a slate fragment from Tintagel, Cornwall (Tedeschi, 2005: no. C-30; Thomas, 2007). The shapes of some letters were affected by the way they were set out on the stone and the carving technique used. Angular letters were much easier to incise than

curved ones, such as C, O and S, which tended to be flattened and made more angular. Good examples of this may be seen on Penmachno 3 (ii) (CN37), Ffestiniog 1

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

60 (MR8) and Llandanwg 3 (MIR12) as well as angular R's on Llanfaglan 1 (CN24) (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2006: 42, fig. 2.15). The letters are plain monoline and for the

grade, often cursive inscriptions on metal, such as the lead curses from Bath, and on wood, such as the tablets from Vindolanda near Hadrian's Wall, and the Roman will

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

most part unadorned, but those on Aberdaron 1 and 2 from Trawsfynydd (Tomlin, 1988, 2001; Bowman and Thomas, 1983, 1994). These scripts were also influential gular and forked serifs which add to the elegant since the letter-forms on the early inscribed stones suggest

Bodedern I

Charles-Edwards, 2006: 94-5). The last fifteen years have seen major advances ni the epigraphic study of the early inscribed stones. Although

w h o carefully recorded a n d illustrated t h e letter-forms

sources (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2000: 33-4; 2002). In addition, Tedeschi's major study of the letter-forms on the early inscribed stones in Britain and the Isle of

and used them to build up atypological sequence which contributed substantially to his dating of the monuments (ECMW: 11-13, 223-8, figs 255-7), much of his interpretation has been superseded. He correctly recognized that

Man has provided valuable alphabetical tables which detail the range of letter-forms on every monument, including ligatures and conjoined letters, thereby facilitating comparison between them, as well as with the

'The lettering used in the Latin inscriptions was based on

l e t t e r. f o r m s o n

solid foundations for Wales were laid by Nash-Williams,

the Classical-Roman monumental hand ni its less formal or "rustic" style, with certain distinctive features marking a departure from the rigid uniformity of the classical period' (ECMW: 10). However, he was mistaken in his

belief that 'the script used ni the Welsh Early Christian inscriptions was not ni fact derived from it, but represents a reintroduction of Roman epigraphic practice, now

Christianized, probably from Gaul ni the sub-Roman

New research has conclusively demonstrated that the letter-forms on the early inscribed stones are a continua-

tiono fthose found on inscriptions in Roman Britain (Tedeschi, 1995, 2001, 2005; D. G . Charles-Edwards, 2000, 2002, 2006, 2007; Handley, 2001). Although there

were many monumental Latin inscriptions in Roman

Barmouth 1

Aberdaron I

1 Aberdaron 2

L with a sloping horizontal bar

both Roman and later inscriptions on the Continent (Tedeschi, 2005: 47-81, table 1.) Some letter-forms and other features are found both in Britain and ni other

(

Llanaelhacarn I

their use on the early inscribed stones are A's with a sloping or angle-bar, or without a bar at all; B's with separate, sometimes open loops; uncial E; cursive and other distinctive forms of F; uncial (often termed 'sickle-

B with separate, sometimes open loops

R o m a n

i n s c r i n t i o n s

i n

B r i t a i n

a n d

witr

Lalndudhnol

Roman provinces. Particularly noteworthy because of

Llandanwg I

R Pantefcolast

widely spaced outer strokes and inner strokes meeting on

the line; R's with an open loop and with the loop separated from the stroke and Greek sigma instead of S (Tedeschi, 2001: 17, 19) (Fig. 4.6). Other features which first appear ni the Roman period but continue on the early inscribed stones are specifically

British. Especially characteristic si the high number of lig well as letters that are reversed and turned (Tedeschi, 2001: 18-19; 1995: 77-85; 2005: 56-9, 79-81). In north Wales, a wide range of letters are ligatured (Fig. 4.7).

plex, overtly Christian horizontal inscriptions in all likelihood composed by literate, educated churchmen

who carried on an unbroken tradition of tablet writing

Penrhosllugwy I

€ Doklanmae2r

Cursive F

Aberdaron 2

Charles-Edwards, 2006: 29-37). Examples of such from the Roman period. Llantrisant 1(AN46) has at least

inscriptions on stone include a later fourth- or early fifthcentury dedication slab from Ravenscar (Yorks.), a tombstone from Great Bulmore, Caerleon with cursive features, late Roman tombstoneswhich may be Christian from Maryport (Cumberland) and many milestones, including the Roman inscription on Aber 1(CNI), as well

thirteen ligatures. Sometimes three or more lettersare run together, often minims, as on Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22) (conjoined NT + VM) and Aberdaron 2 (CN3) (INE, conjoined C + VMVMVL, VM), but other letters are also included, such as the rather poorly formed versions of CE and CT on Llandudno 1 (CN21), which likewise have

as roughlv incised characters o n n u m e r o u s quarry a n d

their origins in Romano-Britishwriting. But ligatures are

building stones (RIB: nos 721, 862-3, 1946-52; RIB III: nos 3108, 3211). Excavation has also revealed lower

also a feature of several vertical inscriptions, particularly the lengthier Ffestiniog 1 (MR8), as well as less complex

Llanfaglan I

Llannor 3

Trawsfynydd 1

M with widely spaced outer strokes and inner strokes meeting on the line

Uncial E

atures (sometimes combined with conjoined letters) as

Britain carved in formal Roman capitals, there were also a large number and wide range of less formal inscriptions They are most characteristic of some of the more com-

on stone and other materials which provided the models for and influenced the development of the letter-forms on the early inscribed stones (Tedeschi, 2001: 16-17; D. G.

A with an angle-bar

A w i t h n o bar

period' (ECMW: 10-11). H e also argued incorrectly that a shaped') G; Ls' with a sloping cross-stroke; Ms' with

later phase was 'marked by the progressive intrusion into the majuscule hand of rounded letter-forms borrowed from the written uncial or half-uncial alphabet' which were derived from Continental book-hands (ECMW: 12).

Penmachno 4

Pentrefoelas 1

the writing on these rather than from penned manuscript

00

enced by the scribing of letters on wood and metal (D. G.

the continued use of waxed writing tablets incised with styli into the seventh century and beyond and that the minuscule letters and cursive features were derived from

Uncial ('sickle-shaped') G

A with a sloping bar

(CN2-3) are notable for their decorative straight, triana p p e a r a n c e o f t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s a n d m a y h a v e b e e n influ-

61

Other distinctive forms of F

( N Barmouht I

M Llangian!

R with an open loop and with the loop separated from the stroke Llanfaglan 1

•Llansadwrn I

•Trawsfynydd 2

Llanfaglan 1

(R

Dolbenmaen 2

BTrawsfynydd 1 Fig. 4.6. Distinctive late Roman letter-forms with examplesfound on early inscribed stones in north Wales (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

62 | Barmouth I (also Barmouth 2)

=A

U

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES = Inverted A Llandanwg 3

= FV Ffestiniog 1

63

tablet writing (Tedeschi, 2001: 19; see vol. :I 82, fig. 51). They include half-uncial G, minuscule D, H, Q, S and T as well as trident-shaped M, which is derived from a prim-

A

= AL Llanuwchllyn I (after Vaughan)

Al

= AN

A

N E

= IVM Llantrisant 1(fragmentary)

Llantrisant I (fragmentary)

= AV Pentrefoelas I (also Llantrisant 1)

= Reversed D Festiniog 1

= INE Aberdaron 2

(also Penrhosllugwy 1)

7

= MA Gwytherin 1(also Llanfaelog ,2

AN

= CAN Festiniog I = MV Llantrisant 1 (fragmentary)

CAV

=Reversed E Tywyn 1 (after Lhuyd)

minuscules, notably HIC on Llannor 1 (CN29) and pos. I at the end of Llannor 3 (CN31). Another related sibly T feature is conjoined FI and LI, often with a small I, found, for example, on Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17), Llanerfyl 1

= Horizontal I Llanfaelog 2

(MT4), Llandanwg 3 (MR12), Llangian 1 (CN25) and

(also Llanfaelog 1, Ffestiniog 1,

are most n u m e r o u s in the south-west. where the 'X fili Y'

Llanuwchllyn 1(?) (after Vaughan), Llanymawddwy 1 x 4 (after Morris), Maentwrog 1(?) (after LW), Treflys 1)

LIantrisant ,1 Pentrefoelas 1)

Fio.

4.8.

R e v e r s e da n d t u r n e d letters w i t hexamoles f o u n d on early

inscribed stones in north Wales (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

= CAV Llanfor 1 = NA Dolbenmaen I = CE Llandudno 1

has four recorded examples. It is always positioned a t the

ends of words at the ends of lines. In the south-west,

where vertical roman-letter and ogam inscriptions are

m o r e c o m m o n . t h e r e a r e n o less t h a n t w e n t y - e i g h t s t o n e s

CO

= CT Llandudno I

AWN. = CVMVMVL Aberdaron 2 NE

= NE Pentrefoelas I

= CO Penmachno 4

= ENE Ffestiniog 1

IMY Trawsfynydd 2 N T W =NV E

MA

= ER Barmouth 2

=

E

T

C o n t r i s a n t

T =E

Maentwrog I (?) (after LI)

= V A Llansadwrn I (also Llantrisant 1)

= VM Aberdaron 2 (also Llantrisant 1)

VR

= VR Dolbenmaen I

= ETT Llanbabo I

RCAHMW). Fig. 4.7. Ligatures with examples found on early inscribed stones ni north Wales (Crown copyright:

inscriptions on, for example, Llanbabo 1 (AN9).

Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17) and Pentrefoelas 1 (D9).

fined to reversed D and E. inverted A and horizontal I (Fig. 4.8). The last si found on at least five (all vertical

In contrast. reversed and turned letters are much less

inscriptions), possibly seven, stones, all in the north-west,

common in the north than in the south-west, being con-

and includesthe lost Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20), which

itive, flat-topped minuscule form (Tedeschi, 2001: 20). O c c a s i o n a l l y, two o r three successive letters m a y be

(almost 50 per cent of the total) with one or more examples of horizontal I, which are characteristically, though not exclusively, used in the same way (vol. II: 45). Indeed, the ogam alphabet, which is mostly made up of groups of

angled and horizontal strokes, may well have been influentialon its emergence and popularity. It is interesting t o

note that Llanfaelog 1 and 2(AN12-13), which both have horizontal I ,commemorate men with Irish names and the latter also has an ogam inscription.

Tedeschi (2001: 20) has also charted how the appearance of some capital letters became more exaggerated. For example, the diagonal stroke of R, which has a tendency to be shortened, veers more and more towards the

Caerwys 1 (F1). Though found throughout Wales, these

f o r m u l a w a s m o s t c o m m o n

B y t h e s e c o n d q u a r t e ro f t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y a t y p e o f

mixed-alphabet script had evolved which can be seen on t w o

c l o s e l v

r e l a t e d

m o n u m e n t s

f r o m

s o n t h - w e s t

Anglesey, Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), which commem-

orates King Catamanus of Gwynedd, and Llangaffo 12 (AN38) (D. G. Charles-Edwards, 2002: 37-9; 2006: 78-

100; see vol. I: 81, fig. 56). The letter-forms on

Llangadwaladr 1 are influenced by wax-tablet writing

since they have rolled entries rather than the wedge serifs found in manuscripts (vol. I: figs 54-5) and include conjoined and ligatured letters, such as EX and EG (Fig.

4.10), but some stylistic traits, notably diminuendo, and

some letter-forms, notably the distinctive Greek A, are also found in the broadly contemporary Cathach of

St Columba, which predates the introduction of halfuncial script from the Continent (Alexander, 1978: no. 3). The lettering on this monument si mainly minuscule, E with a separate horizontal, G, M, P, R, S, T and U, but also includes more angular forms, 'gate' M and 'gate' N, which were later incorporated into the Insular geometric display letteralphabet found in luxury illuminated manu-

scripts (D. G . Charles-Edwards, 2006: 84). The letter-forms on Llangaffo 12, some of which are rather

horizontal and even above it, as on Llanbabo 1 (AN9),

e l o n g a t e d , d o include e x a m p l e s with triangular serifs,

Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) and Treflys 1 (CN41) (Fig. 4.9). The

notably minuscule L, which may suggest some influence

diagonal of N, which may have an extended first vertical, can likewise veer towards the horizontal, almost forming an 'H' shape. Both forms of N can be found on

Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18) and Llangaffo 12 (AN38). Figure-

of-eight S's can become more exaggerated, as on Llanfaelog 1 (AN12), or more angular or sinuous, as on

from manuscript writing. Nevertheless, many of the

m i n u s c u l e l e t t e r - f o r m s . s u c h a s E w i t h a s e p a r a t e hori-

zontal, G and U, are very similar to those on

Llangadwaladr 1 and 'gate' M and N are also found.

However, there are other clearly capital letter-forms, such a s R a n d S a n d a m u c h less e x a g g e r a t e d f o r m of A , a n d

Ffestiniog 1 (MR8). Uncial G can also be more sinuous, as on Gwytherin 1 (D2) and Festiniog 1, which has

both N with an extended first vertical and 'H' shaped N are also found.

sometimes made it difficult to distinguish from an S. At the same time. minuscule and other letter-forms were not derived from manuscript sources but have their

Nash-Williams used the epigraphy of the early inscribed stones to build up a relative chronology. The developments in the letter-forms outlined above indicate that they are still, potentially, a useful tool for dating. This

origins in R o m a n cursive scripts w h i c h survived in use for

will be discussed in m o r e detail in chapter 11.

were coming into use on the early inscribed stones. These

6 4

THE E A R LY INSCRIBED STONES

Minuscule D

Uncial (*sickle-shaped') G

S Gwyhternit

S Ffestiniog I

Half-uncial G

5

Llangadwaladr 1

Llantrisant 1

Trawsfynydd I (also Llandanwg 3)

Caerwys 1

•

Llandanwg 2

Llangadwaladr 1

M A N NAN

N

C

c

Llangaffo 12

O

©

Llantrisant I

D

P

E

R

R

Minuscule S

Dolbenmaen 2

Dolbenmaen 2

Pentrefoclas I

'H'-shaped N Dolbenmaen 2

Llangaffo 12

Llannor 1 (also Llanymawddwy 1, after Morris)

Minuscule O

N with an extended first stroke

| 65

A

A

Minuscule H

Trident-shaped M

N

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

P Llandanwg 2

I

F

\ Llandanwg 3

Trefusl

G

T

Minuscule T

R with an open loop and diagonal

H

T Llansadwr I

U

veering towards the horizontal

•

Llanbabol

P

Pentrefoelas I

P Treflys I

Conjoined FI

Dolbenmaen I

< LlanerfylI

I Llandanwg 3

Figure-of-eight, angular and sinuous S

§

Penmachno 4

( Ffestiniog I

O MY dO D

Conjoined LI

(

Langian I

{ L

K Treflys I

씨

X

EG EX

L Gaerwas,

Ffestiniog 1

Fig. 4.9. Minusculeand other distinctive letter-forms with examples found on early inscribed stones in north Wales(Crown copyright: RCAHMW.

TI

Fig. 41 .0. Mixed-alphabet letterforms on Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) and Llangaffo 21 (AN38) (Crown copyright: RCAHMU).

THE EARLY INSCRIBEDSTONES

6 6 CHRISTIAN SYMBOLS: CHI-RHOS A N D CROSSES

THE EARLY INSCRIBED STONES

Dinas Emrys, also in Caernarfonshire (Fig. 4.11f). It si

more complex than the chi-rho crosses on either P e n m a c h n o 4 o r ' I r e t l y s I s i n c e it w a s e n c i r c l e d a n d h a s a

Around 70 per cent of the inscriptions in north Wales

sun and omega in the surviving quadrants (Savory, 1960:

of this, which may be regarded as Christian. Of these,

61-2, pl. VIIIb; Campbell, 1988: 126-7, fig. 29(12); 2007: 27-32, fig. 19 D1). Beyond Wales, 'monogram' chi-rho

s o m e 24 per cent have additional evidence which under-

crosses, all with hooks rather than closed loops, are also

i n c l u d e f o r m u l a e

m o s t c o m m o n i v hiciacit a n d v a r i a t i o n s

found on early inscribed stones ni Cornwall, St Endellion, St Just 2 and Southill, and in Devonat Sourton (CIIC: nos 478, 483, 486, 491; Okasha, 1993: nos 48, 51, 55-6; Tedeschi, 2005: nos C-24, C-27, C-29, DSD-10; Thomas, 1994: 295-6, fig. 17.17). There are further examples ni

scores their Christian identification, either in the wording of the inscription itself and/or by the addition of Christian chi-rhos a n d crosses, though these symbols are

comparatively rare. There are two monuments with chi-

rhos, Penmachno 4 (CN38) and Treflys 1 (CN41), but

only Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) has a cross. In addition, on Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) the greek letters chi and rho (an abbreviation of xpotóç = 'Christ') have been incorporated

into the

inscription

proclaiming the

south-west Scotland on three monuments at Kirkmadrine (Galloway), all with hooks and enclosed in roundels (CIC: nos 516-18; Tedeschi, 2005: nos 'S-4-6; Thomas, 1981, fig. 21; Forsyth, 2005: 128-9). Examples from Ireland include two similar 'monogram' chi-rhos (one

c o m m e m

orand as a 'Christian man' (homo (×/p(ist)ianvs) (see above). 'Constantinian' chi-rho symbols (Fig. 4.11a-c), consisting of the chi overlain by the rho, sometimes encircled and/or accompanied by an alpha and omega, are rela. tively common in Britain during the fourth century.

Examples include the Lullingstone wall-painting (Kent), the Hinton St Mary mosaic (Dorset) and those incised onto stone slabs at Chedworth (Glos.). There are also sev-

eral on lead tanks, such as that from Icklingham (Suffolk),

as well as examples on many of the objects in the Water Newton silver hoard (Hunts.). They are likewise foundon

Fig. 4.11. Chi-rhos and crosses. 'Constantinian' chi-rhos: a. Silver

plaque, Water Newton hoard (Hunts.); .b Chi-R graffito, pewter bowl,

Caerwent (Mons.) (after Boon, 1992); c. Phillack stone plaque (after

personal items, such as a gold ring from Brentwood

Pearce, 2004). 'Monogram' chi-rho crosses: d. Penmachno 4(CN38); .e Treflys I (CN41); f. SherdofDSPA imported pottery, Dinas

However, the only known example from Wales is a chi-R

.g Codex Usserianus Primus; .h Lapis Echodi stone, Iona

(Essex) (Thomas, 1981: 86-91; Petts, 2003: 95, illus. 30-1, 44-6; Mawer, 1995: 125 no. D3.G0.3, 148, table 4). graffito on the base of a pewter bowl from Caerwent,

which might have formed part of a Christian agapé set

(Mawer, 1995: 19, 106 no. C2.Pe. 1+; see vol. I: figs 36-7).

Emrys (Caerns.) (after Campbell, 1988). Crosses with chi-rho hooks:

(Argyll); crosses with expandedterminals: .i Margam (Margam

Mountain) I (G77); Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

In addition, a single example was recorded on a probable late Roman gravestone (now lost) from Maryport (Cumbria) (RIB: no. 856). However, there are none on the early inscribed stones. Only two stones incised with

brooch from Sussex (Mawer, 1995: 79, 123-4, 129, nos

'Constantinian' chi-rhos have been identified as post

C10.Si.1, C10.Si.9, D4.Si.1).

Roman, both from Cornwall: a plaque from Phillack,

which has been ascribed to the fifth century, and possibly one from St Helen's Chapel, Cape Cornwall (now lost; neither are associated with inscriptions (Allen, 1887: fig. 3; Pearce, 2004: 150-1, 244, fig. 103 e., f.). Secondly, there are 'monogram' chi-rho crosses, where the chi has been turned through 45 degrees to form a cross

which has the loop (or sometimes the open hook) of the rho attached to the top of the vertical. Like the

'Constantinian' chi-rhos, these may be encircled and/or

accompanied by an alpha and omega. 'Monogram' chirho crosses appear typologically later, and are first seen in Rome in the mid-fourth century (Thomas, 1981: 86, fig.

3), but have only more rarely been noted in Roman B r i t a i n . a s . for e x a m p l e . o n s p o o n s a n d a n u n p r o v e n a n c e d

Both Penmachno 4 (CN38) and Treflvs 1 (CN41) have

' m o n o g r a m ' chi-rho crosses with closed loops (Fig

4.11d-e) positioned at the top of the stone above the inscription, which on the former si horizontal, on the lattervertical. The boldly incised but simple linearchi-rho cross on Penmachno 4 si typologically simpler than that on Treflys 1 which has bifid terminals on the horizontal cross-arms and stem. These symbols were most likelv derived from models on portable objects, such as

imported pottery. The only other, now fragmentary, 'monogram' chi-rho cross known from Wales si ni the form of a stamp on a sixth-century(?) sherd of DSPA imported pottery from south-western France found at

6 7 include the ogam-inscribed pillar from Arraglen (Co. Kerry), the grave-marker inscribed lapis Echodi ('The stone of Echoid') from Iona and the 'Peter' stone from Whithorn (Galloway) (Allen, 1887: figs 6, 9; Cuppage,

1986: no. 790, 248-50, pl. XVIa; Fisher, 2001: 128, no. 22; Craig, 1997: 616-17). However, there are no correspond i n g e x a m p l e s i nW a l e s .

In south-west Wales, there si only one early inscribed stone, Castell Dwyran 1(CM3), which has a small encircled, equal-arm cross which is clearly contemporary with

the inscription. There are also four or five others where it is unclear whether the cross has been a d d e d later. But in

other cases the cross is undoubtedly an addition, either to C h r i s t i a n i z e t h e m o n u m e n t o r w h e n it w a s r e u s e d a t =

later date (vol. II: 47-8). There is a similar pattern of

adding crosses ni the south-east (e.g. Trallwng 1 (B45),

Ystradfellte (Pen-y-mynydd) 2 (B51)) and the only monu-

reversed) without an inscription from Drumaqueran (Co. m e n t w h e r e t h e c r o s s is l i k e l y t o b e c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h t h e Antrim) (Hamlin, 1972; see also Higgins, 1987: 410, fig. inscription is Margam (Margam Mountain) 1 (G77) (Fig. 120; Herity, 1990: 208; Trench-Jellicoe, 1998: illus. 6). 4.11i). In north Wales, by contrast, there is no evidence By the beginning of the seventh century, as the cross- for adding crosses at a later date. The only inscribed stone symbol became more important, the chi-rho hook with a cross si that commemorating King Catamanus at diminished in size (Fig. 4.11g-h). This may be clearly Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), which si datable to c.625 and seen ni the Codex Usserianus Primus, an Irish manuscript comes right to the end of the series (Fig. 4.11j). The crossdated to the early seventh century (Dublin, Trinity form, with its sharply expanded and curved cross-arm College MS A.4.15(55), fo. 149v; Alexander, 1978: no. 1, terminals has features ni common with those on Margam pl. 1). The same thing may be seen on inscribed stones. (Margam Mountain) 1 and the Codex Usserianus Primus. Examples with Maltese crosses with chi-rho hooks

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

| 69

CHAPTER 5

FORMS O F SCULPTURE

As elsewhere in Wales, the stone sculpture of t h e n o r t h e r n counties may be divided into a variety of forms w h i c h

together encompass Nash-Williams's Early Christian

Monuments of Wales Groups II, III and IV, though they are

n o t exact equivalents. In all, there are over ninety pieces

of sculpture from north Wales and this rises to over one hundred if less certain examples are also included. Precise categorization is not always possible, but cross-carved stones followed by crosses are the most common types.

and there are also examples of large cross-slabs and pillars. Of particular note are a few possible architectural fragments at Bangor and more questionably at Corwen, which might indicate the presence of stone churches on at least two of the moreimportant sites in the region prior to the end of the period. There are also examples

of items of church furniture in the form of fonts, which

would have been located inside church buildings, and sundials which most likely stood in the adjacent churchyards. In addition, there are three later inscribed stones, o n e i n W e l s h a n d t w o i n L a t i n , a n d a r e c u m b e n t grave-

marker, the form of which may be derived from the Viking hogback.

six. Only half of these were recorded in ECMW. Of the

total, 50 per cent are ni Anglesey and 26 per cent in

Caernarfonshire, but there are onlyeleven monuments in

all from Denbighshire, Flintshire, Merioneth and Montgomeryshire (24 p e rcent). This is many fewer than in the south-west where approximately one hundred

examples have been recorded, around 70 per cent of which are from Pembrokeshire. (For a new discovery,

Nevern 1 (P140), and a more detailed record which is now available of Llanychaer 3 (P50), see pp. 477-9.) In south-eastWales and the borders, there are over seventy examples, almost all from Breconshire and Glamorgan.

This now brings the total ni Wales as a whole to in excess

of two hundred monuments.

Cross-carved stones ni north Wales (Fig. 5.1a-b) comprise a range of natural or roughly shaped pillars, slabs and boulders, even, ni the case of Caerhun 1 (CN13), the living rock. Although in many cases they have been trimmed for reuse as masonry, making their original forms sometimes difficult to reconstruct, it seems likely

that almost allwere intended to stand upright and set into the

ground, but in rare instances, for example

C R O S S - C A RV E D S T O N E S

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 (AN22) and Whitford 1 (F11). they may have been recumbent. They are pecked or incised or carved in relief or false relief with a linear or

The overwhelming majority of cross-carved stones belong to Nash-Williams's Group II, which he termed 'Cross-

outline cross (Figs 7.1-7.5), occasionally, possibly, with more than one, as on Holyhead I (AN8) (see Appendix A). Cross-carved stones in north Wales only rarely have

these monuments to between the seventh and ninth cen-

on Llangaffo 7-8 (AN33-4), Llangeinwen 1 (AN41) and

decorated Stones' (ECMW: 17-27). He dated most of

turies. However, he suggested that some ni 'outlying

regions', notably Anglesey, might be later, perhaps as late

as the eleventh or twelfth centuries (ECMW: 17). There are thirty-eight monuments in north Wales which may be classified as cross-carved stones and, if more doubtful

examples are included (Appendix A-B), this rises to forty-

associated ornament - notable exceptions are the spirals

Llanfihangel Ysgeifing 5 (AN24) - and none has iconog-

raphy. Elsewhere in Wales, cross-carved stones sometimes have an associated inscription which is subordinate to the

cross symbol. However. this i snot thecase in north Wales: although both Llandewyn 1 (MR15) and Tywyn 2

(MIR25) have crosses as wel as inscriptions, the latter are

Fig. 5.1 Forms of sculpture. Cross-carved stones: a. Llangernyw I (D4), b. Llanfihangel Ysgeiffog 3 (AN22). Cross-slabs: .c Llanrhaeadr-vm-

Mochnant 1(D7), .d Meifod I (MT6). Pillar: .e Llanbadrig I (AN10). Crosses: .f Whitford 2 (F12), g. Penmon 2 (AN52), h.Llanfihangel

Tre'r Beirdd 1(AN17), .i Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1(AN14). Sundial: .j Clynnog I (CN14) (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

70

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

o f e q u a l s i g n i fi c a n c e o r m o r e i m p o r t a n t a n d s o t h e y h a v e

Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17), Penmon 6 (AN56)

b e e n c l a s s i fi e d a s l a t e r i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s ( s e e b e l o w ) .

(lost) and Penrhosllugwy 2 (AN59).

T h e c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s o f Wa l e s , i n c l u d i n g t h o s e in

I n c l u d i n g likely t r a g m e n t s a n d lost e x a m p l e s , t h e r e a r e

the north, are part o f a m u c h larger g r o u p i n g o f similar

i n all s o m e t w e n t y - n i n e f r e e - s t a n d i n g c r o s s e s o r p a r t s o f

monuments found on both sides ofthe Irish Sea. They are particularly characteristic of Ireland (Lionard, 1961;

such monuments ni north Wales, eleven of which were not noted by Nash-Williams.' Like the cross-carved

Healv. 2009) and western Scotland centred on Dalriada

stones, the greatest concentration (thirteen examples) is

(Fisher, 2001), but are likewise found in Pictland

on Anglesey where the coarse Carboniferous arenite

Man (Kermode, 1907). Though much rarer, there are also

carving in relief (see chapter 3). This stone was also util-

(Henderson and Henderson, 2004: 159-66) and the Isle of occasional examples in Anglo-Saxon England, including the south-west and in Cumbria where the tradition appears to continue into the twelfth century (Cramp,

2006: illus. 41, 92-5, 118-21, 291; Bailey and Cramp, 1988: illus. 15, 127, 224; Ryder, 2005: 10-11).

CROSSES

sandstones were particularly suitable for shaping and

ized for the three monuments in Caernarfonshire and two in Flintshire (see p. 112). Sandstones were likewise exploited for all the other crosses, including a further four surviving examples from Flintshire, but there are only two from Merioneth, one from Denbighshire and two fragments from Montgomeryshire. The number of freestandingcrosses in north Wales is therefore more than in t h e s o u t h - w e s t , w h e r e t h e r e a r e n i n e t e e n e x a m p l e s (vol.

I: 51), but considerably less than ni the south-east, where

Crosses may be d e fi n e d as free-standing m o n u m e n t s with

a cross-head and sometimes a separate base (Fig. 5.1f-i). They are characteristic of many parts of the British Isles and are particularly common in Ireland and Anglo-Saxon England. Their production is usually thought to span the mid-eighth to earlier twelfth centuries. In contrast with the cross-carved stones, free-standing crosses, which can

be tall and imposing monuments, are generally carved ni relief and often decorated with complex ornament and

around fifty have been recorded (vol. :I 63-5). Out of the twenty-nine examples in north Wales (three

of which are no longer extant), only seven are now more or less complete: Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17),

Penmon 1-2 (AN51-2). Dyserth 1 (F2). Whitford 2 (F12)

and Llandanwg 5 (MIR14); Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1

(AN14) has recently been broken into two pieces. The

shafts and bases of Llangaffo 2 (AN28), Llandysilio yn I&l 1(D3 and Corwen 5 (MR7) survive, as does the shaft

iconography and sometimes inscriptions. They would

of Bardsey Island 2 (CN12), but only a small fragment of

have required arange of skills and considerable resources

the shaft of Meliden I (F8), which was recorded by Lhurd

t o q u a r r y a n d t r a n s p o r t t h e s t o n e . s h a p e it. c a r v e a n d

and his associates, is now extant. There are four crossheads, including Llanfachraith 1 (AN11) and LIangaffo 1 (AN27) and two bases, of which Dyserth 2 (F3) is decorated. Almost all the rest are cross-shaft fragments of varying sizes, though Bangor 1 (CN4) may be a cross-

finish the decoration. Nash-Williams classified free-standing crosses in Wales as Group III monuments, which he dated to between the ninth and eleventh centuries (ECMW: 27-47). In the north, most examples are reasonably carefully shaped, t h o u g h s o m e a r e m u c h better

fi n i s h e d t h a n o t h e r s . T h e

small cross Llandang 5 (MRI4) is, however, a notable exception since ti si only very roughly shaped and the s i m p l e

o r n a m e n t

h a s

m o r e

in

c o m m o n

w i t h

a

cross-

carved stone. Most are decorated with a variety of comparatively simple plaitwork, interlace and fretpatterns. Five also have figural iconography: LIanfachraith 1 (AN11), Penmon 1 (AN51),Bardsey Island 2 (CN12), Meliden 1 (F8) and Whitford 2 (F12), and two have inscriptions, Bardsey Island 2 and Meliden 1 (now lost). In addition, there was formerly a very lengthy Latin inscription on Llandysilio yn Iâl 1 (D3), which has no recorded Insular ornament o r iconography. There is also a runic inscription on Corwen 5 (MR7). A further five crosses and a cross-base from

Anglesey a p p e a r to be

undecorated: Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1-2(AN14-15),

The heights of the crosses vary considerably: Whitford 2 with its base, only the top of which si now visible, si approximately 375cm (148in.) tall and together the height of the cross-head and shaft of Penmon 2si 216cm (85in.), while that of the cross and base of Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 si approximately 146cm (68in.). Llanfair A s t e r i s k e d

m o n u m e n t s

Llanfachraith

I ( A N 11 ) ,

were

not

Llanfair

ECMW:

recorded

Mathafarn

Eithaf

1-2*

(AN14-15), Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd *I (AN17), Llanfihangel

Ysgeifiog 2* (AN21), Llangaffo 1-3 (AN27-9), Penmon 1-2, 3* (lost) (AN51-3, AN56), Penrhosllugwy 2* (AN59);

(lost), 6'

Bangor 1-2* ( C N 4 _ 5 ) . Bardsey I s l a n d 2 ( C N 1 2 ) : L l a n d v s i l i o vn a l

T

h

e Pillar o f Eliseg) ( D 3 ) : D y s e r t h 1 - 2 2 - 3 )

F i n t

( F 4 ) (Atiscros. l o s t ) ( A p p e n d i x B). M e l i d e n 1 * (F8). R h u d d l a n

2 (lost) (F9-10), Whitford 2 (Maen Achwyfan) (F12); Corwen (MR7), Llandanwg 5 * (MRI4), Llandrinio 1-2* (MT2-3).

1*

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

71

Mathafarn Eithaf 1 and Llandanwg 5, neither of which

slabs and cross-carved stones. Ring-heads (type A) and

ment since the surviving part of the shaft and base are

circle-heads (type B) a r e found in north Wales as they are i nthe south-west, though there are some variations, but in contrast, ring-and-circle heads (type C) and hammerheads (type D) are not represented. There are, however,

have bases, are smaller at 127cm (50in.) and 94cm (37in.) respectively. Although the cross-head of Llandysilio yn Ial 1 is no longer extant, it was once an imposing monu284cm (112in.) tall.

Llandysilio yn lal I is the only example of a round cross-shaft ni Wales. The upper part is quadrangular and si separated from the main shaft by a horizontal roll

moulding with curved swags above. The form si most

likely the product of Anglo-Saxon influence since comparisons may be made with round-shafted crosses in

north-west Mercia, such as Cleulow (Wincle 1, Cheshire),

which has been dated to the late tenth or eleventh century

two further forms, expanded-arm (type E) and disc-heads (type F), which are found ni the north but not ni the southwest. The ring-head (type A) is a common form in Ireland, Scotland and the Isle of Man (ECMS, i : 52, no.

102A; Kermode, 1907), but si relatively rare ni Wales.

Examples of free-standing crosses ni the north are confined to Llanfachraith 1 (AN11) (A3) and Llangaffo 1

(AN27) (A3a). They have curved armpits and the ring si positioned at or near the ends of the cross-arms, which are

(Bailey, 2010: 137-8, illus. 362-5), though a few ninth- expanded, but of slightly different shapes. Comparisons

century examples more contemporary with Llandysilio

may be made with the same form elsewhere in Wales. for

yn Iâl 1 are also known, for example Masham 1 (N.

example Carew 1 (P9), Penally 1 (P82), Coychurch 2

(Cumbria) (Bailey and Cramp, 1988: 54-7). Equally, the forms of Roman victory columns may also have been influential (Hawkes, 2009: 38-41), but it is important to note that this cross-shaft is not a reused Roman pillar as has sometimes been argued (Tolstoy, 2009: 256). Its

the Danelaw and si thought to have been introduced into northern England from Scotland ni the early tenth century (Collingwood, 1927: 137-45; Bailey, 1980: 70-1; vol. II: 307). It is also found in Cornwall, for example Cardynham 3 and Lanivet 2 (Langdon, 1896: opp. 356,

and dressed by hand, tasks requiring considerable time and skill which clearly demonstrate the ambition of the

ring that either passes through the cross-arms o rencircles

Yorks.) (Lang, 2001: 168-71) and Beckermet St Bridget 1 (G16) and Margam 6(G83). This variant si widespread ni

height and slightly oval cross-section indicate that ti was not turned on a lathe in the Roman manner but shaped

Otherwise, following Nash-Williams, the cross-shafts may be divided into two groups: quadrangular-section pil-

lars, such as Penmon 1 and 2 (AN51-2), and thinner,

rectangular-section slabs, such as Dyserth 1 (F2) and

Whitford 2 (F12). The shape si mainly dependent upon the type and properties o f the stone used. S o m e crosses

were monolithic which means that the shaft and cross-

384).

Circle-heads (type B) are characterized by a complete the cross-head. There are five surviving examples from north Wales: Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 (AN21), Penmon 1 and 2 (AN51-2), Dyserth 1 (F2) and Whitford 2 (F12), none of which has pierced quadrants. Though the cross-

head of Meliden I(F8) si no longer extant, the sketch

copied from Lhuyd's papers also shows a fragment of a

circle-head (Illus. F8.1). It was probably very similar to

Whitford 2 (type B1d) where the ring encircles the cross-

head enclosing a cross with expanded arms, cusps in the

head were carved from the same piece of stone, usually set in a separate base. Examples include Penmon 2 and

armpits and a central boss. On Penmon 1and 2, however, short cross-arms project beyond the circle (type B2).

Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17). However, some were certainly composite monuments. For example, the fragmentary

latter si plain, though on this cross the quadrants are filled

The classification used here has its origins ni that of Allen (1899: 19-20)rather than Nash-Williams (ECMW: 32-3) and was also used in volume I (51-3, fig. 5.2), but has

(type B) of north Wales are a characteristic Viking Age form found especially ni north-west England. They have

Whitford 2 as well as the undecorated cross Llanfihangel

w h i c h o n the former h a s traces o f o r n a m e n t . but o n the

with interlace. Though smaller, Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 cross-head LIangaffo 1 (AN27) has a mortise in the base is comparable with Penmon 2. Dyserth 2 (type B2b) is a l s o relateg b u t h a s a b o s s o r r o u n d e in t h e c e n t r e o f t h e which would have fitted into a tenon at the top of a separate shaft. The bottom of the cross-head of Penmon 1 cross-head and trefoil-shaped quadrants formed by the likewise has a mortise which may have fitted intoa 'collar' a d d i t i o n o t c u s p s o n t h e cross-arms a n d ring, a feature which is now missing at the top of the shaft. paralleled on some Cornish crosses (see p. 354). Several different forms of cross-head are represented. Though their origins may be earlier, the circle-heads

been expanded to take in new types (Fig. 5.2). The same

an almost entirely coastal distribution suggesting seaborne links between areas of Viking contact and settle-

cross-head forms are also found on some m o n u m e n t s in

ment in Anglesey, Tegeingl, the Wirral and western

the region which are not free-standing crosses but cross-

Cumbria. Bailey (1980: 177-82, fig. 42; Bailey and

72

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

| 73

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

Cramp, 1988: 31-2; Bailey, 2010: 31-3) has identified two A

RING-HEADS

B

CIRCLE-HEADS

E

EXPANDED-ARM

principal groups: crosses in Cheshire have unpierced quadrants, cusps o rbosses in the armpits and circles deco-

rated with beading or fret-patterns, while those ni

Cumbria are usually characterized by pierced quadrants

and circles carved with plaitwork. As might be expected,

the north Wales crosses have closer links with the Cheshire group (see p. 109), but there are also some similarities with the Cumbrian crosses, such as the plaitwork

on the circle of Dyserth 1 AF2. Circle-heads are not gen-

Meifod 1

Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd I

(CM10) si a notable exception. In Ireland, 'The Cross of Scriptures' at Clonmacnoise (Co. Offaly), a circle-head with no characteristically Viking features, has been dated by inscription to the early tenth century (Harbison, 1992, it: fig. 132; 1999: 45). In contrast, there is only one example of an expanded-

which does not have a ring at all (type E1). The type is

unique in Wales, though similar forms are found on crosscarved stones in Anglesey (Fig. 7.4) and also on two cross-slabs, Meifod 1 (MT6) and St Davids 8 C (P97); the latter is datable by inscription to the late eleventh or early

Whitford 2

F DISC-HEADS

twelfth centuries. The final type, represented by Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1 and 2 (AN14-15), si termed a disc-

head and consists of a cross-head with a solid recessed ring.

In England, it is known as a 'plate-head' (Cramp, 1991: xvii, fig. 3.5). The shape of the cross on the former (type FI) si very similar toLlanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 nearby; that on the latter (type F2) has a circular centre which has more in common with Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 and

Penmon 2(type B2), though the circle si incomplete.

There are a variety of shapes of cross-base. The base of

Penmon 1(AN51), and to a lesser degree Dyserth 2 (F3)

Llanfachraith 1

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2

Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1

r e n m o n

Penmon 2

Group III monuments. There are only two examples in north Wales, Llanhaead-ym-Mochnant 1 (D7) and

Meifod 1 (MT6), both of which are located ni the border

area between Powys and Mercia. The former is carved with a slendercross with a ring-head (type Ala), which may be compared with the pillar Llawhaden 1 (P55), while the latter has a large ringless cross with expanded arms (type E) surmounted by a smaller circle-head cross with pellets in the quadrants (type B1); similarcrosses are

erally found in the rest of Wales, though Laugharne 1 found on St Davids 8 (P97), also a cross-slab. Cross-slabs

arm cross-head, Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17),

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1

raphy and inscriptions. Nash-Williams classified them as

and Penrhosllugwy 2(AN59), have atruncated pyramid

shape which is characteristic of Irish crosses, b u t the bases of Llandysilio yn IAl 1 (D3), Whitford 2 (F12) and

Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17) are rectangular and

that of Corwen 5 (MR7) is round. The uneven, roughly circular shape o fLlangaffo 2 (AN28) suggests that i twas

ni Wales as a whole are comparatively rare. There are eight or nine altogether ni the south-west (vol. II: 53), and ni the south-east there is a small group ni Monmouthshire (vol. I: 118-19), with Llowes 1(R5) on the bordersfurther

north. Cross-slabs are not characteristic of Anglo-Saxon or Irish sculpture but in Pictland and the Isle of Man they are the most common form. Pillarsm a y be defined as shaped, quadrangular-section shafts which were usually set upright in the ground (Fig. 5.1e). They can be carved in relief, or false relief, or occasionally incised and may be decorated on one or more faces with crosses, ornament and occasionally iconog-

raphy and/or inscriptions. Like cross-slabs they are rare in north Wales, though there are two or three from

Anglesey: Cerrig Ceinwen 2-3 (AN3-4) and Llanbadrig 1 (AN10). Nor are they a common form in otherparts of Wales and sometimes their simplicity means that they are difficult to distinguish from simpler cross-carved stones: six have been noted in the south-west (vol. II: 53) and there are also a few in the south-east, particularly in Breconshire (e.g. B10, 16, 26, 32).

ARCHITECTURAL AND RELATED

FRAGMENTS

In Anglo-Saxon England, mortared masonry churches w e r e a feature o f the l a n d s c a p e o n m a i o r sites from the s e v e n t h c e n t u r y o n w a r d s

t h o n g h t h e i r n u m b e r s i n c r e a s e

have been visible.

from the mid-ninth century (Taylor and Taylor, 1965; Taylor, 1978; Blair, 2005). Similarly ni Ireland, whilst there were comparatively few stone churches, whether

CROSS-SLABS A N D PILLARS

number gradually expands c.900-1050 and then increases

originally set right intothe ground so thesides would not

drystone or mortared, prior to the tenth century, the dramatically between .c 1050 and 1130 (O Carragáin,

Cross-slabs are large, approximately rectangular slabs, Llangaffo 1

Dyserth 1

Fig. 52. Cross-head forms (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2

2010). In Scotland by contrast, though the record of Bede

often carefully shaped.

suggests that mortared stone churches may have existed

which are designed to stand upright in the ground (Fig.

from the beginning of the eighth century onwards (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969: v.21), only a handful have

sometimes roughlv h e w n but

5.1c-d). They are carved in relief with a large cross, occasionally more than one. and are often decorated with

been tentatively identified, most of which are dated to the

complex ornament which sometimes includes iconog-

end of the period (Fernie, 1986; Cameron, 1996: 42-4;

74 1

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

Carver, 2008: 87-91). In Wales, however, the only known

example in the south, Partrishow 1 (B43) (ECMW: no.

pre-Romanesque

67); a second at Defynnog (Brecs.), which has sometimes

stone church

is

Presteigne (Rads.).

which is built in the Anglo-Saxon tradition (Taylor and Taylor, 1965, i: 497-9). The earliest documentary reference to a stone church is at Llandaf (Glam.), w h i c h was

been regarded as early medieval, has now been rejected as probably of early modern date (vol. I: 543). The five or six fonts discussed here are included

replaced by a larger building in 1120 (Evans and Rhys,

b e c a u s e t h e y a r e d e c o r a t e d w i t h I n s u l a r o r n a m e n t- p l a i t -

1893: 86; Crouch, 1989: 4-5). Occasionally, Romanesque

churches, notably the south doorway at Penmon (Gem,

2009: 303-5), have architectural sculpture which com-

Romanesque features. On Anglesey, however, around thirty other carved stone fonts have been identified as

and may be divided into three groups. First, there are

Nevertheless, stone fragments with no signs of Romanesque influence and bands of plaitwork, interlace and frets, sometimes on both broad faces, have been noted

those, such as Trefdraeth and Llangristiolus, which are typologically transitional since they have Insular ornament, but also some Romanesque features. Secondly,

broadly datable to the twelfth or early thirteenth centuries

at Bangor (CN6-9) with further possible examples, now lost, reported from Corwen (MR46). They have all been

there are those that are either entirely or predominantly Romanesque, though they may include elements of

c u t d o w n for r e u s e as m a s o n r y a n d / o r r e s h a p e d , m a k i n g

Insular ornament, for example Llanbadrig, Heneglwys and Llanbeulan. Thirdly, there are those, such as Llangeinwen, which have later Romanesque vegetal decoration (Thurlby, 2006: 220-34; pers. comm., Aimee

it difficult to determine their original forms. It has been tural fragments, parts of window or door jambs or lintels, w h i c h m a y b e i n d i c a t i v e o rt h e f o r m e r n r e s e n c e o t a

n r e .

Romanesque stone church on the site. Alternatively, they

could be fragments of items of church furniture, such as screens (Edwards, 2006: 107-8, figs 2-3; Pritchard, 2009: 255-8). Those from Corwen may also have been either architectural or fragments of furnishings of some kind. No other architectural fragments or pieces of church furnishings other than fonts have been conclusively identified from Wales. Llantwit Major 9 (G71), a beast-head, if

early medieval, might be a corbel or label-stop. The most

likely candidates for church furniture are the cylindrical

grooved pillar from Llantwit Major (G67), which might have been part of a chancel screen (vol. I: 390), and the massive slab, Llanrhidian 1 (G59). However, a variety of

carved church furniture has been identified from Anglo-

Saxon England, including parts of screens and seats

(Cramp, 1986). FONTS

Fonts are the only definite church fittings which have been

attributed to the early medieval period in Wales. Nash-

Williams included three from Anglesey ni The Early Christian Monuments of Wales: Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (AN2), Newborough 1 (AN49) and Penmon 4 (AN54) (ECMW: nos 4, 49, 1). Here, Pistyll 1 (CN39) and Llanffinan 1 (AN16) have been added to the list (Fig. 5.3). The frag-

P e n m e n

Prichard). Finally, there is a fourth group of plain cylindrical fonts found on Anglesey and in some other parts of

north Wales which are also probably of twelfth-century date. Although some of these decorated fonts, notably Heneglwys and Llanbeulan, have recently been identified by Lord (2003: 50-2) as pre-Romanesque, this si clearly mistaken since the presence of Romanesque features, particularly the arcadingwhich is one of the most characteristic forms of decoration on Romanesque fonts in Britain (Drake, 2002: 13-14), si incontrovertible. There. fore, no fonts from these four groups have been included here.

Cerrig Ceinwen 1

The fonts with Insular ornament may be divided into two groups according to shape (Fig. 5.3). Penmon 4

(AN54) is roughly square, tapering slightly from bottom

to top. The rest, however, are cylindrical or tub shaped (including Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2 (D8)). Pistyll 1 (CN39) is the largest with a maximum external diameter at the base of 66cm (26in.); Llanffinan 1 (AN16) is the smallest at 50cm (19.75in.). If correctly identified, the

external diameter of Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2 would have been around 48cm (19in.) at the bottom. The depths

of the basins range between 25.5cm (Penmon 4) and

17cm (Newborough 1) (10 > 6.75in.). Penmon 4 has an

undecorated face, and Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (AN2) and

Newborough 1 (AN49) both have an undecorated part. Though it might be suggested that these were once painted with inscriptions, the lack of a separate panel on mentary Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2 (D8), which the last two makes this less likely. These areas were prob. Nash-Williams wrongly identified as possibly part of a ably left blank because the font was located against a wall cylindrical shaft (ECMW: no. 180), may well be a further inside the church building (whether of wood or stone) and

example. In addition, Nash-Williams noted a single

75

work, interlace and frets - and have no clearly identifiable

bines Insular ornament with Romanesque forms and motifs, but these are excludedhere.

a r g u e d t h a t t h o s e f r o m B a n g o r a r e m o s t likely a r c h i t e c -

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

therefore there was no need to carve them. It is unclear

Pistyll 1

Fig. 5.3 Fonts (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Newborough 1

76

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

whether they were mounted on stone bases or stood directly on the floor. However, the fonts at both Llanbabo and Llanrhwydrus have fileted bases and it is possible that Insular ones, notably Cerrig Ceinwen 1, would have had likewise (pers. comm., Aimee Pritchard). A small number of

LATER INSCRIBED STONES Later inscribed stones may be defined as natural, roughly hewn or more carefully shaped boulders, slabs or pillars where the inscriptions) are either the only carving or

in

f o r m a d o m i n a n t f e a t u r e o f it. ' T h e l e t t e r - f o r m s i n d i c a t e

In the earlier part of the period, adult baptism was the

that they are epigraphically later than the early inscribed stones (see chapters 4, 8). There are three examples from

Anglo-Saxon

font

bases

have

been

i d e n t i fi e d

England (Blair, 2010: 167-9).

norm and ni Britain and Ireland the sacrament would have been performed ni holy wells, springs or streams rather than in baptisteries (Jones, 1954; Whitfield, 2007).

However, these fontswere all intended for infant baptism which by the end of t h e early Middle Ages had become more-or-less universal. Nevertheless, in England, as in Wales, the survival of pre-Romanesque stone fonts is rare and a variety of shapes and sizes have been recorded.

I n d e e d , it h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t c a r v e d s t o n e f o n t s w e r e

preceded by a range of more portable metal vessels, and w o o d e n troughs a n d buckets derived from domestic a n d

agricultural forms (Blair, 2010). These influenced the s h a p e s o f their s t o n e c o u n t e r p a r t s : q u a d r a n g u l a r

fonts,

such as Penmon 4 or Bingley (Yorks.), may have been derived from hollowed wooden troughs or lead tanks while cylindrical ones, such as the late eighth- or ninth-

century font at Deerhurst (Glos.), which stands on an ornamented base (Bailey, 2002: 14-21; Gem and Howe, 2008: 148-50), or Cerrig Ceinwen 1, were most likely influenced by stave-built tubs. If the drainage holes in the

north Welsh fonts are additions, ti is also likely that a

portable vesselw a soriginally placed inside the font basin. SUNDIALS

daylight hours. By contrast, there is only one related

example in Anglo-Saxon England on the cross at Bewcastle (Cumbria), datable to the first halfo f the eighth century (Bailey andCramp, 1988: 66, illus. 99). The char-

acteristic form in England from the eighth century onwards is built into the fabric of stone churches, as at Escomb (Co. Durham) (Cramp, 1984: 79); later architectural sundials may be exemplified by Kirkdale 10 (East

Yorks.), which is dated 1055-c. 1066 (Lang, 1991: 163-6).

simple Viking Age fretornament. It was found ni associa-

c a r v e dg r a v e - m a r k e r ,w h i c h h a s b e e n d a t e d t o t h e e i g h t h o r

o v e r o n e o f t h e m . T h e m o n u m e n t is v e r y s i m p l e a n d

ninth centuries, is not dissimilar to Tywyn 2 (MR25). However, the inscriptions on Llandaf 4-5 (G39-40),

rather rough and ready, making classification difficult. Nevertheless, the shape recalls that of a Viking colonial

tion with burials and probably originally lay lengthways

Llanddewi Ystradenni 1 (R3) and Cloddock 1 (HI) are

hogback monument, the distribution of which si concen-

v e r y d i t t e r e n t a n d h a v e all b e e n d a t e d t o t h e e n d o f t h e

trated

period.

Hiberno-Scandinavian settlement (Lang, 1984). The only

in

northern

Britain,

especially

in

areas

of

definite example of a hogback grave-cover in Wales is

Llanddewi Aber-arth 2 (CD7), but they are also found

the early inscribed stones, though two of the three have

G R AV E - C O V E R

c o m m e m o r a t i v e inscriptions. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of

Bidston (Ches.), as well as further north (Lang, 1984: 86, Bangor 7 (CN10) is a partially shaped slab 129cm fig. 1, 168-9; Bailey and Whalley, 2006; Bailey, 2010: 38(50.75in.) long which tapers at either end, giving ti a 9,49-51, 135-6, 167-8, 201-4).

these is Tywyn 2 (MR25) which, uniquely in Wales, has inscriptions on all four sides in Welsh rather than in Latin with linear Latin crosses at the tops of two of the faces. In contrast, the fragmentary c o m m e m o r a t i v e inscription on

Heneglwys 1 (AN5) is incised in Latin and it is possible that originally it may have been a plain inscribed gravemarker similar to Llan-gors 2 (B30). The third monument, Llandewyn 1 (MIR15), was included by Macalister (CIIC: no. 1029), but not by Nash-Williams. It has a lengthy but barely literate Latin inscription, which probably had a liturgical function (see p. 402), and is accompanied by a prominent linear Latin cross. Llandrillo 1 (MR16) is possibly a further example. but the Latin inscription is now

virtually illegible (Appendix A). Itwas likewise included by Macalister (CIIC: no. 1030), but rejected by NashWilliams (1936a: 173) as too late. Two other stones from Merioneth with lengthy Latin

inscriptions have in the past been regarded as early medieval, but are not included here since they are regarded as too late. The pillar in the churchyard at

Llanfihangel-y-traethau functioned as a grave-marker.

reg(is), who has been identified as Owain Gwynedd,ruler

example elsewhere ni Wales is the fragmentary St Davids of Gwynedd (1137-70) (ECMW:по. 281; CIC: n. 1032;

10 (P99). These sundials are of a vertical free-standing form (Fig. 5.1j), designed to be set into the ground. This type, which is primarily found in Ireland (see p. 266), consists of shaped, quadrangular-section pillars and slabs with half-circular vertical dials at the top which are divided into sections indicating periods of time during

commemorative. Though the inscription on Merthyr

Tydfil 1 (G111) is confined to a personal name, the cross-

north Wales, one from Anglesey and two from Merioneth. None is a direct continuation of the tradition of

The inscription commemorates Wledr, the mother of There are two sundials in north-west Wales: Clynnog 1 Odelev, who first built the church in the time of Ewini (CN14) and Tywyn 4 (MR27). The only other possible

77

FORMS OF SCULPTURE

see Appendix C). The second inscription ni Llanelltyd Church si later. It was carved by a man probably named Kenuric before setting off on a pilgrimage and is accom-

panied by a footprint (CIIC: no. 1031; Hemp and Radford,

1953). The letter-forms are influenced by Caroline script and include a G resembling the textualis 'Gothic' type.

The likely use of K suggests ti is of thirteenth-century date since K is not found in Welsh manuscripts earlier (pers.

comm., Helen McKee).

The small number of later inscribed stones in the north is comparable with elsewhere in Wales. Five have been recorded i n the south-west where, unlike the north, there is some evidence that the tradition of the earlier inscribed stones might have continued to be influential(vol. I: 53). Five have also been noted in the south-east and are mainly

slightly curved upper profile and it is decorated with very

along the Irish Sea coast of the Wirral, a tWest Kirby and

DISTRIBUTION. CONTEXT AND FUNCTION OF THE SCULPTURE

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXT AND FUNCTION O F THE SCULPTURE

often backed up by multiple discoveries on the same site.

sculpture is often the only strong evidence we now have that a particular site had early medieval origins. Analysis of their distribution and context is therefore of great value since it can frequently shed valuable light not only on their functions, but also on the structure and evolution of the

However, a small number - Nefyn 1 (CN33). Pistyll 2 (CN40) and Tywyn 3 (MR26) - were not associated with church buildings and the earliest reports of these remain much more difficult to unravel, especially when the monument has been moved and the exact location of the

e a r l y m e d i e v a l c h u r c h i n n o r t hW a l e s . I n o r d e r t o d o t h i s .

original find-spot forgotten.

however, it is important to establish as far as possible the o r i g i n a l c o n t e x t s o ft h e s e m o n u m e n t s b y r e f e r e n c e t o e a r -

lier antiquarian and archaeological literature and other evidence. Although only two are likely to have survived in

Nevertheless, because they are simple monuments, the majority of cross-carved stones were not noted until the 1920s onwards. This came about mainly as a result of the systematic recording strategies used by the Royal

situ, the cross known as Maen Achwyfan, Whitford 2(F12),

Commission on Anglesey and inCaernarfonshire which

and the cross-carved boulder, Caerhun 1 (CN13), the contexts in which other pieces of sculpture were discovered

led to the discovery of eleven stones (24 per cent of the total). A similar pattern of survival is evident.Most had

d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y r e m a i n a t or v e r c l o s e t o

b e e n built

their original locations.

buildings during nineteenth-century restoration or reconstruction as at Llangeinwen (AN41-4); other examples

Corwen 1 (MR3), noted by Lhuyd because of its folk-

loric associations (Morris, 1909-11, it: 45), is the only definite example of a cross-carved stone to be recorded before the mid-nineteenth century. However, during the 1840s, with the rise in church restoration, demolition and rebuilding, the number increases. At Llangaffo, for example, severalcross-carved stones (AN30-7) were dis-

covered reused as building material during demolition of

the medieval church and others (AN22-4) were noted in the fabric at Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog when the isolated old c h u r c h w a s a b a n d o n e d in f a v o u r o f a

n e w b u i l d i n g i nt h e

neighbouring village (Jones, 1846: 299; Haslam et al., 2009: 125). Others were found in graveyards including Whitford 1 (F11), which came to light during gravedigging (Owen, 1886: 195), and Llangernyw 1-2 (D45) were still standing, possibly in situ. south of the church

(Thomas, 1874: 389-90). Contexts such as these indicate a firm association with the church concerned and this si

repairs to the church belfry which had been constructed in

into o n e of the estate cottages adjacent to the A u g u s t i n i a r

cross-slabs, pillars and other sculpture is slightly different, though the fact that the majority are associated with church sites of one sort or another is similar to the cross-

1879 while Llandewyn 1 (MR15), an inscribed stone with a cross, was discovered during demolition of the church in the same year (Chidlow, 1880; Anon., 1880:

m o n u m e n t s

the twentieth century. At Bangor, for example, four frag-

1880. The most recent discovery, Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 5 abbey ruins (Jones, 1846: 301, fig.; 1849: 202; Anon., (AN24), was found as a result of conservation work on 1848: 356). Similarly, during the second half of the ninethe fabric oft h e ruinous church in 2010. teenth century, the cross-slab Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant The pattern of recording and discovery of crosses, 1 (D7) was found n i church fabric during restoration ni

CHAPTER 6

The presence of cross-carved stones, crosses and other

7 9

into the c h u r c h fabric o r that o f adiacent

include Llandanwg 4 (MRI3) and Bardsey Island 1 (CN11). Penmachno 2 (CN36) was dug up ni the churchyard and Penmynydd 1 (AN57) was first noted in the vicarage garden. Occasionally, monuments have come to light elsewhere: for example, the cross on Caerhun 1

(CN13) was spotted on a boulder on theside of an ancient

routeway (Lynch, 1973), but the original contexts of

Waunfawr 1 (CN42) and Carno 1 (MTI) remain much more difficult to reconstruct. During the first decade of the twenty-firstcentury finds have continued as a result of church repair and archaeo-

logical recording: Hope I (F5) was found ni rubble in the a r c a d e wall between the n o r t h a n d s o u t h naves o f the

carved stones. Nevertheless, the larger, more ambitious a r e

m u c h

m o r e

i k e l v

t o

h a v e

b e e n

fi r s t

79). This pattern largely continued during the first half of

recorded by Lhuyd and his associates in the late seven-

ments (CIN4, C N 8 - 1 0 ) were reported in the cathedral or

teenth century, or even earlier. Indeed, some 21.5 per cent of the total had been noted by the beginning of the eighteenth century. The Pillar of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Iäl 1, D3) andWhitford 2 (F12) were both landmarks referred to in the later Middle Ages but were more formally recorded in their present locations on open farmland ni the later seventeenth century, though by that time the

its vicinity (Hughes, 1901: 182; 1904: 152; 1930b); the

former was lying on the ground near the base and was in several pieces (BL Harleian MS 3780, fo. 94; Illus. D3.7). The approximate location of the lost Atiscross (Flint 1, F4), which is mentioned in Domesday Book (Morgan,

1978: 269b), and survived until the late eighteenth century (Pennant, 1778-83, i: 52), is also known, though the field has now been built over. Although none of these crosses si known to eb associated with a church, others are. For example, according to Lhuyd, Dyserth 1 (F2) was standing on the south side of the churchyard while Penmon 1(AN51) was located ni the deer park a' bowshot west of the church', where it stood until 1977 (BL Stowe MS 1023, fos 96, 99, 153); both were probably ni situ. However, the shaft of Penmon 3 (AN53), now lost, had been reused as a gatepost south of the church (BL Stowe

MS 1023, fo. 97). By contrast, only three monuments were noted by those who toured north Wales during the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the crossshaft and base, Corwen 5 (MR7), which was standing in

cross-head, Llanfachraith 1 (AN11), came to light in the

vicarage garden and the shaft fragments; Rhuddlan 1-2 (F9-10) were found in the wall of the old vicarage (Hughes, 1932a; 1936: 140). However, there were also some more unusual discoveries: ni 1939, Bangor 7

(CN10) was unearthed in an otherwise unknown ceme tery overlooking the Menai Strait (Hughes, 1938).

However, the sundial, Clynnog 1 (CN14), had clearly b e e n r e m o v e d f r o m its o r i g i n a l l o c a t i o n a n d h a d fi r s t b e e n

reused as a footbridge and then moved again and utilized

as a stand for milk pails (Hughes, 1931). Since the publication o fECMW, a further nine monuments (17.6 per cent) have come to light. All are firmly associated with church sites except Tywyn 4 (MR27), another sundial, which had first been reused as a mile. stone and subsequently built into the fabric of an outhouse (Thomas, 1989: 111). The two most recent discoveries are small crosses: Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17) was still standing ni the churchyard when first identified in 2007 and Llandanwg 5(MR14) came to light in 2008 during works in the churchyard (Davidson, 2008: 73). In all, very few pieces of sculpture have been moved any distance from their original find sites and it is usually

p o s s i b l e t o t r a c k s u c h m o v e m e n t s in t h e l i t e r a t u r e . E v e n in

the churchyard (Pennant, 1778-83, i: 70-1), and two

the cases of Clynnog 1 and Tywyn 4, which were not first

fonts (AN2, AN54), which had continued in use in the churches at Cerrig Ceinwen and Penmon (Skinner, 1908:

recorded on church sites, the fact that they are sundials clearly implies that they originally had an ecclesiastical

41, figs 26-8; Fenton, 1917: 257).

As with the cross-carved stones, the number of other monuments discovered significantly increased in the

1840s. For example, the later inscribed stone, Heneglwys 1 (AN5), came to light during demolition of the old

church. as did the cross-head. Llangaffo 1 (AN27) (Jones.

1846: 67; Prichard, 1898: 288-9). Others were noted nearby: for example, Llangaffo 2 (AN28), a cross-shaft

a s s o c i a t i o n

CROSS-CARVED STONES Cross-carved stones in north Wales (Fig. 6.1) are mainly found ni the north-west, particularly in Anglesey (50 per cent) a n d t o a lesser extent i n Caernarfonshire (26 v e r

church, and Hope 2-3 (F6-7) were recognized amongst a

and base. was first recorded reused as a sundial in the

n u m b e r o f medieval fragments built into the exterior

churchyard while hte cross, Penmon 2 (AN52), formed a centrations at Llangaffo, Llangeinwen and Llanfihangel

fabric (Jones, Silvester and Edwards, 2001: 46-7). Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 2 (AN18) was seen during

lintel in the fabric of the Augustinian priory refectory and

the cross-shaft Bardsey Island 2 (CN12) had beenbuilt

cent). Their distribution on Anglesey, which includes conYsgeifiog, focuses on the southern and eastern half of the island. This reflects both the fertile lowland soils,

8 0

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXTANDFUNCTIONO F THE SCULPTURE

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXT AND FUNCTION OF THE SCULPTURE

(CN13) is sited inthe uplandswesto fthe Conwy. In con-

trast, there are only four cross-carved stones (8.6 per cent)

in Merioneth. Three of these, Llandanwg 4 (MR13),

LlanfihangelTre'f Beirdd

Llanfactraith

Llanegryn 1 (MR17) and Tywyn 3 (MR26), should be seen as an extension of the coastal distribution further north. The more sparsely populated mountainous interior is ignored except for a single example at Corwen, which lies on the eastern edge of the county in the Dee river valley. In north-east Wales, the distribution is similarly limited. The two examples in Denbighshire, Llangernyw

L l a n f a i rM a t h a f a m E i t h a f

1 and 2 (D4-5), are located ni the Elwy valley while the fouri n Flintshire are c o n fi n e d to the m o r e fertile eastern

Heneglys.

borderlands with one at Whitford (F11), west of the Dee estuary, and acluster further south at Hope (F5-7). The

Cerrig Ceinwen

only cross-carved stone in Montgomeryshire is in the valley of the Carno (MTI). located on the east-west route which runs between the Marches and the Dyfi estuary. The comparative lack of cross-carved stones in north-east Wales compared with the north-west is real since sources of sandstonessuitable for carving were available relatively locally (see chapter 3). In all likelihood, the greater number in the north-west reflects contacts across the Irish Sea where cross-carved stones are much more common (see below). More than 80 per cent of the cross-carved stones are

definitely associated with ecclesiastical sites and their B a r d s e y Island

but in the north it appears more pronounced. About a third of the cross-carved stones are associatedwith ecclesiastical sites ofsome status (see p. 17), more than double

the percentage compared with the south-west (vol. I: 56).

Interestingly, no cross-carved stones have been recorded

from Bangor, the most important site in the region and the seat of abishop, but they are known from several definite

or probable local mother churches. These include the three from Hope (F5-7), which has been identified as the mother church of the commote of Hopedale (Silvester and Evans, 2009: 36) and Corwen 1(MR3), which si asso-

ciated with the mother church of the commote of l o w l a n dl o c a t i o n s , but only in ones a n d twos. mainly on

the Lyn peninsula, suggesting the importance of seaborne contacts. However, to the east distribution is

carving in the form of quartz-rich, carboniferous arenite sandstones (see chapter 3). Those in Caernarfonshire, like thosei n Anglesey, are found predominantly incoastal and

confined to isolated examples: Penmachno is in thevalley

of the Afon Machno but, most unusually, Caerhun 1

which gave its name to the parish (Edwards, 2001: 30).

Though not found elsewhere in the region, this association is comparable witht h e locations of some of the early inscribed stones, notably Llannor 2-4 (CN30-2), and is indicative of the early origins of the site as a place of burial which later developed into a parish church.

Llangernyw 1 and 2 (D45 ) stand in a partially curvilinear churchyard with a holy well nearby, as there also is at Llangybi (CN27), and both these sites are Ilan placenames with Celtic dedications, to St Digain and St Cybi

respectively. Dedications, like place-names, need to be used w i t h considerable caution b u t it is worth noting that

on Anglesey there is a dense pattern of small parishes

However, a significant minority have llan names paired with either Michael or the Virgin Mary, which were coming into fashion at the end of the period. These include sites with cross-carved stones, notably LIanfihangel Ysgeifiog and Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd, and

inscribed stones are associated with known church sites

ments, and the local availability of suitable stone for

yard boundary (Anon., 1928: 96; Baynes, 1935: 190-1). The church si also very near the former site of a prehistoric standingstone, Llech Gynfarwy ('Cynfarwy's Stone),

Llandanwg 4 (MR13) are located on the same sites as early inscribed stones. This suggests that the ecclesiastical

(see p. 45). Such a pattern is repeated elsewhere in Wales

suggesting a fairly dense pattern of agricultural settle-

important place ofpilgrimage. Nevertheless, as in the south-west, over 40 per cent of the cross-carved stones come from the sites of present or former parish churches where, more often thann o t , they are the only evidence for the early medieval origins of the site. However, there are sometimes other clues. For example, Llechgynfarwy 1 (AN48) was discovered in a hedgerow near the church close to wherelong-cist graves had been unearthed in the roadway beyond the church-

with Ilan names a n d Celtic dedications, whether to a saint or a secular founder who was later regarded as one.

established after early inscribed stones went out of fashion. Indeed, ni north Wales only 40 per cent of early

Fig. 6.1 Distribution mapo f sculpture ni north Wales (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

associated with an offshore h e r m i t a g e w h i c h became a n

environs, slightly more than in either the south-west or the south-east. Furthermore, only Penmachno 2 (CN36) and

sites where cross-carved stones are found weregenerally

2.3Monuments

81

Edeirnion (Pryce, 2001: 264-5). The cluster at LIangaffo (AN30-7) isfrom a church known as Merthyr Caffo, which isfirstmentioned c. 1200 in the life of St Cybi and suggests the presence of the relics of St Caffo on the site (WadeEvans. 1944: ch. 17). while Bardsey Island 1 (CN11) is

may be indicative of later foundations. Although other cross-carved stones cannot clearly be associatedw i t h churchsites, there is often some evidence to suggesttheiroriginal context. Nefyn 1 (CN33)formerly stood in a cemetery and it is possible that Carno 1 (MT1) was originally located on the site ofa cemetery orchapel which later became a grange of the Knights Hospitaller,

as alsohappened on lands owned by the Cistercian abbey of Margam (Glam.) (vol. I: 577; Evans, 2009: 96). Caerhun I (CNI3) is sited beside a Roman road. However, the pattern ofupland sites, formerly chapels of ease or local cemeteries which are sometimes found elsewhere in Wales, including Glamorgan, for example

Gelli-Gaer (Capel Brithdir) 2 and Gelli-Gaer (Capel Gwladys) 1 (G29-30) (vol. :I 564), the Preselis (Pembs.),

for example Never 6-10 (P75-9), and in Ceredigion at

Llanfihangel-y-Creuddyn (CD17-19),i s not paralleled in the north.

82

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXT AND FUNCTION OF THE SCULPTURE

A l t h o u g h n o c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s h a v e b e e n f o u n d in

Other cross-carved stones are likely to have acted as foci

north Wales directly associated with graves ni the manner

within a cemetery, rather than marking specific graves, or

of St Ismaels 4 (P131), it is likely that the majority functioned as anonymous upright or occasionally recumbent

t o h a v e s t o o d u p o n its b o u n d a r y t o s i g n a l t h e e x t e n t o f

grave-markers (Thomas, 1971: 112-14), especially where

ings, such monuments could well have functioned as focal

sanctified ground. Indeed, in the absence ofchurch build-

(F5-7). Inscriptions on cross-carved stones in the region

points for prayer and worship. Though specificexamples in north Wales are very difficult indeed to identify, Nefyn 1 (CN33), which formerly stood on a slight mound

(MR25), which is also carved with crosses, are certainly

tall and comparatively ornate Carno 1 (MT1), fi it came

several cluster on the same site, as, for example, at

Llangaffo (AN30-7), Llangeinwen (AN41-4) and Hope

are extremely rare but those in Welsh on Tywyn 2 marking the site of a cemetery, si one possibility, as si the

| 83

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXT AND FUNCTION OF THE SCULPTURE of other acts of devotion, though their more detailed con-

(AN51-4) are known, has good quality local arenite sandstones close by a n d was s u p p o r t e d by the r u l e r s of

CROSSES, CROSS-SLABS AND OTHER MORE AMBITIOUS SCULPTURE As with the cross-carved stones, the distribution (Fig. 6. 1) of the fifty or so examples of more ambitious sculpture in

Gwynedd, notably Gruffudd ap Cynan (Russell, 2005: ch. 34). Similarly, Meifod, which has a large cross-slab with

complex ornament (MT6), was the centre of the cult of St Tysilio and received the patronage of the rulers of

Pows (Jones and Owen, 2003: 48-51, 57-61). In other

instances, however, for example Llanrhaeadr-ymMochnant and Llandrinio, comparatively little is known

north Wales si concentrated ni the north-west, focusing

a n d t h e p r e s e n c e o f s c u l p t u r e provides t h e best e v i d e n c e

6

f r o m t h e site o f a c e m e t e r y w h i c h later b e c a m e a g r a n g e

on Anglesey with a handful of scattered examples along

for the status of the site. But not all ecclesiastical sites with

(CD13) and Llanlleonfel 1 (B34). Furthermore, in Ireland

(see also vol. II: 57-8). Furthermore, some cross-carved

the coast o f Caernarfonshire and Merioneth. I nthe north-

a m b i t i o u s s c u l t u r e w e r e mother c h u r c h e s T h e cross-

t h e r e is h a g i o g r a p h i c e v i d e n c e t h a t a n o n y m o u s crOSS-

stones, like some early inscribed stones (see p. 48) and

east, however, there is an important cluster of monuments

shaft from Bardsey Island (CN12) is associated with a

c a r v e d g r a v e - m a r k e r s w e r e a l r e a d y in u s e d u r i n g t h e

crosses (see below), m a y have functioned t o indicate t h e

seventh century a n d the practice o f erecting cross-carved

ownership of ecclesiastical land, its boundaries and areas

along the Flintshire coast in Tegeingl, between the Clwyd and the Dee estuaries, but in the borderlands further south

p i l l a r s a n d r e c u m b e n t s l a b s o v e r g r a v e s , a s , f o re x a m p l e , a t

of sanctuary, as suggested ni the south-west (vol. II: 59). Again, examples remain difficult to identify, though Clynnog 2, the lost Clynnog 3 (CN15-16) and Tywyn 3 (MR26) are possible candidates. There is also good evidence that some cross-carved

hermitage, which latterly became an important place of pilgrimage. The place-name, Dyserth, where there is a cross and cross-base (F2-3), may likewise suggest that it was a hermitage and there is also a cluster (AN27-9) on

commemorative,

as

are

those

on

Llanddewibreti

the monastery of Clonmacnoise (Co. Offaly), many with inscriptions requesting prayers for the dead, continued

into the twelfth century (vol. I: 57; Bieler, 1979: 114-15, 154-5; Macalister, 1909; Lionard, 1961; pace Harbison,

1991: 199-203; Hamlin, 2008: 115, 125-9). Likewise in

t h e

m a n n e r

o f

m o r e

m o d e r n

Glamorgan, for example at Llantwit Major (G63-70), Margam (G78-83) and Merthyr Mawr (G98-9, 101-10). More unexpectedly, some 30 per cent o f the more ambi-

beside a Roman road that passes through the uplands

w h i c h m a y be part o f a w i d e r roval i n a u g u r a t i o n l a n d -

between the forts o f Kanovium and Segontium ( C a e r

scape (Argyll) (RCAHMS, 1982: 179-91; 1992: 56-61;

narfon) and at this point follows the line of an older,

example of this si Caerhun 1 (CN13), which is located

prehistoric routeway (Lynch, 1977: 72). Monuments Cross-carved stones, such as Hope 1-3 (F5-7) and marking upland passes have also been noted ni Scotland Penmon 5 (AN55), are likely to have marked graves ni a and Ireland (Fisher, 2001: 8; Cuppage, 1983: no. 790; mother church and/or monastic cemetery, whether those O'Sullivan and Sheehan, 1996: no. 1483). Others, such as of senior clerics or their secular patrons, who ni many Pistyll 2(CN40) and Waunfawr 1(CN42), may have been c a s e s w o u l d h a v e c o m e f r o m t h e s a m e e n t e f a m i l i e s . sited with reference to the pilgrim route to Bardsey Island. Gondek, 2006).

and Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog (AN22-5), are indicative of cemeteries and estate churches founded by local families which later became parish churches. There is also a fragmentary cross-carved stone (AN50) from the parish church at Newborough, which most likely originated as

The cross on the latter has been rubbed smooth, possibly as a result of pilgrims touching the monument. However, there is no evidence in this region of additional crosses being added to monuments as there is in the south-west, for example on Fishguard South 1 (P16), which is probably located on the ancient pilgrim route to St Davids. Lewis Morris's account of the lost Holyhead 1 (AN8)

the chapel of the adjacent royal llys ('court') of the rulers of Gwynedd at Rhosyr (Johnstone, 1997: 61). Even fi

(Appendix A), known as Gorphwysfa Gybi ('*the resting place (or seat) of St Cybi), is extremely vague, though it

there were comparatively few church buildings before the twelfth century, the presence of stone cross-carved grave-

might be a form of outdoor altar comparable with Irish leachta, which at Inishmurray (Co. Sligo) helped define

h a v e

e m n h a s i z e d

t h e

n e r m a n e n c e a n d

small compared with those from some other more impor

tant establishment in the region and is well attested in

shrines or possibly commemorated some event. The best

w o u l d

ments are associated with major church sites. The

both the documentary and archaeological record (see

western Scotland, there are concentrations of a n o n y m o u s

m a r k e r s

As might be expected, nearly 60 per cent of these monu-

the merthyr site of Llangaffo. Nevertheless, the number of

m o n u m e n t s r e p r e s e n t e d o n e a c h s i t e is c o m p a r a t i v e l y tant

cross-carved stones, mostly grave-markers, at monasteries such as Iona, and occasionally elsewhere, notably the possible seventh-century cemetery of C l a d a'Bhile, Ellary,

Anglesey ni particular, such as Llangeinwen (AN41-4)

Llandrinio and Meifod.

bishopric a n d monastery at Bangor was the m o s t impor-

f u n c t i o n e d

However, those which cluster on less important sites, o n

sculpture including Corwen, Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant,

r o a d s i d e

stones were sited along routeways, where they may have in

there is onlv a small number of sites with more ambitious

a r e a s o f s a c r e d s n a c e a n d m a v h a v e h e e n u t i l i z e d in nro.

sanctity o f such sites as well as the symbolic protection

cessions and in the devotions of pilgrims from the early

and status of their Christian dead. Lowlier graves may have been marked with wooden memorials, which have long since disappeared, or simply with mounds of stones

Middle Ages onwards (O'Sullivan and O Carragain, 2008: 316-48). The antiquity of the graffiti crosses on

or earth.

possibility is that t h e y were incised by pilgrims or as part

Meifod 2 (MT7) (Appendix A) is questionable. but one

pp. 247, 249). Nevertheless, only half a dozen small frag. ments of sculpture (CN4-9) have survived, all cut down for reuse as masonry. This clearly demonstrates the

vagaries of survival and may be compared with Llandaf, which also has few extant monuments (G3640), though, unlike Bangor, inscriptions are represented. At St Davids, however, several more complete and much more accomplished pieces (P90-8) have come to light, similarly reused as masonry.

Though it is now possible to map the distribution of definite and likely mother churches across north Wales using documentary and other evidence (Fig. 1.3), only seven of these (20 per cent) have more ambitious exam-

ples of stone sculpture: Corwen, Llandanwg, Llandrinio, Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant, Meifod, Penmon and

Tvwyn. An eighth. Clynnog, may be added to the list i f i t is accepted that the sundial(CN14) found nearby originally came from this site. Of these, only Llandanwg and

foundations

elsewhere

i

nW a l e s .

notably

tious m o n u m e n t s are associated with the sites of

in

parish

churches. Most are comparatively modest pieces, such as

the small free-standing cross and cross-head from Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf (AN14-15), but not all. The cross-head from Llanfachraith (AN11) was once part of an impressive monument. There are also four parish churches with decorated stone fonts, Cerrig Ceinwen 1, Llanffinan 1, Newborough 1 and Pistyll 1(AN2, 16, 49, CN39), which would have been located within church buildings, whether of wood or stone. The church at Newborough

stands adjacent to the llys ('court') of the princes of

Gwynedd at Rhosyr in south-west Anglesey (Johnstone,

1997), and the presence of the sculpture suggests that the

site, which included a chapel, may have had its origins priorto the twelfth century. R h u d d l a n , from w h e r e two fragmentary cross-shafts

w h i c h h a s three cross-carved stones ( F 5 - 7 ) but n o m o r e

(F9-10) have been recorded, possibly originally from the site of the parish church, is strategically sited on the east bank of the Clwyd. It has been identified as the location of the Anglo-Saxon burh of Cledemutha founded by King

ambitious sculpture, has also been identified as a mother church, though the important early monastery at Bangor

Edward the Elder ni 921, which was later brought back under Welsh control (Quinnell and Blockley, 1994:

Is-y-Coed has no sculpture at all. Some of this limited dis-

209-13).

Tywyn also have early inscribed stones. This limited dis-

tribution is most apparent on the borders, where Hope,

t r i b u t i o n m a y h e a c c o u n t e d

for b y a c c i d e n t s o f survival

but not all. More ambitious sculpture requires patronage

and the availability of the wealth and resources,including

suitable stone and skilled labour, to produce it. Penmon,

for example, from where three carved crosses and a font

The first recorded position of some crosses can provide valuable clues as to their functions. Dyserth 1 (F2) was

first noted standing, possibly ni situ, on the south side of the churchvard (Morris. 1909-11, :i 53; BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 153), a position comparable with Never 4

8 4

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXT AND FUNCTION OF THE SCULPTURE

(P73), Penally 1 (P82) and Llanbadarn 1 and 2 (CD45)

Clwyd and the north Wales coast. It almost certainly orig.

in the south-west. Indeed, it is likely that the majority of

inally stood, as it does today, on the summit of a mound,

crosses. cross-slabs a n d pillars l o c a t e d o n t h e m o r e i m p o r-

though by the mid-seventeenth century the cross h a d

tant ecclesiastical sites would have stood in the vicinity of

fallen and the cairn was later dug into prior to the reerection of the monument in 1779. Though no longer legible, the lengthy inscription recorded by Lhuyd (BL

church buildings o r their adjacent cemeteries. A s such

they would have contributed to the sacred landscape at

the core of the site, acting as foci for prayer and contemplation, as well as demonstrating the status of their patrons. It is also pertinent to note that Lhuyd's Parochialia records Dyserth 1 as mal Karreg nadhva (like a sanctuary stone'), which suggests that ti indicated an area of sanctuary (Morris, 1909-11, :i 53). Some other crosses may originally have been located on ecclesiastical boundaries w h i c h a l s o m a r k e d t h e e x t e n t o f a r e a s o f s a n c t u a r v.

Penmon 1 (AN51), for example, was originally prominently located on a hill approximately a quarter o f a mile west of the church and would probably have been visible from the sea, while Penmon 6 (AN56), now lost, stood about three-quarters a mile southwest of the church near

the old parish boundary (Edwards, 1999: 7-9). On less important sites, such as Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd, the

cross (AN17) could have provided afocus for worship in

the absence of a church building, as has been suggested for that at Wharram Percy (East Yorks.) (Beresford and Hurst, 1990: 56-7, fig. 44;Lang, 1991: 222, no. 1). There is, however, no evidence to suggest that any of the crosses functioned as grave-markers, though, ni the

case of smaller examples, such as Llanfair Mathafarn

Eithaf 1 (AN14), first noted standing in the cemetery, this

is certainly apossibility, as was indeed the case with the

Harleian MS 3780, fo. 95) indicates its purpose as a piece of public propaganda. tI sets out the claims of Concenn, who had the monument erected, and the ruling family to the land and kingdom of Powys through succeeding generations from the time of the Romans onwards ina period when ti was increasingly coming under English attack. It

may be suggested that the location of the monument on top of the mound was not only to make it stand out in the landscape but also to make alink with the mythical prehistoric past. The mound, partially excavated between 2010 and 2012, is a kerb cairn of probable Early Bronze Age date which consisted of more than one phase and contained both encisted cremations and a short cist,

which once held an inhumation. The burial mound was found to be sited at the end of a glacial ridge which stretches northwards up the valley thereby forming a nat-

ural amphitheatre. Taking into account a range of factors, including its location and the wording of the inscription and the reuse of what appears to be an 'ancestral' burial mound, it has been argued that the site may have functioned as a place of assembly and for the inauguration of the rulers of Powys in the later eighth and earlier ninth centuries (Edwards, 2009a: 168-9). If so, it may be compared with the early ninth-century cross at Dupplin

inscribed stones Heneglwys 1 (AN5) and Tywyn 2 (Perthshire), which stood close to the royal centre at (MR25). The inscription on Llandecwyn 1 (MR15), Forteviot (Aitchison, 2006: 82-3; Ewart et al., 2007: 323which was found during demolition of the old church and names the saint to whom the site is dedicated, suggests that ti may have had a liturgicalfunction as a consecration stone. On analogy with Irish examples, which are mostly

5). In this light, it is worth noting that Flint 1 (F4), known as Atiscros, gave its name to the pre-Conquesthundred in which it was located and might therefore indicate that it marked the place of assembly for that district.

the churchyard since their p u r p o s e was to enable calcula-

evidence is needed and another interpretation seems more likely. The cross is first noted as afield-name kaeye Mayen

found on monastic sites (Hamlin, 1987), the two sundials Furthermore, ithasrecently been suggested that Whitford from north Wales, Clynnog 1 (CN14) and Tywyn 4 2 (F12) might also have been located with reference to a (MIR27), may be argued to have originated from their possible assembly site not far away focused on a group of respective mother churches where they probably stood in Bronze. Age(?) barrows (Griffiths, 2006: 159), but more tion of the times of liturgical services.

There are, however, two crosses, the Pillar of Eliseg

(Llandysilio yn Iâl 1, D3) and Maen Achwyfan (Whitford

2, F12), which still stand ni open countryside, as, ni all likelihood, did a third known as Atiscross (Flint 1, F4),

ychufan ('the field of (wyfan's Stone') ni 1388 (BU MS

Mostyn 3124). The church at Dyserth, 7.3km (4.5 miles)

to the west, is dedicated to Cwyfan, originally perhaps the Irish saint Kevin (pers. comm., Fiona Edmonds).

which no longer survives (Appendix B). The context of the Pillar of Eliseg, which is datable to approximately the second quarter of the ninth century, is especially intriguing. It is prominently sited in a strategic location in

Therefore, even though ti has no corroborating inscription, the cross might record a donation of land to the foundation at Dyserth in the manner of those associated with Merthyr Mawr (G99, G117); Llanfynydd 1 (CM24)

the Dee valley, via the Horseshoe Pass, to the Vale of

Dyserth is also supported by the close similarity between

the valley of the Nant Elwyseg which runs north from

may provide a further parallel. The connection with

DISTRIBUTION, CONTEXT AND FUNCTION OF THE SCULPTURE

8 5

Whitford 2and Meliden 1(F8), though the precise orig- exclusively, within hte cantref of Rhosyr, which later com-

inal location o f the latter cross is unrecorded.

The context of the grave-marker Bangor 7 (CN10),

which has features reminiscent of a hogback, is also interesting since it was found in a cemetery overlooking the Menai Strait. This location may be compared with

prised the commote of Dindaethwy in the east and that of

Menai in the west (Carr, 1982: 136, map 1). As noted

above, this is an areawith fertile farmland a n doutcrops of arenite sandstones suitable for carving (Fig. 9.2). Penmon, with its cluster of elaborately carved free-

that of the only definite example of a hogback in Wales, Llanddewi Aber-arth 2 (CD7), which is from a parish

s t a n d i n gc r o s s e s . w a s t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t s i t e i n t h e c a n t r e f

church which overlooks the sea, a siting similar to Lythe

(N.Yorks.), which has many examples of hogbacks and

Strait near Llan-faes, later the administrative centre of the

commote of Dindaethwy. However, no early medieval

o t h e r g r a v e - m a r k e r s a n d h a s b e e n c o n n e c t e d w i t h mer-

sculpture has been identified from Ynys Seiriol, the offshore hermitage associated with Penmon. The other main concentration is at the merthyr of Llangaffo in the south-

cantile activity on the beach nearby (Lang, 2001: 157-66; Stocker, 2000: 200). The cemetery overlooking the Menai Strait may likewise indicate a Viking trading community

in Bangor, which is further suggested b y two silver hoards found near the cathedral (Anon., 1846a; Boon, 1986: 927). The location is also characteristic of many pagan Viking burial sites, for example Benllech (Ang.) and Talacre (Flints.) (Edwards, 1985b; Smith, 1931-3). ECCLESIASTICAL LANDSCAPES

In some other parts of Wales, notably in Pembrokeshire in the cantrefi of Pebidiog, in which St Davids si located, and Cemais, which si centred on Nevern, as well as ni Glamorgan in the area around Margam, the distribution of sculpture has enabled the identification of both an ecclesiastical landscape and a hierarchy of sites (vol. I: 577; vol. II: 61-2). The only region where this has proved possible in the north is on Anglesey where a range of monuments are concentrated across the southern and eastern half of the island, predominantly, though not

and si strategically located at the eastern end of the Menai

west of the island, not farfrom the royal llys ('court') at

Rhosyr, where there is also a sculpture (AN49-50) in the adjacent church, as there is in the neighbouring parish of Llangeinwen (AN41-4). Penmon and Llangaffo are the only foundations mentioned in early documentary

sources. The other sites with sculpture, mainly crosscarved grave-markers and smaller, largely plain crosses,

are parish churches with a chapel of ease in the parish of Penrhosilugwy; these were most likely originally founded as estate churches. There are denser distributions in the

vicinity of the important landing place around Traeth Coch (Red Wharf Bay) in t h e east and north of Malltraeth Marsh at Cerrig Ceinwen, Heneglwys and Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog ni the centre of the island (Edwards, 2011: 74-80). B y the beginning of the thirteenth century, with the widespread construction of Romanesque churches, many with architectural ornament and carved stone fonts (Thurlby, 2006: 191-238), the pattern of small parishes so characteristic of Anglesey today was complete.

THE ORNAMENT AND ICONOGRAPHY OF THE SCULPTURE

c

32201 1918 322 055

CHAPTER 7

THE ORNAMENT AND ICONOGRAPHY O F THE SCULPTURE

Early medieval sculpture ni north Wales may be elabo-

broad shallow lines using a point or hand-pick, while

r a t e d i n a n u m b e ro f d i t t e r e n t w

s m i g h th e e x n e c t e d

others, such as Bardsey Island 1 (CN11), are much more

t h e m o s t c o m m o n o r n a m e n t a l m o t i f is t h e c r o s s s y m b o l

e l e g a n t l y c u t . T h e y m a y b e in t h e f o r m o f a L a t i n c r o s s .

a

sA

w h i c h d o m i n a t e s t h e s i m p l e c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s a n d also,

w h e r e t h e s t e m is l o n g e r t h a n t h e c r o s s - a r m s , o r o fe q u a l -

in one way or another, much of the more ambitious sculpture, such as crosses and cross-slabs, thereby signifying the

arm (or Greek) type, where the arms and stem are of

unanimity of Christian belief and the power of the church. Much of the more ambitious sculpture and occa-

equal length. Some, however, are nondescript since the

lengths of the cross-arms and stem are uneven. The

sionally cross-carved stones are also carved with a range

crosses may be further divided i n t othose which have rings and those w h i c h do not.

of Insular abstract ornament, mainly plaitwork, interlace

In north Wales, simple linear crosses without rings (Fig.

and fret-patterns, though spirals are also sometimesrepre-

7.1), mainly of Latin type, are mostly found on monu-

sented. However, plant and animal ornament is rare. Figural r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , c o m p r i s i n g C h r i s t i a n images,

ments in west Caernarfonshire and Merioneth. The terminals of the cross-arms and stem can be plain, but are

both biblical and hagiographical, as well as scenes of

sometimes expanded into a triangular shape, as on Nefyn

ular iconography, are confined to the larger and more

form of elaboration is the addition of right-angle bars either set across the terminals, as on Langernyw 1 (D4)

mythological orheroic Scandinavian origin and other sec-

c o m n l e x c r o s s e s a n d cross-slahs

1(CN33) and Corwen 1(MI3)(Fig. .7 ij, k). The only

and Waunfawr 1 (CN42) (Fig. 7.1f, h), or slightly further

up the cross-arms and stem, as on Llangybi 1 (CN27)

CROSSES

(Fig. 7.li). The ring si ultimately derived from representations of

T h e o r n a m e n t o n cross-carved stones a n d s o m e other

t h e e n c i r c l e d c h i - r h o m o n o g r a m as. for e x a m p l e . o n t h e

m o n u m e n t s ) is d o m i n a t e d by o n e o r m o r e c r o s s s y m b o l s

sherd o f imported pottery from Dinas E m r y s (Caerns.)

which may be elaborated ni a variety of ways. The crosses

(Fig. 4.11f, and the cross enclosed in a victory wreath

may be divided into two main types: linear and outline (Figs 7.1-7.5). Linear crosses

Linear crosses are incised, though details of the techniques used are not always possible to discern owing to weathering. Some, such a sLlandanwg 4 (MRI3) and Pistyll 2 (CN40), are rather roughly punched toform

120 C e n t i m e t r

(Edwards. 1985a: 402-3). There is onlv a handful o f linear

crosses with rings, mainly from Caernarfonshire (Fig.

7.2), with outliers at Llechgynfarwy (AN48) and Carno (MT1). These equal-arm crosses may be contained within

Fig. 71. Cross-carved stones with linear crosses. a. Tywyn 3(MIR26); .b Heneglwys 2(AN6); c.Llandanwg 4 (MR13); d. Tywyn 2(MR25); .e Llangybi 2(CN28); :f Llangernyw I (D4); .g Bardsey Island I (CN11); h. Waunfawr I (CN42);.i Llangybi I (CN27);j. Nef I

the ring, as on Clynnog 2 (CN15) (Fig. 7.2b). However, with Latin forms the stem, as on Llangwnnadl 1(CN26) (Fig. 7.2c), and sometimes the cross-arms project beyond the ring. Otherwise, there are few additions, though Pistyll2 (CN40) has a bifurcated (forked) terminal on the

trifid (triple-forked) terminals and a central circle (Fig.

upper cross-arm, while Carno 1 (MT1) is elaborated with

(CN33); k. Corwven I (MR3) (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

7.2e, g). Llechgynfarwy 1 (Fig. 7.2d) has an arc below the

stem which may symbolize an anchor representing constancy, salvation and hope (vol. II: 409). In addition, there

a r e t w o m o n u m e n t s with l o z e n g e - s h a p e d rings f r o m adia-

cent parishes in Merioneth: Llandecwn I (MR15) and

Llandanwg 5 (MR14) (Fig. 7.2h, i); both have two circular

depressions in the upper and lower quadrants respectively

88

THE ORNAMENT AND ICONOGRAPHY OF THE SCULPTURE

THE ORNAMENT ANDI C O N O G R A P H Y OF THE SCULPTURE

8 9

give the effect of a ring, and on Llangernyw 2 (D5) (Fig.

b

7.3f), where the curved armpits are deeply hollowed.

N o n e h a s additional o r n a m e n t except the fragmentary

Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 2 (AN18 (Fig. 7.3e), which is

also likely to have had a ring of some kind and is deco

rated with five ring-and-dot motifs, one in the centre of the cross-head and one forming each of the armpits: they

may represent the five wounds of Christ. Outline

crosses

w i t h o u t rings are,

however,

more

c o m m o n . T h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c type is c o n c e n t r a t e d at

Llangaffo, Llangeinwen and Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog in south-western Anglesey (AN22-3, 30-3, 35, 41, 43) with

an outlier at Whitford (F11) in Flintshire (Fig. 7.4). It is a

Latin cross, either with angular armpits and expanded cross-arms, or with square a r m p i t s a n d straight cross-

arms; on all, the shaft terminates in a spike. Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 (AN22) (Fig. 7.4e) is elaborated with righta n g l e b a r s a c r o s s t h e t e r m i n a l s a n d in t h e c e n t r e o f t h e

cross-head there is a naturally occurring lump of white quartz, a stone commonly found associated with burials

in Celtic regions; its use may recall Apocalypse 11:17 (Hill, 1997: 472). The spiked cross si thought to be a skeuomorph of a wooden cruciform grave-marker which was set upright in the ground (Hughes, 1922: 70; see pp. 120 C e n t i m e t r e s

188-9). The unique form in north Wales of Penmynydd 1 (AN57) likewise recalls a wooden prototype of two

planks fastened together at right-angles (Fig. 7.5a). There

are also other miscellaneous outline crosses. The shape of

Fig. 7.3 Cross-carved stones with outline crosses, some with rings, and related forms.a. Hope 1 (F5); b. Hope 2 (F6); c. Hope 3 (F7); d.

120 C e n t i m e t r e s

a
/o/, which does not occur in Wales (CIB: 100-2, 252, 284, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 8).]

T H E C E LT I C L A N G U A G E O F T H E INSCRIPTIONS A N D THEIR CHRONOLOGY

PATRICK SIMS-WILLIAMS

Period 12: /y/ > /j/ before /1, r, n/, as ni Llandysilio yn

Ial 1 (D3) BROHCMAIL versus the older Pentrefoelas 1

(D9) BROHOMAGLI (CIB: 154-77, 256, 284 5, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 17).

Period 13: pretonic /u/ > /ö/ (sometimes obscured by

The main linguistic evidence for the chronology of the

Period 2: composition vowels shown ni reduced form, e.g.

inscriptions is provided by spellings that indicate phonological conservations or innovations. Some indications

Vende- (for earlier Vindo-) in Llannor 2 (CN30) VEND-ESETLI (CIB: 115-32, 253-4, 281, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 11).

example Irish names are more common in the earlier inscriptions and biblical names more common in the later ones (Sims-Williams, 2002; 2007: 179-214) - but phonology i sthe most important indicator.

BRITTONIC INSCRIPTIONS

ODELEV (Hoedlyw) versus Llannor 2 (CN30) VENDE SETLI which has the older form of the same element in second place (CIB: 196-7, 287, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 21).

Period 10: s/-2-/ at the beginning of the second element Period 20: /y/ lost (a) after /i:/ and back vowels finally of compounds weakened to h, as in Llanymawddwy 1 (including the first half of compounds); (b) after /i:/ and (MR20) RIGOHENE, as opposed to Llanfor 1 (MR18) before / a / and /o/; (c) between back vowels; as in CAVOSENI (if that is the correct reading) (CIB: 106-9, Llanlleonfel 1 (B34) RUALLAUN versus the older Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20) RIGOHENE, which has the 252, 284, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 9). same first element (CIB: 207-11, 257, 287, tables 3.1-3.2 Period 11: loss of final syllables (apocope), sometimes col. 23). obscured owing to the addition or possible addition of Latinate terminations, but note e.g. Llandysilio n Iâl 1 Period 21: long open o /3:/ > /au/, as in Llandysilio yn (D3) CONCENN, CATTELL, etc. (CIB: 109-15, 252-3, lal 1 (D3) GUOILLAUC versus the older Llanfaglan 1 (CN24) ANATEMORI. In south-east Wales, the change 284, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 10). seems sometimes t o have been to /u(:)/ rather than /au/;

C H A P T E R 10

c a n also be derived from the type of n a m e s used - for

117

Period 3: /o/ raised to / u / before nasal consonants, e.g. Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22) TVNCCEI < *Tonke- (CIB: 88-92. 251, 281, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 6).

Period 4: long a (/a:/), as in Llanaelhaearn 2 (CN20) ELMETIACO, becomes long open o (/3:/), as in Llanfaglan 1 (CN24) ANATEMORI (CIB: 9-11, 13-14, 18, 21, 55-70. 250. 281-2, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 2).

the writing of u for the latter), as in Llandysilio yn Iäl 1 (D3) CONCENN and CONMARCH versus the older Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17) CVNALIPI and CVNACI (CIB:

146-52, 254-5, 285, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 15). Period 14: syncope of composition vowels, as in Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3) BROHCMAIL versus the older Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) BROH-O-MAGLI. It is a problem, however, that composition vowels in some names escaped

a

p o s s i b l e

o u t

v e r y

u n c e r t a i n

n o r t h e r n

e x a m p l e

is

Ffestiniog 2 (MR9) FERRVCI (CIB: 6-7, 197-204, 257,

287-8, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 22). Period 22: /w-/ > /gw-/, as ni Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3) GUOILLAUC.Once this change had happened initially, medial / w / was sometimes written -GU- (or -QU-) by analogy, as in Llandewyn 1 (MR15) TETOUINI, and medial -GU- thus has the same chronological significance as initial GU-; but as it was merely optional medially, the absence of medial -GU-, as in T v w n 2 (MR25) PETUAR.

is not chronologically significant (CIB: 211-14, 257, 288,

tables 3.1-3.2 col. 24).

syncope: hence the lack of syncope in e.g. Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) CAT-A-MANVS (Cadfan) si not necessarily an early sign in view of later Welsh forms such as Cadafael

Period 23: /nt/ etc. > /n'h/, /nh/ etc., as in Partrishow 1 (B43) GENILLIN < Gentili(u)s, as opposed to older Ffestiniog 1 (MR8) CANTIORI (CIB: 214-17, 257-8, 288, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 25).

col. 12).

of Llanfihangel-y-traethau (Mer.) (ECMW: no. 281)

Period 24: svarabhakti (vowel-insertion), as ni the first E

Period 5: / v / > / u / in certain circumstances, as in

beside Cadfael (CIB: 115-32, 148, 254, 285, tables 3.1-3.2

internal linguistic logic; (b) evidence from manuscript sources, including names cited in Latin texts; (c) the form of words and names borrowed into neighbouring lan-

and MAUN as opposed to Gaulish and Romano-British names in Magun- (CIB: 83-8, 251, 282, tables 3.1-3.2 col.

Period 15: initial s- /2-/ > h-, as in LIanfihangel-ytraethau (Mer.) (ECMW: no. 281) ODELEV (Hoedlyw) versus older Gwytherin 1 (D2) SENEMAGLI (CIB: 142-

guages like Irish and English; (d) the 'best fit' with the evidence of all the Brittonic inscriptions of Britain and Brittany, taken as a whole. (For a full discussion see CIB.) On the basis of whether or not they show successive

Period 6: final i-affection, as ni /o/ > /i/ ni the third syllable of Tregaron 2 (CD33) ENEVIRI < *Anaworix, as opposed to retention of /0/ ni Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) PORIVS (CIB: 70-3, 250-1, 282-3, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 3).

(CIB: 178-80. 256. 286, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 18).

20), and (c) finally after old short i(by now >/1:/ or, after

Period 7: /nd/ > /nn/, as in Gwytherin 1 (D2) VIN-

Period 17: internal i-affection, as in Tywyn 2 (MR25)

(B10) GURHI (< *HIG) versus older Llanvmawddwy 1 (MR20) TIGIRNACI (CIB: 220-3, 288-9, tables 3.1-3.2

T heapproximateorder of the relevant sound-changes in Llandysilio ny Tali (D3) POUOIS (Powys «*Pagenses) British and Welsh can be established on the basis of: (a)

sound-changes, Brittonic inscriptions can be arranged in twenty-eight periods. The criteria are as follows (as in vol.

5).

NEMAGLI

as

opposed

to

Llannor

2

(CN30)

I, chapter 7,and vol. II, chapter 10, but whti examples sa VENDESETLIwhereIndy remains ni the same element

far as possible from t h evol. III area): Period 1: correct composition vowels still preserved compound names, e.g. o in Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) BROHOMAGLI (CIB: 115-32, 253-4, 281, tables 3.13.2 col. 11). This can be misleading since correct

composition vowels were sometimes written by accident A r

t r a g i t i o r

occurred.

a r t e r

r

e

r e g u r i o r

a

d

(cf. Welshgwyn < Celtic *windos 'white') (CIB: 10-14, 7383, 251, 283, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 4).

6. 286. tables 3.1-3.2 col. 14).

Period 16: cht /xt/ > ith /il/, as ni Old Breton Reith versus the earlier form ni Maentwrog 1 (MR21) BARRECTI

CELEN < *kolino-, versus older Festiniog 1 (MR8) CANTIORI (CIB: 184-90, 256, 286, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 19).

Period 8: / e / > /i/ before nasal consonant or (stressed?)

Period 18: long close e /e:®/ > /ui/, as in Llandysilio n IAl 1 (D3) GUOILLAUC versus older Llanfihangel

/rn/, etc., as ni Llanymawddwy 1(MR20) TIGIRNACI, as opposed to Llannor 3 (CN31) ETERNI where ern

tables 3.1-3.2 col. 20).

remains (CIB: 92-100.251-2.283-4. tables 3.1-3.2col. 7).

ODELEV (Hoedlyw, Middle Welsh Hotheleu) versus

Llannor 2 (CN30) VENDESETLI where the / dl/ cluster in the same name-element is retained (CIB: 217-19, 288. tables 3.1-3.2 col. 26). Period 25: / y / lost (a) between front vowels or (b) vowels of different quality (other than / i y a / and /i:vo/ = period

the accent shift, /ì/); as in Llanddeti (St Detti's Church) 1

col. 27).

Period 26: /öü/ > /eü/, as in Llanilwni 1(CM30) HEU. TREN versus older LIannor 3 (CN31) IOVENALI (CIB: 225-9,289, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 28).

Ysgeifiog 1(AN20) DEVORIGI (CIB: 190-6, 286-7, Period 27: /it/ >/4-1, 1-ü-l, as ni Llanddewibreft 2

Period 19: long open e /e:®/ > /oi/, as ni the first element of Llanfihangel-y-traethau (Mer.) (ECMW: no. 281)

(CD9) I D N E RT versus older Llantwit Major (St Illtud's

Church) 3 (G65) IUTHAHELO (CIB: 230, 258, 289-90, tables 3.1-3.2 col. 29).

THE CELTIC LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THEIR CHRONOLOGY

11 8

Period 28: /o/ > /a/, as in Tywyn 2 (MR25)

Period 2 begins by the time of Gildas (c.540?) at the very

CIMALTED (/kan/ < /köu/), versus older Llandysilio

latest.

yn A I l 1 (D3) CONCENN (CIB: 231-3, 258, 290, tables

Period 3 i n t e r v e n e s at an uncertain date before.

3.1-3.2 col. 30).

Because few inscriptions provide enough names as to

Period 4, which began orally ni the fifth century, but

them can eb placed ni a precise period like 'Period 2'

cannot be proved to have been written in Wales before the earliest Llandaf charters (c.600?), which always have o

( m e a n i n g 'after r e d u c t i o n of c o m p o s i t i o n vowels but

rather than a.

before raising of /o/') as opposed to, say, 'Periods 1-6'

(meaning 'any time before change of / n d / to /nn/"). Moreover, because some criteria are ambiguous, some uncertainties h a v e t o b e recorded, g i v i n g rise to p e r i o d i z a sP e r i o d I ( i t c o r r e c t c o m p o s i t i o n v o w e l is

significant) or (if not) Periods 1-2'. i n

v i e w

o f t h e

IRISH I N S C R I P T I O N S

The Irish inscriptions ni Britain can be placed in periods according to whether they show the following sound-

s h o w all t h e n e c e s s a r y c o m b i n a t i o n s o f s o u n d s . f e w o f

tions such a

THE CELTIC LANGUAGE O F THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THEIR CHRONOLOGY

d o u b t s t h a t a r e s o m e t i m e s

e r n r e s s e d

Period 5 is first attested in a reference to a Lovocatus (< *Lugukatus) in Brittany i n509×521, and may already have

been established ni native spelling ni Wales ni the sixth

century, assuming that Lugobi in the Book of Llandaf is an Irish name (later Luigbe) rather than a native one.

Absolute dates for the twenty-eight linguistic periods

can only be given tentatively, partly because of the

/ / , / n / , as in Treflys 1 (CN41) IACONVS if < *Esokognas (CIB: 317).

Period 1 ($19): before raising of stressed /e/ and /o/ to /i/ and /u/; there are no really secure examples in

Period 15 ($41): syncope, as in LIantrisant 2 (AN47) CON-BARRVS (supposing that is the correct reading) versus the pre-syncope Llanfaelog 1 (AN12) CVN-O-

B r i t a i n

GUSI.

Period 2 (§19): raising, as Eglwys Gymyn 1 (CM7) INI-

GENA 'daughter' < *enigena.

Period 13 begins ni the seventh century and si completed ni

is Irish).

(excluding Lugob), and should perhaps be dated soon

Period 4(821): Loss of /-h/, unless already transferred to following word beginning with vowel, etc., as in Puncheston 1 (P88) NE-MAGLI with NE < *neh, versus

older Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18)ICORIGAS with -S /h/.

THE INCIDENCE OF IRISH NAMES

after c.625, if that is the date of Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), the CATAMANUS stone (cf. later Welsh Cadfan with syn-

Period 5 ($22): /-e/ and /-i/ merge as an (in due course palatalizing) schwa sound (-i), as in Brawdy 2 (P2)

confined to the fifth- and sixth-century inscriptions and

occurred before the seventh-century Llandaf charters

cope). Note, however, the possibilities that the spelling of

versus older Llannor 4 (CN32) DERVORI (assuming this

QAGTE (assuming this is masculine < * 1.

shortage of externally datable inscriptions. This si wel CATAMANUS si deliberately archaic and that Cadfan is illustrated by the inscriptions ni this volume ofthe Corpus, one of hte names like Cad(a)fael ni which syncope was not

Period 6 (825): /2mb/ > /imb/, etc., as ni Old Irish

3 (CN37) is no earlier than the consulate of Justinus ni 540 though this only provides a terminus post quem, and ni any casethe name AVITORI may be Irish rather than Welsh; (b) Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) CATAMANVS may date from the time of Cadfan's death c.625, but the theory that ti was erected later, perhaps by his grandson

2 (P22) and Maenclochog 1(P58). Period 7 ($28): /k'/ > /k/, /g™/ > /g/ before /u(:)/, in Castell Dwyran 1 (CM3) / o / or /a/, VOTECORIGAS < *Wotek"origos. Period 8 (829): lowering by /a(:)/ and / o / , as in

only three of which are externally datable: (a) Penmachno

consistently applied. Such explanations would account for the sixth-century epigraphic dates sometimes claimed for some inscriptions showing syncope ni south-western Britain (CIC: nos 471, 486, 490, 493), but are not really

necessary; the most troublesome of the south-western inscriptions (CONBEVI on CIIC: 493) may well contain a

name with Irish syncope (later Irish Conbéo) (CIB: 269-71,

Cadwaladr, cannot be disproved; (c) Llandysilioy nIal1 277, 285, 291, 293 4 and 345-6). (D3) was erected by King Cyngen (d.854 or 855) (CIB:

276-80). Obviously, a circular argument would arise if the linguistic periods were dated by reference to dates for the

sound-changes which themselves are based on epigraphical dates forthe stones.(Jackson's Languageand History in Early Britain needs to be used with care here: some of his dates are explicitly based on epigraphy, cf. CIB: 6.) Fortunately, there is some independent evidence, particu-

larly from the spelling of British names in Latin texts and, after c.800, from the spelling in Old Welsh manuscripts. On the basis of such evidence, the linguistic periods may

be dated roughly as follows (CIB: 281-92, for more detail): Period Ibegins in the fifth century (or even the fourth) and ends before the time of Gildas (conventionally c.540). w h o h a s f o r m s with r e d u c e d c o m p o s i t i o n vowel like

Cuneglase.

Evidence for the absolute chronology of these soundchanges is scarce, but Period 15 (syncope) is generally dated to the mid- or later sixth century (CIB: 344, 346).

the eighth century.

Period 14 (syncope of composition vowels) has already

few disparities can be resolved w i t h o u t difficulty.

changes (references by § refer to sections in CIB, ch. 4; names in bold indicate inscriptions in ogam):

very early seventh century.

Periods 6-12 are completed before or possibly during the

chronology produced by linguistics: the 'early' inscrip-

the earlier linguistic periods (CIB: tables 1.5, 3.3) and the

Period 13 (838): apocope, as in LIanfaelog 2 (AN13) MAIL, versus older Dolbenmaen 2(CN18) ICORIGAS. Period 14 (§39): loss of fricatives such as /y/ before /I/

Period 3 ($20): /rw/ > /rv/, /lw/> /Iv/, /öw/> /öv/, /nw/> /nv/, and /hw/ > /f/, as in Llangeler 1(CM25, BARVALB (if that si the reading) with LB = /1v/ < /lw/,

about the validity of epigraphic and typological methods of dating of the inscriptions, it must be emphasized that the relative chronologies already produced by such methods agree overwhelmingly with the relative tions of Nash-Williamsand Tedeschi nearly all belong to

| 119

Indgall versus the older form ANDAGELLIon Llandeilo

CVNOGVSI.

Periods 17-19begin in the eighth century.

Period 9 ($30): rounding after /k™/ etc., as in Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58) MACCVDECCETI

Periods 20-4 begin c.800.

Period 52 begins c.900. Periods 26-8 all begin in the first half of the ninth century

but are not fully established until later.

The above dates for the linguistic periods are broadly compatible with the dates for the inscriptions and monuments that have been suggested by Nash-Williams,

Tedeschi and others on non-linguistic grounds (CIB: 2925); this suggests that the two dating approaches can be profitably combined, as attempted in this Corpus.

unlikely to occur during the Roman era, the Periods 114

p r e s u m a b l y c o v e r t h e fi f t h t o m i d - s i x t h c e n t u r i e s .

roughly the same span as the British Periods 1-14 (CIB: 350).

T h e I r i s h n a m e s in t h e a r e a c o v e r e d i n t h i s v o l u m e a r e

reflect the well-known Irish settlements of that period

(Richards, 1960; Thomas, 1994; Gruffydd, 1996; Sims-

Williams, 2002; 2007: 69-78 and 179-214; 2010). Except ni Anglesey, the proportion of fifth- and sixth-century inscriptions including definite Irish names and/or ogam script is not so high as ni the south-west: they only occur ni Anglesey. Caernarfonshire and Denbichshire: fourin Anglesey (Llanfaelog 1and 2(AN12-13),Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58), Bodedern 1 (ANI)): two in Caernarfonshire

Llantrisant 2(AN47) CONBARRVS (assuming this is the (Dolbenmaen 2 (CNI8) and probably Penmachno3 correct reading) versus older Llanfaelog 1 (AN12) (CN37)); one ni Denbighshire (Clocaenog 1(DI)). nI

Periods 15-16 begin after c.625, if that si the terminus post

quem for Period 14 (see above).

If so, and assuming that Irish inscriptions ni Britain are

*Mak"k"I-Dekantos.

Period 10 (§31): /k™/ >/ k / , /g™/ > /g/ ni all remaining

positions, as in M A C C V D E C C E T I above.

Period 1 (§35): in internal unstressed syllables later liable to syncope, / ü / > /i/; the O in Llanbabo 1 (AN9) ETTO-

RIGI, if it is Irish from *Janturigos, si an example of the

earlier / ü / stage.

Period 12 (§37): /y'/ > /j/; Clocaenog 1 (D1)

Anglesey, there si also the fifth-century lead coffin found

at Rhuddgaer, Llangeinwen inscribed CAMVLORIS

HOI (ECMW: no. 27), ni which HOI si a Primitive Irish

word for 'here' (CIB: 24 9, 71, 109, 115, 138, 146-7, 183 y contrast, Anglesey n. 1108, 187, 302, 305, 314, 318). B has no early inscription with a definitely Welsh name and

no apparent Irishconnection. But Caernarfonshire has four (Llanfaglan 1(CN24), Llannor 1 and 2 (CN29-30), Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17)), Denbighshire has two (Gwytherin 1 (D2), Pentrefoelas 1 (D9)) and Merioneth has six (Barmouth 1(MRI), Ffestiniog I (MR8), Llanfor 1 (MR18), LIanuwchllyn 1 (MR19), Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20), Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22)). There are, of course,

[TO]VISACI (if Irish > toisech) is an example of the earlier stage, while Penmachno 3 (CN37) AVITORI may be a

many other early inscriptions without ogam script bearing only names that are ambiguously Irish or Welsh, or Latin

change has occurred.

or obscure; for example, the only two early inscriptions from Flintshire (Caerwys 1 (F1)) and Montgomeryshire

hypercorrect spelling of *Aitori (ks) after this sound-

120

THE CELTIC LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND THEIR CHRONOLOGY

(Llanerfyl 1 (MT4)) come into the Latin category. These

w i t h o u t u n w a r r a n t e d a s s u m p t i o n s , for e x a m p l e a b o u t

a m b i g u o u s a n d L a t i n inscriptions c a n n o t b e assigned to

which group was more likely to employ Latin names (Sims-Williams, 2002; 2007: 179-214).

either t h e Irish o r t h e We l s h n a m e - u s i n g c o m m u n i t i e s

C H A P T E R 11

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY

O F E A R LY M E D I E VA L S T O N E - C A RV I N G IN N O R T H W A L E S

T H E E A R LY I N S C R I B E D S T O N E S

stone, one vertical, one horizontal, and both are incomn e t e

T h e fi r s t c o n s i s t e d o f t h e s t a n d a r d c o m m e m o r a t i v e

The problems of dating the early inscribed stones and the methods by which relative chronologies were established

X ' fili Y' formula, but the second, which may be interpreted as reading ni te(m)po(re) / Ivst... / con... ('in the time

in t h e n a s t h a v e b e e n e x a m i n e d i n s o m e detail e l s e w h e r e

of Just . . . the consul . . . or consulship'), has been identified

(vol. I: 139-44; vol. I: 111-13). Nash-Williams (1938a:

31-41) attempted tobuild up a chronological framework by establishing a small number of fixed points by linking specific inscriptions with figures identifiable in the sources. He included two monuments in the south-west,

as a dating clause providing a unique example ni Britain of a consular or post-consular date of a type characteristically found in the kingdom of Burgundy and occasionally elsewhere in the late fifth and sixth centuries, though there are no close parallels. However, the identity of t h econsul concerned is a matter of debate and, as a result, in theory

Castell Dwyran 1(CM3)and Cynwyl Gaeo 2(CM5), and five in the north: Llangadwaladr 1(AN26), Llansadwrn 1 it might date anywhere between 519 and c.580. Nevertheless, the most likely candidate remains Justinus, (AN45), LIannor 2 andby association Llannor 3 (CN301), and Penmachno 3 (CN37). However, only two of these

can now be interpreted as naming historic figures men-

tioned in contemporary sources. Llangadwaladr 1 may be identified with confidence as commemorating King

Catamanus (W. Cadfan) of Gwynedd. The exactyear of his death is not known but his foruit is considered to be between c.616 (when his father lago died in the Battle of Chester) and c.625; his son Cadwallon died in 634 (Thornton, 2004e; Charles-Edwards, 2004a). Therefore, fi ti si assumed (pace LHEB: 160-1, 512) that the monument was set up shortly after the death of Catamanus to mark his grave, this would give a date of c.625 for the stone rather than just a terminus post quem. Though not precise, it is nonetheless a rare absolute date ni the chronology.

The potential significance of Penmachno 3 is, however,

much more difficult to assess and it cannot be categori-

cally stated, as Nash-Williams did, that ti dates t o AD 540 (ECMW: no. 104). There are two inscriptions on this

who was the consul in Rome in 540 but who continued to appear in dating clauses on monuments around Lyon in Burgundy for some decades afterwards. Therefore,

although it si suggested that it probably dates to 540 or shortly thereafter (see p. 304), the value of the monument as a fixed point in a relative chronology si severely limited.

The virtual lack of absolute dating means that we have

to build up a relative chronology relying very largely on a combination of the epigraphy and language together with the words and formulae used. Nash-Williams recognized that epigraphy was potentially an important relative

dating tool and to aid him in this he compiled detailed

tables of the letter-forms found on the early inscribed

stones (ECMW: 10-13, 223-9). While his overall approach remains useful, more recent research, especially

the work of Mark Handley (2001), Gifford CharlesEdwards (2000, 2002, 2006, 2007) and Carlo Tedeschi (1995, 2001, 2005), has demonstrated that many of his interpretations are no longer tenable (see pp. 60-3).

122

THE D E V E L O P M E N T AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING I N NORTH WALES

Nevertheless, Tedeschi ni particular has argued that the

letter-forms can still be used to construct a relative chronology forthe early inscribed stones and that it is possible to identify four phases (given in the quote below) spanning the fifth, sixth and first half of the seventh century ending with inscriptions such as LIangadwaladr I (AN2 6): 1. T h e first phase, w i t h i n the fifth century, e n c o m p a s s e s t h e inscriptions w h i c h

p r e s e n t m o r e or

less t h e s a m e letter-

forms -

e v e n if e x a g g e r a t e d - as B r i t i s h L a t e A n t i q u e e p i g r a p h y ... T h e s e l e t t e r - f o r m s a r e g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a t r a d i t i o n a l l a v o u t o f h o r i z o n t a l lines. T h e s l a n t i n g s t r o k e o ft h e R to

t e n d s

i s o f t e n s h o r t e r t h a n u s u a l a n d it a l r e a d y

b e c o m e

horizontal.

Horizontal

is

a r e

s t i

.2 nI hte following phase, which can eb ascribed ot hte first

half of the sixth century, alongside the characters inher-

ited f r o m t h e p r e v i o u s t r a d i t i o n , n e w o n e s a p p e a r : t h e l i g a t u r e s F-1 a n d L-I, u n c i a l E, m i n u s c u l e l e t t e r s s u c h a s F, H. S a n d T. T h e first s t r o k e o f N s t a r t s t o b e l o n g e r t h a n t h e second,

d e s c e n d i n g b e l o w t h e line. T h e s l a n t i n g s t r o k e of

R t e n d s t o b e m o r e a n d m o r e h o r i z o n t a l a n d is s o m e t i m e s a t r i g h t a n g l e s t o t h e fi r s t s t r o k e .

Horizontal

Is a r e m o r e

a n dm o r e c o m m o n

3. The third phase, attributable ot the second half of the sixth century, si characterized by the appearance of forms like the triangular A, Insular D and G, trident-shaped M, H-

shaped N, or N with the first stroke descending below the line. The use of minuscule letters is more and more common: O. V 4 I

n t h e fourth p h a s e e n t h

century.

all

p l a c e a b l e i n t h e fi r s t h a l f o f t h e s e v . t h e

occasionally attested.

organized,

as

in

the

Llanfihangel-Cwmdw (Tedeschi, 2001: 24-5).

e l e m e n t s

s o

t a r

scattered

a n d

a r e s t a n d a r d i z e d a n d d e fi n i t i v e l y

inscriptions

[sic]

and

of

L l a n g a d w a l a d r.

Capel Llanilterne

Tedeschi's phases have provided the basis for his dating of individual monuments (1995: 115-21), though he has subsequently adjusted his dating of some (Tedeschi,

2005), primarily as a result of Sims-Williams's research on the language (CIB). problems. Despite some Tedeschi's typological sequence of the letter-forms is regarded as a helpful p o i n t e r t o d a t i n g , b u t a t t i m e s it i s c o n s i d e r e d t o o p r e c i s e .

For example, inscriptions cut entirely in recognizable but

debased roman capitals, as seen on Penmachno 3 (CN37),

in all likelihood continued until at least the mid-sixth cenh r v a tt h e s a m e t i m e a s t h o s e w i t h o n e o r m o r e m i n u s c u l e

letters and other features, such as horizontal I, were becoming more common. Horizontal I is comparatively rare in north Wales, indicating an important regional difference compared with the south-west, but other such

differences that could have had a bearing on date may be

more difficult to recognize, as are the roles of fashion and

THE DEVELOPMENTAND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE CARVING IN NORTH WALES

186-7). Though less common than in Trier, it is also likewise found ni southern Gaul ni Provence and Burgundy,

| 123

one linguistic audience, and, finally, the demise of ogam inscriptions d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f the sixth c e n t u r y a s Irish

individual preference

notably atLyon, where there are two datable examples in

ceased

As a result, Gifford Charles-Edwards remained much more wary of seeing the intrusion of minuscule letters into inscriptions in capitals as a 'cumulative chronological progression' (vol. I: 79). She also rightly emphasized the significance of the survival of Roman cursive as well as more formal capital scripts into the post-Roman period

447 and 449 (ICG: nos 35, 667), with further instances

Typologically, the combining of the X fili Y and hic iacit

and the influence of lettering in other media, notably waxtablets, metal and wood, which only very rarely survive, rather than manuscripts (Charles-Edwards, 2007).

Turning ot thelanguage, Sims-Williams (CIB: 351) has demonstrated that Celtic philologists had already largely

from other cities, such as Arles and Vienne. But there are furtherexamples in other regions as well, including, in the west, Bordeaux, Gironde and Vendée (Knight, 1992: 48-

9; 1999: 107-8; Handley, 2001: 187-8). Nash-Williams was of the opinion that the hci iacit for-

mula had reached western Britain before 500, alongside the reintroduction of Christianity, as a result of contacts

with southern Gaul, particularly with the area around Lyon and Vienne (ECMW: 55). In this, he was influenced not only by the consular date on Penmachno 3 (CN37),

to

be

a

spoken

language

(vol.

I

112)

f o r m u l a e in t h e s a m e r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i p t i o n , a s s e e n o n

20 per cent of the monuments in north Wales. all of them in Caernarfonshire and Merioneth, suggests that these come towards the end of this sequence.

In the catalogue, therefore, an estimated date-range si

provided for each inscribed stone. This is arrived at by a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o ft h e f o r m u l a e a n d o t h e r w o r d s u s e d i nt h e

inscription ni combination with the Celtic phonology and linguistic periodization (see chapter 10), as well as the epigraphy and, where appropriate, the historically dated

constructed an independent relative chronology for the

since thiswas the dating system favoured in late fifth- and

monuments.

Brittonic sound changes before Jackson brought it

sixth-century Burgundy, but probably also by the views of anti-Catholic Victorian writers who claimed that the

inscribed stones in north Wales span the fifth, sixth and first half of the seventh centuries. This was a period of

together and used epigraphy as a way to test his dating of the

linguistic

changes

on

the

early

inscribed

stones

(LHEB). Furthermore, he has refined Jackson's relative chronology 'by discovering the order of sound changes which provides the best fit with the corpus of inscriptions

as a whole' (CIB: 351) and it si this, together with his chronology of the sound changes in the Irish inscriptions, which forms the basis of the linguistic periods for the Brittonic and Irish inscriptions discussed in chapter 10. Thomas Charles-Edwards (1995: 715-17) has also argued that, in addition to British and Irish, Latin remained a spoken language in sixth-century Wales and therefore

continued to evolve (see p. 49). To what extent the changes in vowel sounds and the breakdown in caseendings seen in the inscriptions can be used to construct a

relative chronology is less clear, though a number of

British Church was derived from that in Lyon rather than from Rome. However, Knight has suggested that the formula is more likely to have arrived in Britain from western

Gaul because of its relative proximity compared with the

A s a r e s u l t it m a y b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e e a r l y

very great change which included the end of Roman a u t h o r i t y, a s e v e r e d o w n t u r n in t h e e c o n o m y, t h e g r a d u a !

decline of Roman cultural influence, Irish settlement and increasing integration, the emergence of kingdoms and

Rhône valley (vol. I: 132). In contrast, Handley (2001:

smaller polities and the rise of new elites and different

formula is so widespread, there is no reason to see its introduction into Britain as necessarily coming as a result

the attendant expansion of the church. The inscribed stones, which help us to chart these changes, were erected,

188) has argued that, since the occurrence of the hci iacet

of contacts with Gaul. Instead its use in Britain should simply be seen as part of that found on inscriptions ni the

Late Antique world. Furthermore, fi this link si severed,

the date of its introduction could have been at any time between the fourth and seventh centuries. Nevertheless, such reasoning seems somewhat negative. The balance of

probabilities remains that the hic acet formula was intro-

power structures as well as the growth of Christianity and

at least in part, as a response to them. However, therewere distinctiveregional differences. For example, the compar-

atively large number of monuments in the north-west in

the area which became Gwynedd contrasts with the very s m a l l n u m b e r in t h e n o r t h - e a s t e r n r e g i o n w h i c h b e c a m e

Powys, and the proportion of monuments with an Irish connection is greater in Anglesey and Caernarfonshire

inscriptions with these traits also have other evidence which suggests that they are later in the series. As we have seen, the Vulgar Latin hic iacit is the most common formula used on monuments in north Wales (see

as Lyon or Bordeaux - and the date ofintroduction is also

impossible to tell from what region - Trier si just as likely

than in the rest of north Wales (Sims-Williams, 2002: 29). Roman milestones, such as the string along the road between the forts of Segontium (Caernarfon) and

p. 49). Nevertheless, w e do not know exactly when this

imprecise, though ti si most likely to have been during the

2263-7; RIB Ill: no. 3522), were almost certainly a factor

In contrast, the X fili Yformula, which si derived from , si less common ni the north compared the ogam Xmagi Y with elsewhere in Wales and the use of ogam is confined to three monuments, Llanfaelog 2 (AN13), Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18) and Clocaenog 1(D1), all of which also have roman-letter inscriptions. Nevertheless, ogam inscriptions

stones. Some, such as Trawsfynydd 2(MR23), were themselves sited with reference to Roman roads (Fig. 4.3) and Nevertheless, there are no known fourth-century Roman inscriptions from north Wales and, with the exception of the town at Wroxeter (S2), there are no early inscribed

a n d roman-letter

which

s t o n e s f r o m R o m a n sites. s u c h a s t h e f o r t s o f C h e s t e r.

commemorate those with Irish names indicate Irish settlement in Wales at the end of the Roman period and this included a presence ni the north. nI Dyed and Brycheiniog it is possible to trace thechange from mono-

Caernarfon and Holyhead which continued ni occupation almost to the end of the period. This break suggests that the inception of the inscribed stones should be sought ni the fifth century rather than earlier, though precisely when

and other related Christian Latin formulae, such as hic in tumulo iacit and hic iacit in pace, were first introduced into Britain from the Continent. The hic iacit formula originated in Rome. The earliest datable example is 335 and

it remained popular until the end of the fourth century.

From there it spread to many provinces of the late Roman

western empire and beyond, for example to North Africa,

where it was in use i nthe early fifth century. It is found in other parts of Italy (particularly Sardinia) and Spain as well as Gaul where there is a particular concentration in Trier, the second most important city in the western empire. Although many examples are difficult to date, the formula had become popular there by around 400 and it is likely to have continued in use throughout the fifth century and even later (Gauthier, 1975: 38; Handley, 2001:

d u r e d

i n t o

western Britain from Gaul, its nearest

neighbour, and other links are known (seebelow). But it is

first half of the fifth century.

inscriptions a n d m o n u m e n t s

lingual ogam stones, such as Bridell 1 (P5). to monuments with roman-and-ogam inscriptions, indicative of gradual integration and the need to communicate with more than

Kanovium (Caerhun) and includes Aber 1 (CN1) (RIB: nos

which influenced the inception of inscribed memorial

prolonged

the

Roman

custom

o f

roadside

burial

is unclear.

It h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t m o n o l i n g u a l o g a m s t o n e s .

notably Bridell 1 (P5) which has been dated to the fifth

124

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVALSTONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGYO F E A R LYM E D I E VA L STONE-CARVING IN N O R T H WALES

century, may be amongst the earliest of the inscribed

stones (vol. I: 113), but there are no examples of these from north Wales. However, this may at least in part be accounted for by the fact that there are comparatively few ogam stones in Leinster, the region from which the Irish

rather than earlier; however, the ogam si confined to the

However, Llanfaelog 2 (AN13) might date as late as the mid-sixth century if the linguistic evidence is taken into -

n e u t r a l . In a d d i t i o n . a t l e a s t s o m e v e r t i c a l , r o m a n - l e t t e r

a c c o u n t . It s i m p l y c o n s i s t s o f t h e v e r t i c a l r o m a n - l e t t e r

they are h o r i z o n t a l a n d t h e y a r e clearly a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f

inscriptions in capitals with Irish names and the Christian

inscription Mailisi (ogam: Ma[ili]su), which is the Irish Christian name Mael Isu ('bald one of Jesus'). The use of

the tradition of horizontal Christian inscriptions seen in the earlier phases. They commemorate a Christian and

h i c

iacit

f o r m u l a

a r e

likely

t o

b e

o f

a

s i m i l a r

d a t e

Examples include Llanfaelog 1 (AN12) and, if the name si Irish, Llanbabo 1(AN9). Bodedern 1(ANI), a vertical, capital-letter inscription consisting only of an Irish name,

(AN58) commemorating Macevdecceti, which has been

(Richards, 1960: 147).

might also belong to this phase. None of the monuments

dated to the early to mid-sixth century on the linguistic

cited above i sassociated with a l a t e rchurch site.

Instead, the monuments which have been identified as most likely to be of fifth-century date in north Wales are a small but very diverse group of roman-letter inscriptions, two-thirdsof which come from Merioneth. These are characterized, where identifiable, by horizontal inscriptions in

Other monuments with vertical roman-letter inscriptions in capitals but commemorating individuals with British o rLatin names may also be ascribed to this phase. The inception of such inscriptions may have been partly as a response to the influenceof vertical ogam inscripc a p i t a l s o fa k i n d f o u n d o n e a r l i e r R o m a n o - B r i t i s h m o n u tionsbut may also have been favoured because it allowed ments and may include a number of ligatures and other for longer lines to be carved. Amongst a group of such cursive features. Two of these, Barmouth 1 and 2 (MRImonuments in Caernarfonshire, Llannor 2 (CN30), for 2), simply have the names of those commemorated. example, is simply inscribed on a tall thin pillar with However, the rest are more complex. The lost Maentwrog 1 Vendesetli, the British name of the deceased. The Irish

(MR21) si the only post-Roman inscribed stone ni Britain with the classicRoman memorial formula D(is) M(anibus) ('To the Spirits of the Departed) and is followed by two

names. In contrast, Llanerfyl 1 (IMT4) and Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) are very clearly Christian memorials since they

both include the hic ni tumulo iacit formula. The former also has an abbreviated form of ni pace and gives the age of

of those named. For example, Penmachno 4 (CN38)

and Galloway) (see p. 441). The latter describes the commemorand as a homo Xp(ist)ianus ('Christian man'). Finally, Llangefni I (AN39) simply includes iacit, but the

cross commemorating a man with a Roman name and a unique elaboration of the hci iacit formula but a poor grasp of Latin case-endings, together with a capital script

inscriptions a r e f r a m e d in t h e m a n n e r o f a R o m a n t o m b -

s h o w i n g c l e a r l y t h e i n fl u e n c e o f c u r s i v e w r i t i n g

might belong to this phase. It has a monogram chi-rho

stone. T h e s em o n u m e n t s signal the c o n t i n u i n gpresence of

The third phase is broadly datable to the sixth century,

a Romanized elite in north Wales, at least some of whom

though itcould have begun slightly before this. It may be identified epigraphically by mixed-alphabet inscriptions

sixth centuries. It si during this period that evidence for

examples o f roman-letter a n d ogam-inscribed stones.

Unusually, on both Clocaenog 1 (D1) and Dolbenmaen2 (CN18), the horizontal roman-letter inscriptions are accompanied by ogams placed on the angles of the stone in s u c h a w a v a s t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e

Latin, rather than vertically up the left angle as is more

with one or more minuscule letters a n d uncial E. but also

by the continuation on some monuments of capital-letter

inscriptions until around the middle of that century, as suggested by Penmachno 3 (CN37). Some inscriptions have a large number of ligatures and conjoined letters and, though comparatively rare in north Wales, reversed and turned letters also become more common, as do the geometric letters handle-bar A and trident-shaped M. Some capital letter-forms, notably R, are exaggerated

usual. On Dolbenmaen 2, the roman-letter inscription

(Tedeschi, 2001: 24-5 (2), (3)).

cule S, which might well place ti ni the sixth century

inscribed stones continued to eb erected ni north Wales.

' son of Y' formula and includes minusconsists of the X

It

is n o t

known

how

long roman-letter and ogam-

often clerical rather than a secular elite and demonstrate

the existence of an organized church. They also hint at a higher level of Latin literacyand culture than si generally apparent on other monuments ni this phase. Aberdaron 1 and 2 use the hic iacit formula alone and commemorate priestsb u t the second inscription also includes the phrase cum mvltitvdinem fratrym (with the multitude of the

brethren'), which refers either to the Christian dead ni the

formula ( s o m e t i m e s abbreviated), as o n Pentrefoelas 1

surrounding cemetery or to the presence o f a monastic

(D9), or the 'Xfili Y'formula, as on Gwytherin 1 (D2). The inscription on the former demonstrates a breakdown in the Latin case-endings and the letter-forms include minuscule S, exaggerated R's and three ligatures. The latter, which shares the MA ligature, si thought most likely to be sixth century on linguistic grounds. It si also during this phase

community. Both inscriptions arevery elegantly carved in capital letters with serifs and the second inparticular includes elaborate ligatures and other cursive features as well as exaggerated R and handle-bar A, but there are no minuscules, which may suggest that they date to the first half of the century. However, epigraphically the lengthy

M

Christian hic iacit formula is likewise used, notably on Llanaelhaearn 2 (CN20), where it is rendered more cor-

may also be ascribed to this phase. Where identifiable

Monuments with vertical inscriptions and Brittonic personal names likewise continue using either the hic iacit

British names and is framed suggesting the influence of Roman inscriptions at the fort of Segontium nearby. The

Christian inscribed stones which have been dated to the

Irish settlers first becomes apparent. First, there are rare

evidence backed up by the letter-forms, which include

uncial E and reversed D.

that these two most common formulae are brought together on the same monument. In all cases the inscrip-

rectly as hic acet and the inscription commemorates a 'stranger' from the Britishkingdom of Elmet. A tthe same time, however, it is possible to suggest the continuation of monuments with horizontal, roman-letter Latin inscriptions which emphasize the Christian status

were Christian. The second phase may span the later fifth and earlier

Irish names on roman-letter inscriptions with hic iacit also continued and may be exemplified by Penhosllugwy 1

influenced Xfili Y formula si also found as, for example, on Llanfaglan 1 (CN24), which si again combined with

death, a feature commonplace in pagan Roman inscriptions which is also found on three late Roman inscriptions tentatively identified as Christian from Brougham and Maryport in Cumbria and is paralleled on two other fifth century, Hayle (Cornwall) and Whithorn (Dumfries

(AN45), Llantrisant 1 (AN46) a n d Llandanwg 2 (MR11)

name of the man commemorated. Both are religiously

who came to north-west Wales are thought to have originated (Moore, 1998: 24 fig. 4.1). In addition to Leinster's proximity, the place-name, Dillaen, on Llyn, is thought to mean 'the fort of the Leinstermen'

125

o

n

e

a

r

e

vertical.

Festiniog

1 (MR8), which

commemorates a citizen of Gwynedd who was the cousin

of a magistrate, is a lengthier and more complex version of this. The Latin case-endings are weak and the letter-forms include a number of cursive features as well as reversed D, horizontal I and exaggerated R, but no minuscules, and it has been suggested that ti dates to the first half o f the century. But most of these dual formula inscriptions are simple

inscription o nLlantrisant 1, which includes minuscule D and O as well as handle-bar A and many ligatures, seems

rather later. It commemorates the wife of a sacerdos, who

was an ordained priest and may also have been a monk.

Though the inscription demonstrates a poor grasp of Latin case-endings, it also hints at the survival of Latin

panegyric poetry in post-Roman Britain, a tradition

which may have been enriched by continuing contacts between churchmen ni Britain and Gaul. Llandanwg 2, which includes minuscule O and S, reads Eqvestri nomine and repetitive. They may be exemplified by Dolbenmaen 1 ('of Equester byname'), incorporating a formula which si

(CN17), where the letter-forms include conjoined FI with

a small I, three ligatures and uncial E, and thelinguistic evidence si also supportive of a sixth-century date. Further examples are provided by the inscriptions on Llandanwg 3 (MR12) (which demonstrates the continuation of Latin personal names) and Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22), both of which are, unusually, incised with a knife, and may be ten-

tatively dated to the second half of the century, largely on epigraphic grounds. The letter-forms on the former include upside-down A, exaggerated R, conjoined FI with a small I,half-uncial G and minuscule S. Those on the latter include exaggerated R and half-uncial G and the language si also indicative. Treflys 1(CN41), which has a monogram chi-rho cross typologically later than that on Penmachno4

(CN38), appears to give an abbreviated versionof both formulae. Both the language and the letter-forms - an extreme form of capital R, minuscule S, conjoined FI and horizontal I- would support a date in the second half of the

rare in Wales,but si found on the Continent, and espe-

cially ni North Africa during the fourth century.

The final phase spans the end of the sixth and first half

of the seventh century, a period during which inscribed memorial stones ceased to be fashionable. The vertical inscription on LIannor 1 (CN29) demonstrates that a combination of the 'X fili Y' and hic iacit formulae continued: the language is datable to the seventh century and

the lettering includes cursive featuresas well as minuscule Handprobably other letters as well. However, the inscriptions on two other monuments, Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) and Llangaffo 12 (AN38), indicate the abandonment of these formulae. As we have seen, the former, which si vertical and headed by a cross with expanded terminals rather than the typologically earlier monogram chi-rho cross, may be dated to c.625. It commemorates Catamanus rex

sapientisimus

opinatisimus

omnium

regum

(King

Catamanus, the wisest, most illustrious of all kings') a n d sixth centurv. incorporates superlative adjectives in the manner of some A small number of more elaborate, roman-letter, Latin inscriptions which name Late Antique rulers on the inscriptions - Aberdaron 1and 2(CN2-3), Llansadwrn 1 Continent. The latter begins with the X ' son of Y' formula

126

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

but also includes Cini erexithunc lapidem(Cini erected this

went out offashion in Wales and were replaced by mainly

s t o n e , a phrase m o r e i n keeping with inscriptions o n

a n o n y m o u s cross-carved grave-markers this w a s also a

ninth-century a n d later m o n u m e n t s ; the language is also supportive of a l a t e date. Both m o n u m e n t s share a very

distinctive style of mixed-alphabet lettering which

includessomegeometric forms (see p. 63; Fig. 4.10). The case outlined above for a continuing tradition of more elaborate Christian inscriptions, as well as a growing number of simpler inscriptions incorporating the

THE DEVELOPMENT A N DC H R O N O L O G Y OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

and iconography, as well as their regional and local group-

response to changes in burial practice o n the C o n t i n e n t .

addition, he identified Llanfihangel-y-traethau (Appendix C) as a Group V I 'transitional Romanesque' monument a n d dated t h e inscription to the

At this time, the increasing power of the church and the development of the concept of purgatory resulted in

(ECMW: 47-8, no. 281). Radford indicated that further

importance of typology and art-historical comparison as tools t h a t , when used in conjunction with the dated m o n -

monuments might be added: he suggested that Llantwit

uments, may be used to establish a relative chronology. This has also been facilitated by the great advances made

important changes in funerary liturgy and t h econsequent need for continuing prayers for the dead to hasten release

from purgatorial suffering. To facilitate this, burial was

mid-twelfth century

Major 3-4 (G65-6) dated to the later eighth or beginning

of the ninth century, Carew 1 (P9) to 1033-5 and Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 (D7) to the mid-eleventh

century (Radford, 1949a, 1983; Radford and Hemp, 1957:

believers and the establishment of an organized church

now sought close t o the remains of the saints in the ceme teries of important ecclesiastical foundations and the number of funerary epitaphs sharply declined to be

but also of contacts with Christian communities on the

replaced by largely anonymous graves (Effros, 2002;

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 are no longer regarded as naming identifiable historic figures (vol. :I 141, 388-9; vol.

h i c t a c i t f o r m u l a . is i n d i c a t i v e n o t o n l y o f t h e h i g h s t a t u s o f

Continent

and

in

all

likelihood

further

afield.

Handley, 2003:

181-4).

A similar pattern is seen in

112-16). The inscriptions on Llantwit Major 4, Carew 1 and

Archaeologically, long-distance trade si evidenced ni the form of occasional finds in north Wales of imported pottery and glass. A trade-route with western Gaul is

Ireland where the foundation of important monastic sites c.525-75 resulted ni the rise of saints' cults and the church gradually became more fully integrated into Irish society.

demonstrated, for example, by sherds of sixth-century

Ogam-inscribed stones also died out in the early seventh century and increasingly burial of the elite was in

who died ni 831, this can never be proved since there are no

monastic cemeteries in graves marked by cross-carved

However, those on the remaining monuments continue to

dérivés sigillées paléochrétiennes (DPSA) Atlantic Group, which were produced in the vicinity of Bordeaux, and include t h echi-rho stamped fragment from Dinas Emrys

(Caerns.) (see pp. 66-7; Fig. 4.11f) (Campbell, 2007: 27-

32). In addition, a few sherds of late Roman amphorae (LRA) from a handful of sites and a Byzantine intaglio from Cefn Cwmwd (Anglesey) hint at seaborne contacts

as far afield as the eastern Mediterranean during the later fifth and earlier sixth centuries (Campbell, 2007: 18-26,

18).

Ships arriving in western Britain could equally have

brought churchmen and Christians from Britain some-

times travelled overseas. Surviving documentary evidence si sparse but there si sufficient to give some indication of the nature of these contacts. For example, ni the second

stones, some of which had simple roman-letter inscriptions in Irish requesting a prayer forthe deceased (vol. II: 114-15).

THE SCULPTURE Many of the problems encountered by Nash-Williams in

attempting to date the cross-carved stones and more ambitious stone sculpture still remain today. The simplicity of his Group I cross-decorated stones meant that NashWilliams was forced to date them 'on general historical and typological grounds' as intermediate between his

quarter of the fifth century. St Germanus. the bishop of

Group I inscribed stones and Group III sculptured crosses

Auxerre ni northern Burgundy, visited Britain on at least

and cross-slabs (ECMW: 18). Combining a typological

one, probably two, occasions to combat the Pelagian

heresy (Thompson, 1984). Equally, Faustus (c.405-c.490)

who hailed from Britain, rose to the abbacy of the famous monastery at Lérins, near Marseilles, before becoming bishop of Riez in Provence in the 450s. He preached atthe d e d i c a t i o n o f a c h u r c h in L v o n a n d is k n o w n t o h a v e s e n t

one ofhis works to Britain using aBritish monk-bishop as

courier (Stancliffe, 2004; Chadwick et al., 1959: 225-6).

Indeed, one wonders whether the garbled consular date on Penmachno 3 (CN37) or the echoes of Latin Christian

analysis of cross-form with aconsideration of those with inscriptions, their words, formulae and letter-forms, he dated the majority to the seventh to ninth centuries, though he was of the opinion that some might be later. For example, influenced by Radford (RCAHMW, 1937: xcvii-ci), he dated the cross-carved stones at Llanfihangel

Ysgeifiog (AN22), Llangaffo (AN30-6) and LIangeinwen (AN41-4) to between the seventh and eleventh centuries (ECMW: 55-61).

With the Group IlI sculpture Nash-Williams was able panegyric on Llantrisant 1(AN46) might eb the result of to set his typological analysis of form, ornament, iconogseeking to replicate something half remembered from a raphy and inscriptions against a chronological framework Examples such as these go some way towards illumi-

provided by a small number of monuments where the inscriptions were thought to identify historic figures. He

nating the mechanisms by which intellectual and other

dated the Pillarof Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Ial 1(D3)) to the

visit overseas.

contacts were maintained with Gaul in particular, as well

as with further afield. When, during the first half of the seventh century, inscribed memorial stones gradually

127

first half of the ninth century. LIantwit Major 1 (G63) to the late ninth century and St Davids 8 (P97) to 1078-80

(Nash-Williams, 1938a; ECMW: nos 182, 220, 382). In

II: 308-9; see p. 343). In addition, though it is tempting to equate Satvrnbiv in the inscription on St Davids 10 (P99) with Saturnbiu Hail ('the Generous'), bishop of St Davids

clear identifiers other than the name itself (vol. I: 448).

ings where applicable, have demonstrated the continuing

over the last twenty-five years in our u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f

Insular art, including the development of early medieval sculpture elsewhere in Britain and Ireland, particularly the publication of the Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone

Sculpture. Most notably, the form, ornament and iconography of the circle-head crosses of Anglesey and Flintshire have their closest comparisons with Viking Age crosses found in Chester and on the Wirral (Bailey, 2010:

31-3), as well as demonstrating links with other sculpture

around and across the Irish Sea (see pp. 109-10). Though

inscriptions on the north Wales sculpture are rare, the words and formulae employed as well as the language and

letter-forms can also be used as chronological indicators.

provide a basic but nonetheless valuable chronological framework which allows comparison with other undated

For example, the language of the Welsh inscriptions on the cross-carved pillar Tywyn 2 (MR25 suggests a date in

stones. The earliest is Llantwit Major 3 which has a long inscription most likely naming luthahelo rex, a mid-eighthcentury king of Glywysing, and Samsoni apati, a contemporary abbot at Llantwit Major identified in the charters (Radford, 1983; CIB: 277-8). Secondly, the

the ninth century (CIB:294-5).

inscription on Llandysilio yn lal I indicates that it was set

up by Concenn (W. Cyngen), the ruler of Powys who died

ni 854/5, thereby providing a terminus ante quem for hte

cross, which may be broadly dated to c.808-854/5 (see pp. 329, 334). Thirdly, LIantwit Major I was set up by Hywel ap Rhys, the king of Glywysing who died ni 886, which again gives a terminus ante quem and, since he si mentioned ni the Llandaf charters, Wendy Davies (1978: 70) has suggested his foruit began c.860; the cross can therefore be approximately dated to this period (vol. I: 373; vol. II: 115). Afourth stone (now lost) may be added tothe list: the

Even though such advances have been made, some con-

siderable difficulties remain. The simplicity of most of the cross-carved stones, the rarity of accompanying ornament and the almost total lack of inscriptions result in a heavy reliance on typology and art-historical comparison withequally simple monuments elsewhere. In north-west

Wales, however, there si an additional problem at the end

of the period. Here, the Norman intervention ni the late eleventh century was only temporary (see p. 14), and ni the early decades of the twelfth century, Gruffudd ap

Cynan (d.1137) is credited with the introduction of

Romanesque architecture into Gwynedd and the construction of churches such as Penmon (Gem, 2009).

However (as Nash-Williams recognized in designating

Group V I monuments as 'Transitional Romanesque

inscription on Llandaf 4 (G39) names Episconi losenh

dating between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries

('Bishop Joseph'), who may be identified as the bishop of

(ECMW: 47)), with the sculpture it remains very difficult

Llandaf c. 1022-45. Fifthly, St Davids 8 commemorates the sons of Bishop Abraham, who was bishop of St Davids 1078-80, which gives a terminus post quem for the monument, which may be dated to the late eleventh or early twelfth century (vol. II: 115, 443-4). Finally, the inscrip-

tion on the pillar at Llanfihangel-y-traethau (Mer.) names Ewini reg(is) ('Owain, the king'), presumably Owain Gwynedd (1137-70), which, together with the letterforms,

indicates that

the monument

is t o o l a t e t o b e

included ni this Corpus (see p. 473). Although the only relevant historically dated monu-

ment ni north Wales is the Pillar of Eliseg (Llandysilio yn Ial 1(D3)), the preceding discussions of form, ornament

t o d e t e r m i n e w h e na n d h o w q u i c k l y I n s u l a r t y p e s . n o t a b l y free-standing

crosses

and

cross-carved

stones.

were

replaced with new forms and ornament. Indeed, there is evidence that Insular ornament continued to be used

alongside Romanesque motifs, notably on the Anglesey fonts, for example Llangristiolusand Llaniestyn (Thurlby, 2006: figs 317, 322, 326). Interlace is also found on the Romanesque tympanum at Penmon and elsewhere in W a l e s a n d o n t h e b o r d e r s it w a s l i k e w i s e i n c o r p o r a t e d

into Romanesque architecture and sculpture (Thurlby,

1999, 2006: figs 145, 232, 289). Nevertheless, an attempt

has been made to provide adate range for every monum e n t a n d t h e o v e r a l l d e v e l o p m e n t a n d c h r o n o l o g y of t h e

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

128

s c u l p t u r e i n n o r t h W a l e s w i l l n o w b e d i s c u s s e dw i t h i n i t s

expressed in the donation of land rather than in the pro-

b r o a d e r c o n t e x t

d u c t i o n o f m o n u m e n t s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , it m a y b e t h a t t h e

As we have seen, Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) c.625 si the

only early inscribed stone in north Wales which is also

resources potentially created by agricultural surpluses

incised with a s i m p l e linear Latin cross with e x p a n d e d ter-

werediverted elsewhere, notably to fund warfare. In Powys, however, there is rather more evidence for

minals (rather than a monogram chi-rho cross) and it comes at the end of the series. Although it is impossible to

the production of ambitious sculpture from theninth century onwards, mainly, but not exclusively, associated with

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

the early tenth century onwards the cantrefof Tegeingl (or

Englefield) became part of a contested border zone which saw some Hiberno-Scandinavian settlement west of the Dee as part of that focused o n the Wirral, around Chester and insouth Lancashire.

The fact that Anglesey and Tegeingl were drawn into this H i b e r n o - S c a n d i n a v i a n orbit

w i t h its w i d e s p r e a d

|129

raphy, presumably favoured by a patron (or patrons) of Viking descent, makes a tenth-century (c.925-1000) date most likelv. It

is i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e t h a t

these circle-head crosses

(together with Dyserth 1 (F2), below) provide the clearest

evidence of the adoption of both Viking Age forms and

ornament

in W a l e s a n d a r e t h e o n l y m o n u m e n t s w i t h

date closely the inception of anonymous cross-carved grave-markers and other simple cross-carved stones in north Wales, it seems reasonable to argue that the majority of those with linear crosses were produced from

ecclesiastical sites which, by the end o f the early Middle Ages, had emerged as the motherchurches intheir respective localities. Asimilarpattern is detectable on important ecclesiastical sites in both the south and the south-west.

it i s p o s s i b l e t o d e t e c t t h e i n c r e a s i n g e x p l o i t a t i o n o f

and fret-patterns are adopted, the ring-head form is main-

the seventh century onwards when the early inscribed

For example, at Llantwit Major ni Glywysing, sculptural

Anglesey Grit to produce a range of monuments. The

tained, while Llanbadarn I (CD4), a Viking 'hammer-head' form, has iconography and ornament

stones went out of fashion. That they were still being

production probably commences in the late eighth cen-

m a d e d u r i n g t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y is i n d i c a t e d o n l y w y n 2

tury

(MR25) by the use of two linear Latin crosses with short right-angle bars across the ends of the cross-arms along-

combination of royal and ecclesiastical patronage in the

side

the

linguistically

datable

c o m m e m o r a t i v e

inscriptions in Welsh. There are other indications sup-

G 6 5 )

and

there

is

continuing

evidence

of

a

inscriptions on other monuments (G63, 66), while further west at Margam the earliest sculpture (G78) has been dated to the late ninth century (vol. I: 381-2, 408-11). In

ported by linguistic evidence that linear crosses continued

Dyed, the important collection associated with St Davids

into the ninth century in the s o u t h and south-west, for

and related sites c o m m e n c e s in the ninth century if n o t

example Aberafan (The Croft) 1 (G1) and Llanddewibrefi 6 (CD13). In addition, St Ismaels 4 (P131), which is incised with alinear, roughly equal-arm cross, was reused as a lintel of a grave and the adjacent grave has been radio-

before (vol. II: 117-18). The sculpture shows considerable diversity and suitable stone was already being transported some distance. The Pillar of Elise (Llandysilio yn Iāl 1 (D3)) is datable historically t o c.808-854/5. This round-shafted cross with its

D 680-780 1( sigma), carbon dated to 1270 ‡ 42BP, cal. A cal. A D 660-880 (2 sigma) (vol. II: 489). The number of

m o n u m e n t s w i t h linear crosses, with, o r m o r e c o m m o n l y

without, rings, in north Wales is comparatively small -

complex inscription was a highly ambitious monument produced for Concenn, the last early medieval ruler of

Powys (see p. 333). Those at the ecclesiastical sites at

fewer than twenty compared with around one hundred ni Llanhaeadr-ym-Mochnant and Llandrinio can only be south-west Wales - and they are concentrated ni western Caernarfonshire and along the coast of Merioneth with

dated stylistically. They show no signs of Viking Age ornamental influence and this suggests that they may be

only occasional outliers elsewhere. As such, they are part

of ninth or early tenth-century date before such influences became widespread. It is interesting that in these border areas there are few signs of contact beyond Offa's and

of a much wider phenomenon reflecting Christian contacts around and across the Irish Sea.

The production of more ambitious sculpture in north-

west Wales during this period, however, appears to be confined to two sundials, Clynnog 1 (CN14) a n d Tywyn4 (MR27). These may be associated with monastic sites of some significance and have close parallels in Ireland. Arthistorically they may be dated to the eighth or ninth

Wat's Dykes. The form ofLlandysilio yn IAl 1may have been influenced by Anglo-Saxon round-shafted crosses,

century. The only more complex monument from

though that they were both drawing upon classical and Late Antique models is equally likely. The motifs on Llandrinio 2 (MT3) may include plant ornament characteristic of Anglo-Saxon sculpture, but the size of the fragment is too small to be sure. However, the cross-slab

Anglesey that might b edatable to the later ninth century is the cross-head, Llanfachraith 1 (AN11), the crucifixion

a n d plaitwork o r n a m e n t shows n o sign of Anglo-Saxon

o n w h i c h

i n fl u e n c e

m a v l i k e w i s e h e c o m n a r e d w i t h t h o s e o n

Irish

c r o s s e s , b u t t h e m o n u m e n t is t o o f r a g m e n t a r y t o b e c e r -

tain and it may equally be later. The fact that there is almost no stone sculpture from Anglesey prior to t h e tenth

century is surely noteworthy, especially when it is consid-

ered that this was the most fertile part of the region and had suitable stone for sculpture as well as being the heart

of the kingdom of Gwynedd. It is possible that wood was

the preferred medium or that patronage of the church was

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 (D7) with its spiral, fret

The documentary record indicates that from the second half of the ninth century, Anglesey became a focus of Viking attention because of its strategic location in the Irish Sea. There is an increasing amount of evidence for Hiberno-Scandinavian settlement in the south-east of the

island and, ni the tenth century, there si a likelihood of political domination, however temporary (Edwards, 2011; see pp. 12-13). Equally, ni north-east Wales from

seaborne contacts around and across the Irish Sea, as well as beyond, is clearly visible in the sculpture. From the

either Scandinavian art styles or iconography. In the south-west, for example, on the crosses at Carew (P9) and

tenth century onwards, ni southern and easternAnglesey Never (P73), though characteristic Viking Age interlace

most ambitious are the free-standing crosses, notably

those at Penmon (AN51-2), the most important ecclesiastical site in the cantref of Rhosyr. The two surviving crosses, Penmon 1 and 2, were probably carved from stone ni the immediate vicinity of the site. Althoughthey can only be dated by their form and ornament, together

c o m p a r a b l e with sculpture in Ireland. In Breconshire, the

a Viking milieu. Their circle-head form may be compared

viving sculpture indicates that Anglesey Grit was being

with arthistorical comparison, this places them firmly in

not only with Dyserth 1 (F2) and Whitford 2 (F12) in Tegeingl, but also with regional groups of circle-head crosses in Cheshire and Cumbria which have been dated to the tenth or eleventh century (Bailey, 2010: 31-3; Bailey and Cramp, 1988: 31-2). The use of Borre-style

ring-chain, an overtly Viking feature, on Penmon 1(and the lost Penmon 3(AN53)), which has itsclosest parallels with Manx sculpture. is indicative of a date in the second

cross-carved pillar Llandyfaelog Fach 1 (B16) is carved

with a full-length portrait of an armed figure identified as the man named in the inscription rather than a further

example of Scandinavian heroic iconography.

B y t h e e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y , i fn o t b e f o r e . t h e v o l u m e o f s u r i n c r e a s i n g l y e x p l o i t e d t o p r o d u c e a r a n g e o fm o n u m e n t s

First, there is evidence for the transport of large blocks of stone, whether roughouts or fully carved, considerable dis.

tances by sea. The cross-shaft from Bardsey Island (CN12),

the font fromPistyll (CN39 and in all likelihood the cross

and cross-base from Dyserth (F2-3) ni Tegeingl are carved from Anglesey Grit. The systematic exploitation of stone and its movement further afield required more resources, notably ships, and patronage at the highest level. For

or third quarter of the tenth century and the Christian iconography may be compared with later ninth- and early e x a m p l e . o n e m i g h t s p e c u l a t e t h a t t h e c r o s s e s a t D y s e r t h in tenth-century crosses in Ireland. Though the ornament on Tegeingl are material evidence for the ambitions of the Penmon 2 is much more limited, mainly fret-patterns, rulers of Gwynedd, notably Gruffudd ap Llywelyn some of a distinctive Viking Age type, it is probably of a (reigned 1039-63) who had a llys at Rhuddlan (see pp. similar date, as is the font Penmon 4 (AN54), which has 13-14). The transport of stone long distances by sea for very similar ornament. In south-western Anglesey, the major m o n u m e n t s is also evidenced in the south-west for

fragmentary Llangaffo 1 (AN27) may likewise be of tenth-century date. The lack of inscriptions makes it

Llanbadarn 1(CD4). Carew 1(P9)a n d Nevern 4 (P73).

impossible to identify the patrons who commissioned such sculpture and to be certain about the factors which

Cathedral includes possible architectural fragments (CN6-9) carved from Anglesey Grit which may also date

w a s stimulated b y Viking settlement a n d

building programme ni stone prior to the construction of

lay behind its production. Nevertheless, it is likely that

production

patronage as it was in northern England and the Isle of Man (Edwards. 2011: 82-7).

In Tegeingl, the circle-head crosses, Whitford 2 (F12) and the now fragmentary Meliden 1 (F8), the latter probably carved from sandstone derived from the vicinity of

Chester, may be more closely compared withthe Cheshire group of circle-heads across the Dee. The ornament consists not only of characteristically Viking Age patterns, such as ring-knots and T frets, but also warrior images of likely Scandinavian heroic derivation which underline

their Viking milieu. The presence of such secular iconog-

A c r o s s t h e M e n a i Strait the s c u l p t u r e at Bangor

to this period and, fi so, are indicative of a major church-

the Romanesque cathedral, part of which still survives as

standing fabric (RCAHMW, 1956: 1, 3-5). Bangor was the most important ecclesiastical foundation in the kingdom of Gwynedd with a long history stretching,

probably, back to the late sixth century but, interestingly,

there is comparatively little surviving early medieval sculpture; noris there evidence that it was an influential c e n t r e o fp r o d u c t i o n . A g a i n . a c o m p a r a t i v e l a c k o f w e a l t h

and elite patronage is likely to have been a factor. It is known that at various times during the Viking Age rulers of Gwynedd were paying substantial sums in tribute to

130

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

both the Vikings and the English (Davies, 1990: 75-6, 85-

The proliferation of grave-markers with outline crosses

THE DEVELOPMENT AND CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL STONE-CARVING IN NORTH WALES

Mochnant 1 (D7), the language and letter-forms of which

131

comparable with St Davids 8 (P97), which si datable by

6). Equally, Viking raids may have taken a serious toll on

a n d o t h e r m o n u m e n t s o n A n g l e s e y is f o u n d e l s e w h e r e in

are indicative of a date in the second half of the tenth or

i n s c r i p t i o n t o t h e l a t e re l e v e n t h o r e a r l i e r t w e l l t h c e n t u r y

religious

17):

W a l e s in n o r t h e r n P e m b r o k e s h i r e c e n t r i n g o n L l a n w n d a

Bangor, for example, was the subject of a HibernoScandinavian attack in 1079. The evidence for sculptural production at Bangorcertainly contrasts with St Davids in

and parishes in the Gwaun Valley in the cantreft of eastern Pebidiog and Cemais (vol. II: 90). In Scotland, a similar pattern emerges in the area around Whithorn (Dumfries

eleventh century, suggests English infiltration. However, it may be argued that the cross-slab Meifod 1 (MT6), with

t h e r e - e m e r g e n t k i n g d o m ot

recorded Viking raids, and whereinvestment is evidenced

south of Dublin, both areas of Viking settlement (Craig,

foundations

in

the

north_west

(see

y.

the south-west, which was able to withstand several

and Galloway) and in Ireland in the Barony of Rathdown

from at least the ninth century until the Norman take-over (Davies, 1982a: 66; vol. II: 84-7). However, like Bangor, the sculpture at Llandaf in the south-east is also datable to the end of the period - it may have emerged as a bishopric under Joseph (c. 1022-45) who is named on Llandaf 4 (G39) (vol. I: 569).

with Insular rather than Romanesque ornament continued to be produced on Anglesey and to what extent they may overlap with the construction of Romanesque churches and related sculpture is at present impossible to

the simplicity a n d / o r

l a t e r is n o t i m p o s s i b l e . S u c h a s c e n a r i o w o u l d b e c o m p a -

Secondly, though close dating is impossible because of fragmentary state o

the monu-

ments as well as their lack of inscriptions, ti may be a r g u e d t h a t f r o m a r o u n d t h e s a m e t i m e a w i d e r r a n g e of m o n u m e n t s also b e g i n to b e p r o d u c e d i n s o u t h e r n a n d

1991: 53-4; Healy, 2009: 49-61, 70-1). How long cross-

c a r v e d s t o n e s a n d c r o s s e s o fI n s u l a r t y p e a n d m o n u m e n t s

determine, but the mid-twelfth century or perhaps even

rable with both Cornwall (Langdon, 1896) and Cumbria

where small crosses continue into the twelfth century

(Ryder, 2005: 10-11). Some of the cross-forms found on

eastern Anglesey - not only upright grave-markers with

grave-slabs in Anglesey are also evidenced in Cumbria but

Llangaffo and Llangeinwen (AN30-5, 41-4), but also smaller free-

there r e c u m b e n t rather t h a n upright m o n u m e n t s are the norm.

o u t l i n e

c r o s s e s .

s u c h

a s

t h o s e

a t

standing crosses, some of them undecorated, forexample the expanded-arm Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17) and the disc-headed Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1-2 (AN14-15), as well as the cross-carved pillar Cerrig Ceinwen 2 (AN3). There are also fonts carved with

In contrast, from the tenth century onwards, very few

monuments seem to have been produced on mainland Gwynedd apart from those transported by sea from Anglesey. Even though Egryn sandstone would have been available in southern Merioneth and Cambrian sand-

Insular ornament at Cerrig Ceinwen, Llanffinan and

stones further north, they were hardly exploited (see

Newborough (AN2, 16, 49). Apart from Penmon and

p. 40). This suggests that ecclesiastical sites had few

Llangaffo, virtually nothing si known about the other sites

resources to produce stone sculpture and that patronage

which today make up a landscape of small parishes.

was very limited thereby reflecting the political turmoil of

Indeed, the distribution of the sculpture across the southern and eastern parts of the island focusing on the cantref of Rhosyr si testimony to the origins of these parishes. Many probably began as cemeteries on secular estates, and the landowners and their families would, ni

the tenth and eleventh centuries. This si likely to reflect the political weakness of Powys, warfare, skirmishing and

church buildings inthe twelfth century. Although changes

siderable areas of the border, which in 1086 had been laid waste (Hill, 1981: map 134). The few monuments there

all likelihood, have been the patrons of the sculpture. Some sites may only have been founded or have acquired in d e d i c a t i o n a r e c e r t a i n l y p o s s i b l e . o n e w o n d e r s w h e t h e r

Anglesey

foundations,

such

as

Llangaffo

and

Gwynedd during the period (see pp. 11-14).

In the north-east, apart from Tegeingl, there is likewise comparatively little evidence for sculptural production in

English infiltration. Indeed, Domesday Book recordscon-

are are located on the principal ecclesiastical sites in their localities. The form and ornament of the incomplete cross

Llangeinwen, the place-names of which consist of llan

Corwen 5 (MR7) with its unique runic inscription are

with a personal Celtic name, might be earlier than those, such as Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog and Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf, which have dedications to universal saints, the

comparable with Viking Age round-shafted crosses found in western Mercia, which have been dated to the tenth or

Archangel Michael and the Virgin Mary. In this context it

eleventh century (Bailey, 2010: 33-7). It may be indicative of cultural links across the border but, equally, it could

is worth noting that the inscribed pillar at Llanfihangel-y-

represent an English advance some considerable distance

traethau (Appendix C) records the first building of the church ni the time of Owain Gwynedd (1137-70) and the church dedicated to St Michael at Trefeglwys (Monts.) was founded during the reign of Madog ap Maredudd of

west along the Dee valley. If the lost fragments from Corwen (MR46) are both architectural and preRomanesque, they would also indicate the significance of this site. Equally, the later addition of an inscription with an Anglo-Saxon patronym on Llanhaeadr-ym-

Powys (d.1160) (Pryce, 1993: 15).

its double cross and exuberant Viking Age ornament is

As such, Meifod 1 may be a product of the patronage of Bleddyn (d.1132).

Powys under Maredudd ap

C ATA L O G U E

O R G A N I Z AT I O N O F T H E C AT A L O G U E

As far as possible this catalogue follows the organization

of the British Academy Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone

Sculpture. b u t m i n o r a l t e r a t i o n s to t h e f o r m a t h a v e b e e n m a d e w h e r e appropriate.

OVERALL ORGANIZATION AND HEADINGS

The catalogue si divided, following ECMW, into the pre-1974 counties of Anglesey, Caernarfonshire, Denbighshire, Flintshire, Merioneth and Montgomeryshire. Each county is then sub-divided as far as possible into ecclesiastical parishes which are arranged alphabetically, in the manner of the Royal Commission volumes

(RCAHMW, 1911, 1912, 1914, 1921, 1937, 1956, 1960,

find-spot for each monument. In some cases, accounts of

the earliest recorded location are imprecise so a six- or four-digit grid reference is given, sometimes with the addi-

tion of 'Area of ...' or a ? where the attributed location is less certain. The grid reference is followed by the number of the monument within the parish and a heading describing the type of monument. The heading is followed by the ECMWa n d CIIC catalogue numbers shown in brackets where applicable and the county number also

ni brackets shown in bold. Throughout the volume, monuments are known by the parish name and number, togetherwith the county number: for example Penmon 5 (AN55), Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18), Llanrhaeadr-ymMochnant 1(D7), and so on. The abbreviations for each county are as follows: AN = Anglesey, CN Caernarfonshire, D =Denbighshire, F =Flintshire, MR =

1964). This is also the way in which ECMW was organ-

Merioneth and MT = Montgomeryshire. A concordance

ized, apart from some monuments ni Caernarfonshire since the Royal Commission surveys for that county had not yet been published. Parishes are divided as necessary

explaining the present numbering system with reference to ECMW, CIC and Tedeschi (2005) will be found at the beginning of the catalogue.

into the sites where monuments have been found. Where appropriate, this usually begins with the main ecclesiastical site, most commonly the parish church, then chapels

PRESENT LOCATION

of ease followed by farms and other locations ni alphabetical order. Alternative place-names, including the Welsh place-name where it is different from the English and common alternative spellings, aregiven in brackets where

This describes the present location of the monument, giving an eight-digit grid reference or, where applicable, the accession number in the appropriate museum collec-

ments

one

were checked during fieldwork, mainly in the s u m m e r of

place-name or under the same name but using a variety of spellings. Church dedications are also given, together with

2007, but a small number ni Denbighshire, Flintshire and Montgomeryshirewere seen during pilot studies in 1996

necessary. This si to avoid confusion since some monuhave

been

recorded u n d e r more

than

any earlier dedications, if known. The location is fol-

lowed, wherever possible, by an eight-digit Ordnance Survey grid reference whichgives the earliest recorded

tion. The current locations of all surviving monuments

and 1998 and have not been checked since. Where monu-

ments have been moved, find sites have also sometimes

been checked in order to examine the landscape context.

136 E V I D E N C E F O R D I S C O V E RY This section begins with the earliest known documented reference to the monument and its location at that time and then charts its subsequent history including any c h a n g e s o fl o c a t i o n

DIMENSIONS

The dimensions of all monuments are given in both metric and imperial: h. = h e i g h t × w. = width × d. = depth; .1 = length and diam. = d i a m e t e r m a y be given

ORGANIZATION OF THE CATALOGUE DESCRIPTION

form,

whatever reason. Appendix B consists of monuments that

o r n a m e n t , iconography a n d inscriptions as appropriate.

are likely to be of early medieval date but where n o illus t r a t i o n has survived. A p p e n d i x C consists of stones

D i s c u s s i o n of sculpture i n c l u d e s c o m p a r i s o n s of

A short generaldescription of the monument is followed by a detailed description of each carved face. Where a cross-shaft, for example, has four carved faces, these are

described ni anti-clockwise order (A, B, C, D), beginning

with one of the broad faces. Where applicable, E is used for the top of the monument. If the monument might have been in situ when first recorded, or might still be in situ, the orientation of the faces is noted and the descrip-

tion normally begins with the east face. Cross-head types are discussed in chapter 5 (Fig. 5.2). Sometimes, more

| 137

ORGANIZATION OF THE CATALOGUE

W h e r e m e n t i o n i s m a d e o r m o n u m e n t s i n v o l u m e s _a

n

I these are referred to using their parish name, location name and county number in bold (B = Breconshire; CD =

D i s c u s s i o n s c o n c l u d e w i t h a n e s t i m a t eo fd a t e .

covery in Pembrokeshire (Nevern 1 (P140)) a n d another in the same county (Llanychaer 3 (P50)) where significant

REFERENCES

published.

n e w i n f o r m a t i o n h a s c o m e t o light s i n c e v o l u m e I

m e n t . I n o t h e r i n s t a n c e s t h e m a x i m u m m e a s u r e m e n t is g i v e n . F o rc r o s s e s , t h e d i m e n s i o n s o ft h e c r o s s - h e a d , s h a f t a n d b a s e a r e g i v e n a s n e c e s s a r y . I t t h e m o n u m e n t is n o

A l l m o n u m e n t s i n t h e m a i n catalogue a n d A p p e n d i x A

are a c c o m p a n i e d by black-and-white photographs, mostly

in chapter 7. The letters and numbers in brackets refer to

the m o n u m e n t is in existence its m u s e u m or other loca-

the o r n a m e n t charts.

tion and accession number are given. In some instances

Both roman-letter and ogam inscriptions are set out according to t h e conventions in Roman, Runes and Ogham

the carving recorded o n the cast is n o win b e t t e r condition

taken specially for the volume. Wherever possible, all carved faces have been included. At the beginning of the Corpus project in the late 1990s, photographs for volume Ill taken by Jean Williamson used conventional blackand-white film, a tripod and twin oblique flash-guns combined with natural light where appropriate following

b e e n r e c o r d e d p r e v i o n s l v a n d t h e s o u r c en o t e d

minor amendments (see below). The reading of the inscription (ogam inscriptions and the single runic inscription are shown i nbold) is followed wherever pos-

sible by an interpretation in italics giving word breaksand

filling out abbreviations and providing reconstructions if

Heather Jackson (HJ), except for a couple of very recent additions to the list. Each geology entry begins with an

appropriate. This si followed wherever possible by a translation. Al surviving monuments with inscriptions are accompanied by line-drawings illustrating the inscription These have been obtained from rubbings made by NE on architects'detail paper using old-fashioned cobbler's wax

detailed description obtained visually and by examination of a hand-specimen and thin-section where applicable.

scanned into Adobe Illustrator. The original rubbings have been deposited in the National Monuments Record,

examined by a geologist, either Jana Horák (JH) or identification, where possible. This is followed by a Accession numbers for the hand-specimens are included as

which have then been traced off and (for volume III)

RCAHMW.

well as for a few thin-sections o f these which have b e e n taken to facilitate identification. A Munsell colour chart

DISCUSSION

recorded location of the monument si also given where this can beidentified (for furtherdetails, see chapter 3).

c o n t e x t o f t h e m o n u m e n t . W h e r e t h e r e is m o r e t h a n o n e

The discussion opens with relevant informationabout the m o n u m e n t

PRESENT CONDITION Somecomment has been made on damage to the monu-

ment, any subsequent repairs and the condition of the carving. It si hoped that such information, together with i t s c u r r e n t l o c a t i o n . w i l l a c t a s a g u i d e t o t h e f u t u r e p r e s e r-

vation of the monument.

than that on the monument itself, so the cast can provide

AUTHORSHIP All catalogue entries and discussions are by NE except for the geology (STONE TYPE) (JH and/or HJ), the Language (PS-W), the runic inscription (DNP) and the later epigraphy (Lettering) (HMcK). Such sections have the author's initials in brackets at the end.

t r o m

t h e s a m e s i t e t h e c o n t e x t

is d i s c u s s e d

under the first monument from that site. Discussions of inscriptions include an appraisal of earlier readings and a consideration of how the present reading has been arrived at together with discussion of the letter-forms. Discussions

of the language of the inscriptions (PS-W) begin with the Brittonic and/or Irish linguistic period. This is explained in chapter 10. Al ogam inscriptions (and the runic inscription on Corwen 5 (MR7)) are again shown ni bold.

the methodology used by Tom Gray in Scotland (Gray and Ferguson, 1997). nI the early 2000s, for outdoormonuments in particular, lain Wright of the RCAHMW began to take photographs at night using obliquetungsten lighting powered by a generator.More recently, blackand-white film has been replaced by digital capture and tungsten lighting has been superseded by portable flash units and modelling lights that are radio-controlled (Wright, 2008). Where the monument is now missing or

fragmentary (or parts of the monument are currently

APPENDICES AND A D D E N D A

obscured), photographs have been included of antiquarian or more recent illustrations or, occasionally, of

There are three appendices. Appendix Aconsists of monu-

casts.

m e n t s that are of doubtful early medieval date for

number is included in brackets where appropriate.An indication of the nearest source for the stone from the earliest

P H O TO G R A P H S

discussion of the monument concerned. Where acast of

(Higgitt, Forsyth and Parsons, 2001: xviii-xix), with

All monuments and/or samples held in the National Museum Wales (NMW) geology collections have been

ical order. As far as possible it includes all early antiquarian references (including manuscript sources) and other references that contribute new evidence or n e w

longer extant,measurements are given where these have

STONE TYPE

was

t h a n o n e fragment or m o r e t h a n one phase of the s a m e

given, these go from the bottom to the top of the monu-

Where more than one width and depth measurement si

recent scholarship as of early medieval date but which

Cardiganshire; CM = Carmarthenshire; G = Glamorgan; At the end of the catalogue is a section entitled H = Herefordshire; MN = Monmouthshire; P = Pembrokeshire; R = Radnorshire; S = Shropshire). Addenda which gives catalogue entries for a new dis.

T h e l i s t o f r e f e r e n c e s for e a c h m o n u m e n t is in c h r o n o l o g

height above the modern ground surface (MGS) is given.

previously identifiedby Nash-Williams (ECMW) or more m a v n o w b e d i s c o u n t e d f o r w h a t e v e r r e a s o n

monument are noted a., b., c. Carving on individual faces is described from top to bottom and the individual motifs are numbered accordingly (i), (in), (iii). The descriptions of cross-types and Insular ornament, plaitwork and interlace, frets, etc., refer to illustrations and ornamentcharts

where appropriate. The total height has been recorded wherever possible but where the monument is now set in the ground or ni a modern base the visible height or the

d

CONVENTIONS FOR EDITING

L I S T O F A L L M O N U M E N T S IN T H E C AT A L O G U E

T H E TEXTS O F INSCRIPTIONS

FILIVS

The county number is given first in bold. After the place-name and monument numberthe ECMW number is shown in

legible c h a r a c t e r s

(FILI

letters in r o u n d brackets have n o w been lost

damaged but legible character character, the reading of which is uncertain

{C)

interpolated letter

b u t w e r e r e c o r d e d in a n a n t i q u a r i a n s o u r c e

b e c a u s e o f d a m a g e o r for s o m e o t h e r r e a s o n :

the reading favoured by the editor uncertain number of characters lost (or may

AM FILI

h a v e b e e n l o s t ) at t h e b e g i n n i n g o r e n d o f t h e

Appendices A B are noted, where appropriate, in brackets.

(over the t o pof a letter) abbreviation mark ligature

conjoined letters punctus, punctuation mark

ANGLESEY ANI AN2

T E X T

line break

[-]

u n c e r t a i n n u m b e r o f c h a r a c t e r s lost (or m a y

text i n t e r r u p t e d b y o r n a m e n t o r o t h e r f e a t u r e

[.]

have been lost) within the text lost (or illegible) character

MAOI

bold, the CIC number in brackets and the Tedeschi (2005) number ni italics, where appropriate. Catalogue entries in

inscriptions in ogam or runic characters

AN3 AN4

AN5

two or three characters lost (or illegible), one dot per character

AN6

AN7 AN8 AN9

Bodedern 1 Gn-7

Cerrig Ceinwen 14

Cerrig Ceinwen 2 3 Cerrig Ceinwen 3 2 (Appendix A) Heneglwys 1 5 (968) Heneglwys 2 Heneglwys 3 Holyhead 1 (Appendix A) Llanbabo 1 6 (318) Gn-5

AN10 Llanbadrig 17 ANI1

L I N G U I S T I C A B B R E V I AT I O N S

CB. MI

Mod. Ir. Mod. W. MW

Cornish Cornish and Breton

ОВ ОЕ

Irish

OT

Middle Irish Modern Irish Modern Welsh Middle Welsh

O W

WCB

Old Breton Old English Old I r i s h Old Welsh Welsh Welsh, C o r n i s h a n d Breton

Llanfachraith 1 8

AN12 Llanfaelog 19 (319) Gn-21 AN13 Llanfaelog 2 10 Gn-22

AN14 AN15 AN16 AN17 AN18

Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1 1 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2 Llanffinan 1 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 2

AN19 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 3 12 (Appendix A)

AN20 AN21 AN22 AN23 AN24

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 11a Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 4 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 5

AN25 AN26 AN27 AN28

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 6 (Appendix A) Llangadwaladr 1 13 (970) Gn-25 Llangaffo 114 Llangaffo 215

AN29

Llangaffo 3 16

AN30 AN31 AN32 AN33 AN34 AN35

419 5 24 6 20 7 17 Llangaffo 8 18 Llangaffo 9 22 Llangaffo Llangaffo Llangaffo Llangaffo

AN36 Llangaffo 10 23 (Appendix A) AN37 Llangaffo 1 21 (Appendix A)

AN38 AN39

Llangaffo 12 35 (971) Llangefni 1 26 (320) Gn-26

AN40 Llangefni 2 25 (321)

AN41

Llangeinwen 1 28

AN42

Llangeinwen 2 29

AN43 AN44 AN45 AN46 AN47

Llangeinwen 3 30 Llangeinwen 4 31 Llansadwrn 1 32 (323) Gn-30

Llantrisant 1 33 (325) Gn-6 Llantrisant 2 34 (324)

AN48 Llechgynfarwy 1 AN49

Newborough 1 36

AN50 Newborough 2 (Appendix A)

AN51 AN52 AN53 AN54 AN55 AN56 AN57 AN58 AN59

Penmon 1 38 Penmon 237 Penmon 3 Penmon 41 Penmon5 Penmon 6 Penmynydd 1 Penrhosllugwy 1 39 (326) Gn-36 Penrhosllugwy 2

LIST OF ALL MONUMENTS IN THE CATALOGUE

140

CAERNARFONSHIRE CNI CN2 CN3 CN4 CN5 CN6 CN7 CN8 CN9

Aber 1(Appendix A)

Aberdaron 1 77 (392) Gn-1 Aberdaron 2 78 (391) Gn-2 Bangor 3

Caerhun 1

CN14 Clynnog 185 CN15 Clynnog 2 CN16 Clynnog 3 (Appendix B)

CN17 CN18 CN19 CN20

Dolbenmaen 1 105 (397) Gn-35 Dolbenmaen 2 8 4(380) Gn-8 Llanaelhaearn 1 86 (382) Gn-14 Llanaelhaearn 2 87 (381) Gn-15

CN21

L l a n d u d n o 1 83 (384) Gn-29

CN22

Llandygái 1 (383) (Appendix A)

Llandygai2 (Appendix A) Llanfaglan 189 (385) Gn-23 Llangian 192 (386) Gn-27 Llangwnnadl 1 Llangybi193 Llangybi2

F8 F9 F10

F11 F12

Flint 1 (Appendix B) Hope 1

Hope 2 Hope 3 Meliden 1 Rhuddlan 1 188(1)

Rhuddlan 2 188(2)

Whitford 1 189 Whitford 2 190

MERIONETH MRI MR2

MR3 MR4

MR5

Barmouth 1 272 (413) Gn-12 Barmouth 2 271 (414) Gn-13 Corwen 1 273 Corwen 2 274

Corwen 3(Appendix A)

Llannor 296 (390) Gn-16

MR7 MR& MRO

Ffestiniog 2 277 (412)

Llannor 3 97 (389) Gn-17 Llannor 4 94 (388) Nefyn 199 Nefyn 2 100 (AppendixB) Penmachno 1 102 (395) Gn-34 Penmachno 2 104a

Penmachno 3 104 (396) Gn-33

Treflys 1 106 (398) Gn-38

Waunfawr 1

DENBIGHSHIRE

D3 D4

F7

Dyserth 2 186

Corwen 4275 (Appendix A) Corwen 5 276 Ffestiniog 1 103 (394) Gn-32

Penmachno 4 101 (393) Gn-31 Pistvll 1 Pistyll 298

D2

F2 F3 F4 F5 F6

Caerwys 1 184 (402) Gn-39 Dyserth 1 185, 187

MR6

CN37

DI

FI

Llannor 195 (387) Gn-28

CN38 CN39 CN40

CN42

FLINTSHIRE

Bangor 4

CN13

CN41

D 9

Llangernyw 3 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 181 (1001) Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2 180 Pentrefoelas 1 183 (401) Gn-37

Bangor 2

CN10 CN11 CN12

CN29 CN30 CN31 CN32 CN33 CN34 CN35 CN36

D8

Llangernyw 2 179

Bangor 1 80a

Bangor 581 Bangor 6 79 Bangor7 80 Bardsey Island 1 Bardsev Island 2 82 (999)

CN23 CN24 CN25 CN26 CN27 CN28

D5 D6 D7

Clocaenog 1 176 (399) Gn-9

Gwytherin 1 177 (400) Gn-11 Llandysilio yn Ial 1 182 (1000) Llangernyw 1 178

MRI0 MR11 MR12 MRI3 MR14

Llandanwg 1278 (415) Gn-19 Llandanwg2 279 (416) Gn-18 Llandanwg 3 Llandanwg4 Llandanwg5

MRI5 Llandecwyn 1(1029)

MRI6 Llandrillo 1(1030) (Appendix A)

MRI7 Llanegryn 1280 MR18 Llanfor 1 282 (417) Gn-24 MR19

Llanuwchllvn 1 283 (418)

MR20 Llanymawddwy 1 284 (419) MR21 Maentwrog 1 285

MR22 Trawsfynydd 1 Gn-4 MR23 Trawsfynydd 2 289 (420) Gn-10 MR24 Twwyn 1 286 (1034) MR25 Tywyn 2 287 (1033) M R 2 6 Tywyn 3 288 MR27 Tywyn 4

LIST OF ALL MONUMENTS IN THE CATALOGUE

M O N T G O M E RY S H I R E

|141

A D D E N D A TO PEMBROKESHIRE

MT1

Carno 1

P50

Llanychaer 3

MT2 MT3 MT4

P140

Nevern 11

MT5

Llandrinio 1 293 Llandrinio 2 Llanerfyl 1 294 (421) Gn-20 Llanwyddelan 1

MT6

Meifod 1 295

MT7

Meifod 2 (Appendix A)

ANGLESEY BODEDERN (Arfryn, Pen yr Allt Farm) SH 3415 8000

.1 Roman-letter inscribed stone

AN1

PRESENT LOCATION In St Edern's Church, Bodedern, set ni a concrete base against the north wall of the north transept (SH 3337 8046).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Found ni February 1971 during trial excavation of an early medieval ceme-

tery. It had been reused with the inscription face downwards as the lintel of a 'large cist nearly two metres

wide', now interpreted as a footbridge spanning the ditch

of a curvilinearenclosure on the site (White. 1969-70: 257; 1971-2: 34; Hedges, forthcoming).

A: The face is very uneven. Near the top on the right side

si a roman-letter inscription in one line reading vertically a

r

w

e

n

s

a

r

a

s

ERCAGNI

Translation: 'ofErcagnus' The inscription is medium incised with a broad lineusing a hand-pick. Some traces of tool marks are visible. The letters are uneven capitals (h. 5 < 9cm; 2 < 3.5in.): R has a closed bow, the first line of A is vertical, G is uncial.

. A DISCUSSION The discovery of this inscribed stone DIMENSIONS h. 74.5cm (29,25in.) above MGS; W

= 45.5 > 24cm (18 > 9.5in.); d. 22cm (8.5in.) max.

STONE TYPE

Quartz arenite (Carboniferous. Pale

grey-cream, coarse-grained, sandstone composed of well-sorted sub-rounded quartz grains. Coarser grains constitute < 5 per cent of the total content. This

was of particular significance because it is still the only example found in Wales during an archaeological excava-

tion using modern techniques. Arfryn si located on the

western side of Anglesey 5.5km (3.5 miles) from the coast

at 43m (140ft) OD on an elevated site; the ground slopes

lithology si massive, showing no indication of bedding.

away in all directions, more steeply to the west (Hedges,

boulder of igneous rock such as occur in the boulder-clay of which the hillock [... at the find site consists'.

known as Eglwys Edern is first mentioned by Lewis Morris

White (1971-2: 34) suggested that the stone was a However, this si incorrect. The lithology si clearly sedi-

mentary in origin, and is sourced from the sandstone lenses within the Carboniferous Limestone sequence of Anglesey. It is considered unlikely that the stone was

derived

f r o m t h e drift

as the general direction o f

forthcoming). The discovery of 'stone coffins' on the site

.c 1732 (NIW Add. MS 67a, 252). Further discoveries of long-cist graves and evidence of possible Bronze Age cre-

mationswere reported ni 1856 (Anon., 1856b: 400). The

trial excavation in February 1971 by Richard White, when the monument was discovered, was followed by much

more extensive excavations later that yearbyJohn Hedges

f o r

and Richard White. There was a further small excavation

transport f r o m t h e C a r b o n i f e r o u s o u t c r o p to t h e south-

ni 1982 by Sin White. More recently, geophysics have

i c e

m o v e m e n t

in

t h e

a r e a

d o e s

n o t

easilv

a c c o u n t

been conducted by Gwynedd Archaeological Trust.! The excavations uncovered two periods of activity. The

east. (JHI

PRESENT CONDITION

The back of the pillar si not

first consisted of features interpreted with the aid of radio-

now clearly visible but reportedly has plough damage

carbon dates as a Middle Bronze Age hill-top settlement

w o r n but clear apart

set

(White, 1971-2: 34). Otherwise good. The inscriptionis from the top o f the G

which

is

missing because of damage to the edge of the face.

comprising a round building (diam. 5m/16ft 6in. approx.), within

a

curvilinear

enclosure

(external

diam

35m/38yds approx.) made up of a V-shaped ditch and probable inner bank. T h e d e n u d e d r e m a i n s p r o v i d e d a

DESCRIPTION A rough, unshaped pillar with a trape. zoidal section. It tapers towards the top. Inscribed on A only, the broadest face.

1 T a m grateful to D a v i d L o n g l e y a n d J o h n H e d g e s for m a k i n g a d r a f to f t h e u n p u b l i s h e d e x c a v a t i o n r e p o r t a v a i l a b l e t o m e

THE CATALOGUE

THE CATALOGUE

145

PERCENT N I

rect (Hedges, forthcoming), the erection of the inscribed 66):

stone tomark the 'founder's grave' at Arfryn could have signalled the arrival of settlers from Ireland who were staking their claim to theland. With the passing oftime, the integration of or achange in the community buried on

the site and the growing strength of Christianity, the sig-

nificance of the monument may have been lost and was therefore uprooted and concealed from view reused face down as the lintel of a footbridge.

The height of the stone, about Im., si comparatively

small, making it unlikely that it is a reused prehistoric standing stone as tentatively suggested by Hedges (forth-

coming). The location of the inscription, towards one

50 Centimetr

Williamson).

focus for the second period of activity, a comparatively

large 'undeveloped' cemetery dated on the basis of the grave types a n d the presence of the inscribed stone as centring on thefi f t h and sixth centuries AD. In all. 117 findless inhumations were excavated, the vast majority oriented

broadly west/east. Most were at least partially encisted, some had lintels, but 38 per cent were simple dug graves.

ANI.2 Bodedern 1A, line-drawingofinscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

DATE

Language

REFERENCES

Brittonic Period ?, Irish Period 1-13.

ERCAGNI si the genitive of a probably Irish name

Fifth or earlier sixth century.

White, 1969-70: fig.; Hedges and

White, 1971: no. 41; White, 1971-2: 34-5, 41, 46-51, pl.;

Edwards, 1986: 21, 23, 34; CIB: 116, 141, 161, 315, 367,

(CM40), and also, for the first element, two names at Tregony in Cornwall (CIC: no. 461/Okasha, 1993: no.

LXXV (no. GN-7); Sims-Williams, 2007: 73-8; Longley,

385 (no. 2027); Tedeschi, 2005: 141, 161, 179-80, pl. 2009: 108, fig. 6.2, 118.

of memoranda concerning St Patrick, a well-known passage describes the burial of the two daughters of King

CERRIG CEINWEN (St Ceinw en's Church )

Loiguire: And the days of mourning for the king's daughters came to an end, and they buried them beside the well of Clébach, and theym a d ea round ditch after them a n n e r

gravesize demonstrated a mixed cemetery of adults, juveniles and infants(Hedges, forthcoming). The inscribed stone had been reused face downwards andset at right-angles as one ofthree lintels over arectan-

century burials are located in prominent positions in the

landscape. They are usually foundeither singly or insmall groups and are often associated with prehistoric barrows

PRESENT LOCATION

gular structure nearly 2m (78in.) wide, with walls

and cairns, which she has identified asferta, or with nat-

end.

may have beenconstructed to imitate them. It may be suggested that the remains of the Middle Bronze Age roundhouse with its curvilinear enclosure in an elevated

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First recorded in the old church ni 1802 by the Revd John Skinner (1908: 41,

142-3) has shown that in Ireland many fifth- and sixth-

S H 4 2 3 5 7371

1. Font ECMW no. 4

AN2

Inside the church at the west

ural features resembling them, or primary mounds which

suggested that the inscribed stone was originally sited in

position were chosen for reuse as a cemetery because they resembled aferta, or ancestral burial monument. The

an oval pit (P45) at the foot of grave 116 in the centre of

siting of the cemetery at Arfryn may also be compared

the earlier enclosure, leading to the interpretation that it might have been the 'founder's grave' (Hedges, forthThe phonology of ERCAGNI, the name on the

with the fifth- and sixth-century cemetery at Y T Maw, near Holyhead, which clustered round a Bronze Age barrow (Maynard, Hughes and Davidson, 1999: 56). I t has been arguedthat, by associating such burialswith ear-

features of the siting of the cemeterylikewise suggest an

land, whether they held it legitimately or not (Edwards,

Irish connection. In Tirechán's seventh-century collection

beginning ofthesixth century. Therefore, afifth or earlier

*Ercagnas > Irish Ercán. Compare inIreland CIC no. 262

ERCAGNI, and ni Britain ERCAGNI at St Ishmaels

of a ferta, that si what the heathen Irish used todo, but we call it relic' (Bieler, 1979: 144-5). Elizabeth O'Brien (2009:

inscribed stone, indicates that it is Irish (see below) and

suggested 475-525 using linguistic and epigraphic evi-

dence, and Tedeschi (2005: 180) dated it to the fifth or

witha Latin genitive case-ending indicative of possession.

Originally they may have been marked by turf mounds and

coming; Longley, 2009: 118).

The lack of a Christian formula may be significant. The capital letter-forms suggest a relatively early date in the sequence and the linguisticevidence a fifth- to mid-sixthcentury date. Jackson (in White, 1971-2: 46-51)

sixth-century d a t e i s appropriate.

occasional associated post-holes (e.g. grave 44) hint at the presence of wooden grave-markers. No bone survived, but

approximately 0.5m. (20in.)high; this spanned the earlier enclosure ditch onthe south side. Originally thoughtt o be a grave, this structure has been reinterpreted as a footbridge, perhaps with an associated pathway leading tot h e centre of the enclosure (Hedges, forthcoming). It is also

ERCILINGI (> OI Erclinge). Irish Erccán later became naturalized in Wales as Erchan, after the loss of /y/ in Irish (see discussion of St Ishmaels 1, CM40 in vol. I), but in the presentinscription ERCAGNI is evidently still an Irish name (CIB: 116, 141, 161, 315 (no. 2027): SimsWilliams, 2007: 73-8). (PS-W)

end, indicates that it was originally intended to be read vertically downwards. Thepositions and shapes of theletters are partly dictated by the very uneven face of the

stone. The inscription consists of only a personal name

ANI.1 Bodedern I A(Crowncopyright: RCAHMW,photo. Jean

ERCILIVI (Primitive Irish *Erciliut) and

lier monuments, communities were laying claim to the 2001: 22-3). If the reinterpretation of the evidence is cor-

figs 26-8). In 1846, it was noted at the west end (Jones, 1846: 64). The church was rebuilt on its original foundations in 1860 (Haslam et al., 2009: 122). DIMENSIONS

h. 43cm (17in.); external diam. 57 >

55cm (22.5 > 21.75in.) max.; internal diam. of basin 36cm (14.25in.) approx.; d. of basin 20cm (8in.) approx.

STONE TYPE Very coarse-grained, quartz arenite (Carboniferous). The stone is cream when fresh (5YR 7/1) but is weathered an ochreous brown, suggesting a

carbonate content to the matrix/cement. The homogeneous. well-sorted texture is dominated by clear and frosted sub-rounded to rounded quartz grains. The

lithology shows a massive structure. This resembles the

sandstones found within the Carboniferous Limestone of

southern and eastern Anglesey. It is therefore likely to have alocal source. (JH) PRESENT CONDITION The font is cemented to a modern plinth. Therei s some damage to the external face at the bottom which has been partially filled withcement. The basin is lined with lead sheeting, the top of which projects over the rim of the font, thereby obscuring it. There is a drainage hole in the bottom. The external face isblackened i n some places by algae growth. The carving

isclear but damaged in places.

146

THE CATALOGUE

147

THE CATALOGUE

female saint. In 1802, Skinner (Fig. 2.3) noted several

other fragments of possible early medieval and/or

Romanesque sculpture, now lost, built into the belfry of theold church ni addition to Cerrig Ceinwen .1

The cylindrical form and size of the font are comparable with Newborough 1 (AN49)a n d Pistyll 1 (CN39). Severalotherearly stone fonts o n Anglesey are also o fthis shape,including transitional examples,such asTrefdraeth

symbols reflect the sign of the cross made duringt h e baptism liturgy. Although thefont shows nosign of Romanesque influence, it has usually been regarded as twelfth century

(Hughes, 1921: 89; RCAHMW, 1937: 20; ECMW: no. 4; Thurlby, 2006: 228-9). However, Lord (2003: 49) has recently dated it, by comparison with Penmon 2, to the

to be decorated. The carving, asHughes(1921: 84) noted,

tenth or eleventh century, and Pritchard (2009: 255) has argued that theornament and mannero fcarving aresufficiently different from known twelfth-century fonts on Anglesey to indicate that alater tenth- o r eleventh-century date ismost likely. On these groundsa n earlierdate issuggested here.

stood and competently executed. The Simple E cruciform

DATE

and Llangristiolus, which has definite Romanesque features (RCAHMW, 1937: pls 59-60; Thurlby, 2006: 228-9). The uncarved area suggests that it may originally have stoodagainst a wall and thus there was no need for it consists entirely of Insular ornament which is well under-

motif(E7) on (jii)may be closely compared with Penmon AN2. 1 Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (i), ( i ) (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

AN2.2 Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (i)(Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

2 Ab.(ii) (AN52); there is also a poorly understoodversion onNewborough 1 (i) (AN49). Iti s also used insouth-west

Wales, for example on St Davids 8 (P97), datable to the

late eleventh or early twelfth century. The closed-circuit

cruciform motif (8.3) on (i) is similar to motifs on Llangaffo 3 (AN29), Carew 1 (P9) and Never 4 (P73) (vol. II: fig. 7.13). It si possible that the repeated cross

Latertenth or eleventh century.

REFERENCES

Jones, 1846: 64; Skinner, 1908: 41, figs 26-8; Hughes, 1921: 84 9, figs30, 33; Hughes, 1923: 53, 68; Hughes, 1930a: 251-3, fig. 10; RCAHMW, 1937: 20, pl. 59; ECMW: no. 4,pl. LXI, fig. 13; Lord, 2003: 49-50, illus. 58; Thurlby, 2006: 228-9, fig. 323; Pritchard, 2009: 254-5, fig. 13.36.

CERRIG CEINWEN (St Ceinwen's Church) SH 4235 7371 2. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e E C M Wn o . 3

AN2.3 Cerrig Ceinwen I (ti), (iv (Crow copyright: RCAHMW).

AN2.4 Cerrig Ceinwen 1 (iv) (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

PRESENT LOCATION

Inside the church, built hori-

zontally into the fabric over the south door of the nave, 2.6m (102in.) aboveMGS.

DESCRIPTION

The font si cylindrical ni form and

curves inwards from bottom to ton. T h e o r n a m e n t con.

sists of a broad horizontal band running part way round the font, leaving a dressed but uncared area of 50cm (19.75in.) in width. Beneath the band is a flat moulding, also incomplete; the area beneath is plain. The horizontal band of ornament is divided vertically into four adjoining

motifs carved in highrounded relief with deeply cut lines. Left to right: (i) Closed-circuit triangular interlace (8.3), forming a cruciform m o t i f u s i n g a double-beaded strand. (ii) An interlace cross. T h e h o r i z o n t a l c r o s s - a r m s are longer t h a n the vertical. The strands i n the centre interlace

and the cross-arms expand into Simple E knots (E7); t h o s e at t h e e n d s o f t h e h o r i z o n t a l c r o s s . a r m s a r e e n c i r.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

cled by an outer double-beaded strand which meets the

samelocation in 1846 before therebuilding of t h echurch (Jones. 1846: 64).

c r o s s - a r m s t r a n d s r a t h e r t h a n p a s s i n g over a n d u n d e r

First noted in the

them.

(iii)FourSimple E knots forming acruciform motif (E7). (iv) An elongated closed-circuit interlace motif used as a

filler (8.2).

DISCUSSI ON The church at Cerrig Ceinwen, now redundant, is located between the Afon Gwna and Malltraeth Marsh. The site is in a distinct hollow with a holy well o n the s o u t h side o f the c h u r c h v a r d . L i k e

Llangeinwen further south it is dedicated to a native

AN3

southern and eastern Anglesey. It is therefore likely tohave

a localsource. (JH) PRESENT CONDITION The stone may have been partiallyreshaped at the top and bottom. Only parts ofB D are visible. Most of the carving on A is in relatively good condition but there is damage tot h e left side of the face t o w a r d s the top o f the m o n u m e n t a n d to the lower

DIMENSIONS h. 159cm (62.5in.) × w. 33 < 46cm (13 < 18in.) x d. 20cm (8in.) approx.

half of the cross-stem.

STONE TYPE Coarse-grained,quartz-arenite (Carboniferous). Cream-yellow, weathering pale brown, homo-

whichtapers from top tobottom. The top forms a crooked

DESCRIPTION

A rough, rectangular-section pillar

t r i a n g u l a r s h a n e : t h e b o t t o m is a l s o u n e v e n . F r o m w h a t

geneous sandstone composed o f sub-angular to sub.

can be seen of B D , they are rough a n d uncarved.

rounded grains. Its position precludes more detailed examination of the stone. It resembles themore calcareous sandstones found within the Carboniferous Limestoneo f

A (broad): The face is dressed but uneven. The carving is deeply incised in falsereliefusing broadlines.

148

THEC ATA L O G U E

(1) An encircled compass-drawn Maltese cross (diam. 39cm/15.25in.) set at an angle. In thecentreof the cross is

zontal band toform a quadrant. The stem,tapering gradually, stretches to near the bottom of the face where it

as l i g h t l y recessed r o u n d e l incised with ac r o s s and, n e a r

b r o a d e n s o u t to form a t r i a n g u l a r t e r m i n a l enclosed

the end of each cross-arm, a circle witha slight depression

within a roughrectangle. The stem is carved with a band of rectangular frets (J4)using slightly curved incised lines with asimilar short horizontal band below the triangular

in t h e centre.

(in) Across the face is a narrow horizontal band incised

witha 'battlement' pattern derived from frets(G1c). (ini) Beneath i s anarrow vertical stem with, near the top, an upward curvingline on each side which meets the hori-

terminal.

DISCUSSION

The depth of the monument suggests

that it is an upright pillar rather than a recumbent gravecoverwhich is more likely to have been aslab. Trimming of the bottom mayhave destroyed t h e part originally set into the ground. The false relief carving and uneven surface of the face are characteristic of early medieval monuments. It seems likely that the ornament on A is part of a single representation of across witha thin stem with a triangular terminal set in a rectangularbase and with a

horizontal bar at the top. The form of the cross-head with its slender stem is reminiscent of aflabellum or liturgical

THE CATALOGUE

149 H E N E G LW Y S

(St LIwydian'sC h u r c h ) SH 4224 7613

PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church, built into the sill of themost westerly window on then o r t h side.

DESCRIPTION

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Discovered c.1844 during demolition of the old church and placed in the new building (Jones, 1846: 67), most likely in its present

inscription:

location.

DIMENSIONS h. 56.5cm (22.25in.) × w. 32.5cm (12.75in.) × d. 8.5cm (3.25in.). STONE

thet y p ew h i c h may haves t o o d ona n altar. It m a y be com-

(Carboniferous). Cream (2.5Y 7/2), homogeneous, wel-

Compass-drawn Maltese crosses are also found on late

monuments ni south Wales, for example Ewenni 8 and9

(G25-26) and there is a compass-drawn six-petal marigold o n Merthyr M a w (St Teilo's Church) 7 (G106). Though very simple, both the 'battlement' motif (GIc)

and the other fret ornament (J4) are characteristic Viking Age patterns (Bailey, 1980: fig. 7e; Bailey and Cramp, 1988: fig. 6d). The former isalso found on Bangor7

(CN10) (see p. 257) and patterns similar to the latter on

Heneglwys 3 (AN7),Bangor 4 (CN7), Llanrhaeadr-ym-

Mochnant 1 (D7) and Christchurch 1 (MIN3), as well as being characteristic of monuments at St Davids (P98, P103-105). This stone has been tentatively datedt o the twelfth cen-

TYPE

Coarse-grained,

Part of a slab.

A (broad): The face is incised with a fragmentary

- F I L I V S • EVI-1

[-JMIMA •REQVIES-

Interpretation: ... filivs• Ev... ./. [a)nima • reqvies/cit)... Translation:'.. son ofEv...... soul rests. . . A mixed-alphabet inscription (h. 4 < 7cm/1.5 < 2.75in.)

fan (cf. St Dogmaels 3, P112)o r possibly ametal cross of

pared with Cerrig Ceinwen 3 (AN4)and also has some similarity with Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 A (AN21).

AN5

1. Fragmentary inscribed stone ECMW no. 5; CIC no. 968

auartz

arenite

sorted sandstone dominated by coarse (1-0.5mm), sub-rounded to rounded quartz grains with minor dark lithic content. This lithology is typical oft h e quartz arenites found within the Carboniferous strata of Anglesey.

Similar lithologies are found within the rubble work of the main fabric of thechurch (part of which is attributed to the twelfth century). Both lines of evidence therefore suggest that this is a locally derived lithology from

southern or eastern Anglesey. (JH)

with wunctus b e t w e e nt h e w o r d s . It is i n c i s e d in quite b r o a d

lines; no traces of punchmarks are visible. DISCUSSION The church is located west ofLlangefni on a slight rise. It has a Celtic dedication and formerly a large curvilinear churchyard which, together with the sculpture, is indicative of early medieval origins. In addition there is a Romanesque font and Romanesque masonry fragments have been built intot h e later church (Haslam et al., 2009: 126-7; RCAHMW, 1937: 21).

The fragmentary nature ofthe monument makes it difficult todetermine its original form, though one possible

at both ends, leaving the inscription fragmentary; thesur-

parallel is provided by Llan-gors 2 (B30), aplain inscribed grave-marker that has been dated to the eleventh or

viving carving is worn but clear. white-wash.

originally horizontal or vertical. Although there is

PRESENT CONDITION The monument si fractured D is obscured by

twelfth centuries. It is unclear whether the inscription was

tury (Hughes, 1921: 109; RCAHMW, 1937: 20(a);

ECMW: no. 3). It has no clearly Romanesque features but

FRITON

the compariso ns made suggest it is late in the early medieval series, most likely eleventh or earlier twelfth century.

DATE

AN3 Cerrig Ceinwen 2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Eleventh orearlier twelfthcentury.

REFERENCES Jones, 1846: 64, fig. opp. 67; Hughes, 1921: 109-14, fig. 51; RCAHMW, 1937: c, ci, fig. 2, 201(a), pl. 21; ECMW: no.3 ,pl. LXI.

2 0 0 м

wi nd .ra gv ion s oC e n t i m e t r e s

20Inches

ANS.1 Heneglwys I A(Crown copyright: RCAHMW.

AN5.2 Heneglwys 1A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

150

THE CATALOGUE

damaget oindividual surviving letters, theym a y beclearly read. Radford (RCAHMW, 1937: 21) suggested that an E was also visible below the N at the beginning of line 2, indicating the first letter of a third line in theinscription.

Island 2, CN12). Meanwhile, E has the epsilon-shaped

Gothic manuscripts, but it may alsobe viewed as a styliza-

presence of a third line must remain unproven; its close

tion of uncial E, a n d it probably appeared in the(now lost) inscription Penally 3 (P84: datablet otheninth ortenth en-

lines 1 and 2, makes the presence of a third line so close

tury). The upper bar ofF slants upwards, a feature with both early and laterparallels (cf. ontheone hand Brawdy 1

spacing to line 2, contrasting with the larger gap between less likely.

Radford (RCAHMW, 1937: civ) attempted a reconstruction of the inscription: .....FILIVS • EV. / IN PAC]E

/ [CVIVS• AJNIMA • REQVIES[CIT

which was translated as'...(So-and-so), son of Ev. (lies

(PI), and on the other LIanfihangel Ystrad1 (CID20), as well a s Llanhaead-ym-Mochnant 1(D7)).T h e cutter producedsharpangles for V and N, but curiously his Mlooks laboured, with space-consuming curves: a parallel here is with the sixth-century inscription Llanddewibrefi 1 (CD8), which apart from the identical spread-out M includes oneminuscule letter(S)among capitals. The words are separated by stops: compare Never 4

here). May his soul rest in peace' (ECMW: no. 5). Macalister also suggested theinscription might begin with

(P73) and St Davids 8 (P97, of definite late eleventh- or

hic iacet (CIC: no. 968; cf. Llan-gors 2 (B30). However, these reconstructions cannot be entirely substantiated. On thebasiso f the parts of the inscription that have survived, line 1 has the X son of Y formula and line 2 originally

words are comparatively rare ni the Welsh inscriptions: theyappear ni a small number of fifth- and sixth-century inscriptions, but occur most often between the ninth and

included anima reqvies/cit), indicating that the monument

functioned as a grave-marker. The X son of Y formula,

though characteristico ft h e fifth and sixth centuries, is not necessarily early, since it persists on some later monuments, for example Llanddewibrefi 2 (CD9), LIanfihangel Ystrad 1 (CD20), LIanwnnws 1 (CD27) and Llan-gors .2

The use of anima may indicate arequest for a prayer or

blessing forthe soul as, for example, on Llandysilio yn lal

1(D3), Caldy Island 1(P6) and Llantwit Major 1 (G63),

all datable to the late eighth or ninth centuries. The use of reqvies/cit] suggests the commemorative formula hic recqviescit. This may be compared with hic quiescunt on

St Davids 8 (P97), datable to the late eleventh or early

twelfth century, with a further possible example on Coychurch 1 (G15). Nevertheless, hic requiescit h a s its origins on the Continent in the fifth century but is also occasionally found on Anglo-Saxon monuments during the eighth a n d ninth centuries (Lang, 2001: 242).

Language Brittonic Period ?. EV[ could be a Latin name like EVALI on Spittal 1 (P136) or an Old Welsh name

such as Ougein, written with Eu- ni the later Old Welsh period (CIB: 229 (no. 968/5)). (PS-W)

early twelfth-century date). These punctus separating

the twelfth centuries (see vol. II: 105). Newcastle 2 (G114), probably the latest inscription to contain stops. is reminiscent in other ways of Heneglwys 1, with its mixture ofcapital, uncial and minusculeforms. (HMcK)

There has been considerable disagreement about the datingof this inscription. Radford (RCAHMW, 1937: civ,

21) compared the formulae and epigraphy with sixthcentury Gaulish inscriptions and therefore dated it to c.600. Hughes (1924: 58) also argued that the mixedalphabet inscription and separation of the words by

punctus suggested a' fairly early date'. Macalister, how-

ever, included it in his second volume covering later

inscriptions (CIC: no. 968) and Nash-Williams regarded the lettering and formula as 'consistent with a medieval rather than an Early Christian attribution' and dated it to the twelfth century (ECMW: no. 5). The evidence of the wording of the inscription andt h e letter-formsindicate a date from the ninth century onwards but the parallels drawn with Llan-gors 2 (B30), Newcastle 2 (G114), and St Davids 8 (P97) suggest that it most likely dates to the eleventh or earlier twelfth century.

DATE Eleventh or earlier twelfth century.

REFERENCES Jones, 1846: 67, fig.; Westwood, 1861: 42; Rhys, 1873b: 290; IBC: no. 151, 53, fig.; LW: 191, pl. m o s t intriguingf o r m sa r e A a n d E. A, with curving shaft. 85(5); Hughes, 1924: 57-8, fig. 81; RCAHMW, 1937: civ, most resembles the Caroline form; although ti might be a cvii, fig. 2, 21, pl. 19; CIIC: no. 968, 128, pl. XLIX; Gothic letter, we know that Caroline minuscule was ECMW: no. 5, pl. LXI, fig. 14; CISP: HENEG/ 1; CIB: 229

Lettering Mixed alphabet, the lines widely spaced. The

familiar to Welsh scribes c.900 (and compare Bardsey

HENEGLWYS (St LIwydian's Church)

uncial form, but with ashallow tongue, a n d closed by avertical bar to the right. This does resemble somewhat the Lombardic letter used for display in Romanesque and

However, though what appears to be a vertical bar is vis-

ible, it is not possible to reconstruct any letter and the

THE CATALOGUE

(no. 968/5).

SH 4226 7612 2. F r a g m e n t a r y c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e

AN6

PRESENT LOCATION In the exterior fabric of the church, built horizontally into the buttress at the south-

east angle on the north-east face, 2.4m (96in.) above MGS.

E V I D E N C E F O R D I S C O V E RY

Built into the fabric

with Romanesquefragments when t h e church wasdemolished and rebuilt 1844-5 (Jones, 1846: 65, 67; RCAHMW, 1937: 21). Notedb y Gwyn Thomas (RCAHMW) c. 1986. DIMENSIONS h. 31cm (12.25in.) visible × w. 21cm (8.25in.)max. visible × d. not known. STONE TYPE Coarse-grained, calcareous sandstone (Carboniferous). The location of the stone and heavy

lichen covering precludes detailed description. However,

the weathering, colour and texture are typical of the yellow-weathering, calcareous sandstones associated with the quartz arenites on Anglesey. Thisstone is from alocal source within the Carboniferous Limestone sequence in southern Anglesey. (JH)

PRESENTCONDITION

Trimmed on al four sides for

reuse as masonry. The edges are obscured by mortar and the soft stone isp r o n e to weathering. DESCRIPTION

The fragment is incised with an incomplete linear Latin cross (h. 30cm/11.75in.); the remainingcross-arm terminals and stem expand slightly. D I S C U S S I O N This stone is difficult to analyse because of its fragmentary state and the simplicity of the carving. It is most likely to be part of a cross-carved grave-marker. The linear Latin cross is not closely paralleled elsewhere on Anglesey where outline crosses are t h e norm, though a fairly similar cross with expanded terminals is found on the inscribed stone Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) dated to

AN6 Heneglwys 2 A(Crown copyright: RCAHMW. c.625. There are, however, further, more complex, exampleso n cross-carved stones in north-westWales -Bardsey

Island 1 (CN11), Llangybi 1 (CN27), Nefyn 1 (CN33), Waunfawr 1 (CN42) and Tywyn 2-3 (MIR25-6) (Fig. 7.1) - with other parallels in the south-west (vol. II: figs 7.1, 7.2)a n d occasional examples in the south (vol. I: fig. 61, G1, G8. It is most likely to be of seventh- to ninthcentury d a t e

DATE

Seventht oninth century.

REFERENCES

Unpublished.

152

THE CATALOGUE

THEC ATA L O G U E

153

H E N E G LW Y S

B(narrow): A fragmentary, closed-circuit interlace pattern

rectangular frets (J4), a characteristic Viking Age pattern,

(St LIwydian's Church)

(8.13) in medium rounded relief with a double-beaded

are also found on Cerrig Ceinwen 2 (AN3) nearby. The stone was dated by the RCAHMW (1937: 21) to the twelfth century, but the frets and closed-circuit interlace might also indicatea n earlier date.

s t r a n d

SH 4224 7612 3. S o c k e t s t o n e

AN7

DISCUSSION

This fragment, originally incorrectly

identified as astoup (RAHMW, 1937: 21), si very difficult to assess because o f substantial reworking a n d the

DATE

Eleventh ortwelfth century.

socket may well be s e c o n d a r y. It was n o t i n c l u d e d in

PRESENT LOCATION

Inside the church by the font

near thes o u t h door.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First recorded in the church by the RCAHMW (1937: xcix, fig. 5, 21).

ECMW but is here because the ornament is Insular. The

DIMENSIONS h. 20cm (8in.) × w. 30.5cm (12in.) x d. 17.5cm (7in.) max.

STONE

TYPE

Medium-grained,

quartz

arenite

classified as quartz arenite. This lithology has a local source, and is derivedf r o m thesandstonehorizons within the limestone in southern or eastern Anglesey. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION

The stone has been substan-

tially reworked and redressed. C is damaged and very uneven. Thecarving is fragmentary and worn.

DESCRIPTION

ANT. I Heneglwys3 A (Crown copyright:RCAHMW).

Arectangularblock with a rectangular

socket (1. 20cm/8in. × w. 8cm/3.25in. × d. 9.5cm/ 3.75in.) in the top. There is carving on Aand B.

A (broad): Down the right side is a fragmentary band of rectangular frets(J4)carved in low relief.

Area of SH 376 884

1. Fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone ECMWno. 6; CIC no. 318

DIMENSIONS h. 135cm (53in.) × w. 56 > 28cm (22 > 1lin.) xd . 18 < 25.5 >16cm (7 < 10 > 6.25in.).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

STONE TYPE Sandstone (Ordovician). The stone has no fresh surfaces but has a weathered surface (mid-grey) covered by lichen. The texture is not well displayedb u t appears to be a matrix-supportedsandstone with scattered 1-2mm pebbles. The form of the stone has been little modified from the natural boulder shape, with the excep-

This monument,

known as Maen Llanol, was first noted in a letter from the Revd JohnDavies toEdward Lhuyd. Further information anda n illustration oft h e whole inscription (Illus.AN9.2) were sent to him by the Revd RobertHumphreys. At that time the stone had already been broken into two pieces

and 'remov'd fromthe place where itstood' (Lhuyd, 1695:

tion of the obvious fracture. Thislithology closely

cols 677-8). It was next noted by LewisMorris in the mideighteenth century, who shows two different illustrations, one of the whole inscription, one of the surviving upper

resembles the bedrock O r d o v i c i a n s a n d s t o n e in the

vicinity of the find site. It is highlyprobable that this stone

half (BL Add. MSS 14934, fos 198v, 199v; 14907, fo.

Ordovician strata, possibly the Bod Deiniol Formation,

1846) (Illus. 9.3-4). When Morris saw the monument, the

ited the lower part was still extant and had been reused as a gatepost, but was now lying on the ground; no

inscription was visible despite turning the stone over. The upper half was standing in the ground about one hundred yards away (Skinner, 1908: 69, illus. 45, 49). Rhys saw the upper half only .c 1878 reused as a gatepost 'near

the back door oft h e dwelling house at Llanol, having been brought from a field adjoining another called Cae'r

Maen or the field of the stone' (Rhys, 1879: 361).

However, by 1926, and when Hughes and Macalister saw it, it was lying to the left of the gate beside the track

leading to the farm (SH 3772 8837) (OS 6in. map 1926; Hughes, 19326: 59; CIIC: no. 318); it may have been AN7.3 Heneglwys 3, socket in top (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

AN9

PRESENT LOCATION Gwynedd Museum and Art Gallery,Bangor (acc. no. 1984/128).

lower part was still standing. In 1802, when Skinner vis-

AN7.2 Heneglwys 3 B (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

RCAHMW, 1937: xcix, figs 5-6, 21.

LLANBABO (Llanol Farm)

(Carboniferous). When fresh the lithology ispinkishgrey

(5YR 7/2), weathering slightly darker grey. The sandstone is homogenous, and is dominated by well-sorted, sub-angulart o sub-rounded, frosted quartz grains with a quartz cement. The stone has amassive structure. It has previously been described as grit, but is more accurately

REFERENCES

isd e r i v e d from an u n m o d i fi e d weathered b o u l d e r o f l o c a l

exposed c.3km to the south-west of the find site. ( J H )

PRESENT CONDITION

Only the upper part of the

monument now survives and there is a diagonal fracture across t h e bottom. The second half of the inscription has

therefore been lost. There is a gate-hanger hole near the

top of A and afurther pair towardst h e bottom of thesur-

viving face. The lowest has damaged the R of the

inscription. The lettering is very worn. The tophorizontal of the E is also damaged and H is fragmentary. B and C are notcurrently visible. DESCRIPTION

The surviving part is the upper half of

a tall standing stone.

m o v e d there in 1908 to facilitate inspection by the

A (broad): The incomplete. roman-letter Latin inscription

Cambrians (Anon., 1908a: 98). Its donation to the

begins halfway down the surviving fragment and si pos-

m u s e u m is u n r e c o r d e d .

itioned on theright side of the face. The second half of the

154

THE CATALOGUE

THE CATALOGUE

#

OBISI HI X ET

ANI. I Llanbabo 1, drawingo ftheinscription by Revd Robert Humphreysreproducedi n Lhuyd's additions to Camden'sBritannia, 1695.

S T O R I C I A

AN9.2 Llanbabo 1, drawing ofinscription by Lewis Morris (BLAdd 14934, fo. 199v)(Reproducedby permissionof theBritish Library). 0028

1220Maen ers

entement

dllac

;K lona a ,neatJ

Er o Riclh

AN9.3 Llanbabo I A, drawing byLewis Morris (BL Add 14907, fo. 184b) (Reproducedby permission ofthe British Library). inscription can be reconstructed using the illustrations of Humphreys and Morris. The inscription reads vertically

plete, the standing stone would have been conspicuous in the landscape. The exact height oft h e original monument

downwards:

is unknown. Morris (BLAdd. MSS 14934, fo. 199; 14907,

AN9.4 Llanbabo 1 A andD (Crow copyright:RCAHMW).

ETTORIGIH(ICIAC[IT)

(1908: 69) noted the lower half as about 4ft in length,

Interpretation: Ettorigihic iac/.]t Translation: 'of Ettorix, here he lies'

which, since the surviving fragment is just over 4ft in

inaccuracies in the antiquarian drawings, the whole can be read with confidence except for one character. Humphreys's rather inaccurate sketch shows the penultimate letter as E whereas Morris clearly shows an I.

The surviving part of the inscription is lightly incised and evenly set out except that the opening E is higher than the rest. It isi n capitals (h. 7 < 9cm/2.75 < 3.5in.). ETa r eligatured and TT conjoined; the central horizontal of E is linked to the horizontal of the first T. R has a closed loop and separatehorizontal stroke; G isuncial. DISCUSSION Although the original site of the monument is not precisely known it definitely stood in a field

not farf r o m thef a r m b u i l d i n g sT h e land a r o u n dt h ef a r m

si elevated and Skinner (1908: 69) noted that, when com-

50 Centimetres

fo. 184b)estimated approximately 8ft (2.5m) and Skinner

height, tallies with Morris. However, elsewhere Skinner (1908: illus. 45) suggested that the original monument

could have been as much as 12ft high (and considering he

could not find the lower half of the inscription on the

stump, a middle part could have been missing) and Davies

records ti as 'about tenfoot in height' (Lhuyd, 1695: col. 678). At any rate, the original monument was imposing and it may well have been a reused prehistoric standing stone (Lynch, 1991: 151) which becamea focus for early medieval burial. Rhys (1879: 361) noted that the farm

name includes the element Llan-, possibly denoting a lost church or chapel in the vicinity. Despite the fact that only the first half of the inscrip-

tion, reading Ettorigi h, is now extant and there are some

Therefore, both acet and iacit are possible, though, since

AN9.5 Llanbabo 1 A, line-drawing ofextant inscription (Crown copyright:RCAHMW).

however, it is more likely the same name as Irish

ETORIGAS (CIIC: no. 179) < *Ianturigos, genitive of *Ianturix, but written with a Latinate genitive ending -I

iacit is far more common, this is the more likely reading. Theinscription therefore consistsof the name o f the man commemorated in the genitive case followed by the Christian hic iac/i]t formula.

(CIB: 39 n. 101, 53, 119-21, 136, 187, 196, 207, 292, 313, 318 (no. 318/6)). (PS-W)

LanguageBrittonic Period 1 (if presumably correct com-

There are natural vertical striation lines running the length of thesurviving fragment in the area oftheinscrip-

position vowel si significant) or (if not)1-13, Irish Period 1-10. ETTORIGI has been seen as the ancestor of MW Eithir but the Ei- (which is attested in more than one source for that name) is against this. If Brittonic, ETTORIGI may be a Welsh cognate of OB Oedri < *Aitorix;

tion (fragments of which are shown on all three antiquarian drawings). The mason used these to set out

the letters. One line passes through the central horizontal of the E. the tops of the T's. O. R. I. G and I: a second follows the bottoms of the T's and O, a third the bottoms of

156

THE CATALOGUE

G, I and H. At times these lines obscure details of the letter-forms. Tedeschi (2005: 175) suggested that the first

Thad acurving tail att h e bottom to the right of the ver-

tical, which together with the ET ligature, are both minuscule features. However, the tail does not appear to

exist; it is simply the striation on the stone. Nevertheless, the form of the ligatured and conjoined ETT, with the E at a higher level,suggests the influenceo f cursive script. The inscription has been dated the late fifth or early sixth century (ECMW: no. 6) or to the beginning of the

sixth century (LHEB: 456). Tedeschi originally dated ti to the first half of the sixth century but subsequently to

around the middle of the sixth century because of the extreme form ofR with a separate horizontal stroke and his identification of minuscule T (Tedeschi, 1995: 117;

DATE

THEC ATA L O G U E

157

Late fifth or first half of the sixth century.

St Patrick is noteworthy; there is also a holy well and a landing point bearing his name nearby. This pillar ist h e only evidence for the early medieval origins of the site. (Haslam et al. (2009: 141) suggest that there a r e two monuments of ninth- to eleventh-century date; however, they

REFERENCES Lhuyd, 1695: cols 677-8, fig.; BLAdd. MS 14907, fo. 184b, fig.; BL Add. MS 14934, fos 198v, 199v, fig.; Mostyn MS 9085, 5(2), fig.; IBC: no. 155, figs;

appear tohavecounted this one twice.) The punched technique of carving is typically early medieval. The

LW: 192-3, pl. 86(7-10); Rhys, 1879: 361-3; Owen, 1896a: 140; Anon., 1908a: 98; Skinner, 1908: 57, 69, illus.

45, 49; Hughes, 19326: 59; RCAHMW, 1937: civ, cv,fig. 3, cxvi, 36(4); CIIC: no. 318, 306, fig.; ECMW: no. 6, fig. 15; LHEB: 188, 456n. 1, 566, 570, 626, 644, 648; Lynch, 1986: no. 341, 87, fig. 23.2; Lynch, 1991: 151; Tedeschi, 1995: 117; CISP: LBABO/1; CIB: 39 .n 101, 53, 119-21, 136, 187, 196, 207, 292, 313, 318, 354, 369 (no. 318/6); Tedeschi,2005: 175-6, pl. LXXIII(no. Gn-5).

o r n a m e n t isv e r y simple and is therefore difficult to inter-

pret. It could be a single encircled cruciform motif with a long linear stem, two horizontal loops and adiacent curved lines which together might represent a flabellum (liturgical fan) (cf. Cerrig Ceinwen 2 (AN3)); if so, it might have functioned as a focus or marker on the site

(see vol. II, St Dogmaels 3 (P112)). Alternatively, we may be looking at two simple cruciform motifs set one above the other. Although it has been suggested that the loops on the stem might represent fish symbols and the

2005: 176). However, since all the letters are capitals, the

m o n u m e n t is m o r e l i k e l y t ob e e a r l i e r .

adjacent c u r v i n g lines the r o d s with w h i c h Christ was

scourged, as Hughes (1923: 62-4) realized, this is purely imagination.

LLANBADRIG (St Patrick's Church)

The simplicity of the carving makes dating difficult.

Nash-Williamssuggested the seventh to eleventh century (ECMW: no. 7)a n d the RCAHMW (1937: 36) the seventh to ninth century. Although the linear-incised ornament and its simplicity, as well as the choice of stone, might indicate the latter, the layout of decoration, which has some parallels with Cerrig Ceinwen 2 (AN3), and the closed-circuit interlace motif (8.2)suggest a later date is morelikely.

SH 3760 9464 AN10

1. Cross-carved pillarE C M W no. 7 PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church, standing at the west end; ti si set into the floor and cemented tothe

appears from their description to contain little or no feldspar. It is assumed that all primary feldspar has been

wall.

destroyed by secondary alteration. Intrusions of altered

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

hornblende picriteare exposed in north-eastern Anglesey and this sample has been provenanced to this source.

First noted some

years before 1885. It was inside the church lying horizontally against the west wall with the carved face uppermost and partially embedded in the plaster. Removed during church restoration in 1884 and placed in its present position (Thomas. 1885c:

Although Windley et al. (1998: 75-7, map) suggest that this may have originated as a glacial erratic, the form of the stone is more suggestive of a worked joint bounded block. (JH)

224).

PRESENT CONDITION

DIMENSIONS h. 137cm (54in.) above MGS × w. 32cm (12.5in.)max. × d. 32cm (12.5in.) max.

ANIO Llanbadrig 1A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

side si a horizontal loopwith afurthercurved line running downwards from where each loop meetst h e vertical line.

DATE

Probably tentht oearlier twelfthcentury.

REFERENCES

Thomas, 1885c: 224-5, fig.; Hughes,

1923: 62-4, fig. 70; RCAHMW, 1937: 36, pl. 21; ECMW: no. 7, pl. LXI, fig. 16; Windley et al,. 1998:fig. 1.

DISCUSSION The church at Llanbadrig is located on the coast of northern Anglesey. The dedication to

There is minor damage to

the surface of the stone but otherwise good. C si not

visible.

LLANFAC HRAITH (LLANFA CHRAETH ,LLANFAC HRETH)

STONE TYPE Altered, hornblende picrite. This stone was investigated by Windley et al. (1998: 74). A sample was thin sectioned, which they described as an igneous rock, rich in reddish brown hornblende, with some crystals showing blue-green rims. Serpentine group minerals (probably formed by the alteration of original olivine, little of which remains), along with calcite, apatite, opaque oxide granules, chlorite and anunidentified interstitial fibrous mineral were also observed. Windley et al.

DESCRIPTION A shaped, square-section pillar, dressed on A, B and D, with decoration recorded on A only. It is deeply incised with broad linesusing a punch.

(1998: 74) classified this lithology as a picrite, although it

down the centre of the pillar. Near the top of ti on either

A: At the top of the face is an uneven circle (diam. 27.5cm/11.75in.), within which is a cruciform shape derived from two interlocking interlace loops (8.2) with a square depression (later addition?) in the centre. Below the circle and not quite touching is a roughly vertical line

(Near St Machraith's Church) Area of SH 313 831

1. Incomplete cross-head ECMW no. 8 PRESENT LOCATION

Inside the church, lying loose

on the north side of the aisle behind the pulpit (SH 3132 8313).

AN11 EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Found in 1932 in the

kitchen garden of the rectory, north of the church

(Hughes, 1932a).

THE CATALOGUE

158

| 159

THE CATALOGUE

with asmall number of crosses where simple images of the crucified Christ, shown face-on, beardless and erect

and usually cladi n a loincloth, dominate the cross-head,

most notably the fragmentary ringed cross-head from

Monasterboice (Co. Louth), wherethe cross-arms of the

opposite broad face are also carved with interlace (Harbison, 1992, i: no. 179; ii: figs 504-5). Christ's enlarged hand on Llanfachraith 1 is also a feature found on the Irish crosses as, for example, on Muiredach's Cross a n d the West Cross. M o n a s t e r b o i c e a n d t h e 'Cross o f

Scriptures', Clonmacnoise (Co. Offaly) (Harbison, 1992,

if: figs 141, 481, 496). In this context ti is worthnoting that there was ac o n n e c t i o n between the major ecclesiastical

foundation atCaer Gybi (Holyhead) nearby (from where no sculpture has survived) and the church of Macop (Co. Meath) as noted c. 1200 in the life of St Cybi

(Wade-Evans, 1944: ANIL.I Llanfachraith 1A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo.

ANI1.2 Llanfachraith I C (Crowncopyright: RCAHMW, photo.

Jean Williamson).

l e a n Williamson)

DIMENSIONS h. 43cm (17in.) max. × w. 47cm (18.5in.) max. × d. 19cm (7.5in.) max.

mouth. His body widens at the hip and there are indica-

STONE TYPE Quartz arenite (Carboniferous). Cream grey, slightly darker weathering, coarse-grained, homoge-

t i o n s o fa

g a r m e n t in this area.

Carboniferous Limestone sequence of eastern Anglesey. The stone is massive and comparable to Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2 (AN15). (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION The cross-head has the horizontal cross-arm missing on B, the lower cross-arm is missingo n D; thelower half ofthe ring has alsobeen lost. Only the upper half of the figure on A survives. The carving is very weathered, particularly on C. There is some mortar adhering tothe fragment.

DESCRIPTION

The incomplete cross-head is a ring-

head (type A3) with expanded cross-arms and a plain perimeter roll moulding in high relief. The surviving

upper quadrants of the plain ring are recessed and the r o u n d e d armpits are deeply sunken but not pierced.

A (broad): The cross-head is carved in high relief with the upper half of the figure of the crucified Christ shown

face-on. His surviving right arm is outstretched and his enlarged hand, the fingers of which are slightly splayed,

fills the left cross-arm. Only traces of his facial features survive, including the hair line, the position of the left ear and indications of the positions of the eyes, nose and

Jean Williamson).

the cross-arms and the fragmentary interlace strands on the right cross-arm of Ccould alsob e thispattern. Unusually for Wales, the cross-head of A is dominated

Charles-Edwards).

240-1; pers. comm., Thomas

Both Hughes (1932a:

397) and Nash-Williams

(ECMW: no. 8) dated the cross-head to the tenth or eleventh century. However, on Irish crosses crucifixions with Christs h o w nf a c e - o n , erect and beardless and clad in

a loincloth can bedated by inscriptionfrom the mid-ninth

example of a crucifixion in this position on a cross ni

to the earlier tenth century (Harbison, 1999: 43-5). The fragmentary condition of Llanfachraith I makes dating difficult but ni Wales the cross-form may span the later

C (broad): There are traces of interlace strands on the two

loincloth but isa more complex image. Nevertheless, the

signs on what survives of the influence of Viking Age

s u r v i v i n gc r o s s - a r m s .

parallels for both are to be found on the Irish crosses

ornament, a date in the second half of the ninth or first

which commonly have a great variety of crucifixion

half of thetenth century seems most likely.

B(narrow): Onlypart of theupper arc of the ringsurvives. T h e r e are not r a c e s o fdecoration.

n e o u s q u a r t z - d o m i n a t e d , g r a i n - s u p p o r t e d sandstone.

This is typical of sandstone horizons within the

ANI1.3 Llanfachraith I D (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo.

by the figure of Christ crucified; the vestiges of his garment suggest that he is wearing a loincloth. Theonly other

Wales is Llan-gan 1 (G43). This also shows Christ in a

D (narrow): T h e end o ft h e horizontal cross-arm survives

and the upper ring but n odecoration is visible. DISCUSSION St Machraith's Church, a Celtic dedication also found at LIanfachreth (Mer.), is located on the north side of the Alaw on the mainland of Anglesey, 6.5km (4 miles) east of Holyhead. Traces ofmortar on the cross-head may indicate that it was formerly built into the fabric of the medieval church which had twelfth-century origins and was replaced by the present building after

scenes ranging from simple Christ figures to multifaceted

iconographical representations and the importance of continental models has been emphasized (Harbison, 1992, :i 273-86). They are usually on thewest face ofthe cross-head so A was probably the west face of Llanfachraith .1 Particular comparisons may be made

1878. The graveyard enclosure is mostly curvilinear and raised (Haslam et al., 2009: 161).

large cross, a prestige monument, thestone for which had

REFERENCES

Hughes, 1932a: fig.; RCAHMW, 1937:

65, pl. 23; ECMW: no. 8, pl. LXIX(6).

SH 3560 7460

been brought a considerab le distance from eastern Anglesey by sea. Thereconstructed diameter of the cross-

Penmon 1 and 2 (AN51-2). The shape (type A3) is comparable with Penally 1, Carew I, Nevern 4 (P82, P9, P73) and Coychurch 2 (G16), though the armpits are sunken not pierced. The last three all have simple E knots ( 7 )o n

DATE Second half of the ninth or first half of the tenth century.

L L A N FA E L O G (Bodfeddan Farm)

This now froomentary cross h e a d was once mart o f g

head, 56cm (22in.) approx., si very similar to Llangaffo 1 (AN27) (also a ring-head of a slightly different type) and

ninth to early eleventh centuries. But since there are no

1. R o m a n - l e t t e r inscribed s t o n e E C M Wno. 9: C I C no. 319

PRESENT LOCATION

Standing in situ beside the

stone wall in a field on the east side of the road (A4080) from Engedi to Llanfaelog opposite Maen Hir cottage.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY (1879: 363; LW: 192).

AN12

First noted by Rhys

160

THE CATALOGUE

THE CATALOGUE

purplish mudstone. Parto f Face Ai s definedb y a fracture surface, which continues through the stone. The overall form of the stone is a rough-hewn block bounded bybedding and joint or fracture surfaces with no evidence of modification. A weakly developed, spaced cleavage cuts

the stone. This lithology closely resemblestheOrdovician

sandstones and conglomerates (Carmel Formation or Treiorwerth Formation) exposed 3km to the west of the

find site. The typical direction of glacial transportation in this part of Anglesey is north-east to south-west, which

suggests that the stone may have been deliberately transported ashortdistance to thefi n d site. (JH)

Overall the monument is in

CUNOCUS.

PRESENT CONDITION

T HICIACI

good condition but the inscription, on thenorth-east face, is extremely difficult tosee, being very worn and partially obscured bylichen. There i s damage tosome letters.

DESCRIPTION

Avery large, unshaped, roughlyquadrangular monolith which tapers from bottom to top, particularly o n A, which rises to a point; Ci s considerably narrower. Thesurface of the stone is very rough; B, Cand D a r e uneven with angular breaks.

C (broad, south-east): At the bottom of the face, left of c e n t r e is a small. r o u g h l y r o u n d e d d e p r e s s i o n ( d i a m .

10cm/4in.; depth 3.5cm/1.25in.). D (narrow, north-east): About a third oft h e way down, on the left side on a less uneven part of the face, is aromanletter, Latin inscription in two lines reading vertically downwards:

ANI2.2 Llanfaelog ID, detailofinscription (Crown copyright:

RCAHMW,photo. Jean Williamson). had been picked out with paint. From thelocation of the stone there are wide views over Snowdonia to the southeast. As Ifor Williams noted, the n a m e of the m a n commem-

CVNOIGIVSI

HICIACIT

orated, Cunogusus, an Irish name (see below), also

Interpretation: Cvnogvsi / h i c iacit

Translation: 'of Cunogusus, here he lies' The inscription is lightly incised in capitals (h. 5< 9cm/2 17cm (36 > 6.75in.); C: 49 > 29cm (19.25 > 11.5in.)× d. 74 >69cm (29 > 27.25in.).

inscribed stone that appears to be in situ. Its prominent

This is a very rare example of an early

Roberts, 1996: 39, 127). This connection suggests that the stone may have functioned not only as a burial marker, but alsoa s evidence for the possession of land (CharlesEdwards, 1976). Furthermore, both the size and shape of the monument, as well as its possible location beside an ancient routeway, suggest that it isa reused later Neolithic

STONE TYPE This stone is a very coarse-grained 1(2mm), clast-supported, grey-green pebbly sandstone

position beside a modern road may suggest that it was located with reference to an ancient routeway. The land gradually risest oa heighto f approximately 37m (120ft)a s

strengthened byt h e rounded depression near the base of the east face identified as a worn cup-mark (Crew. 1981: 20: Wilson, 1983: 378). However. the land to the east of

(Ordovician). The sandstone si heterogeneous, poorly

one approaches it from the north and the inscription,

green phyllite, fine-grained pink (volcanic?)fragments, and

which is on the north-east face,though only fleetingly visible in oblique daylight, would have been easily visible if it

the monument has been severely disturbed by quarrying (there is a prominent dip in the ground and the far side of the lip is lined with a row of large boulders). Therefore,

ANI2. ILlanfaelog 1 C (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson),

below the line.

sorted, and contains clasts (30-60mm) of white quartz,

DISCUSSI ON

or early Bronze Age standing stone. This identification is

AN12.3 Llanfaelog I D, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

162

THEC ATA L O G U E

further archaeological evidence, including that of early medieval burial, is unlikely to have survived.

The letters of the inscription are not easy to make out because of a combination of weathering, the coarseness of the rock surface and lichen. Nevertheless, the overall m e a n i n g is clear and consists o f the n a m e of the m a n

commemorated ni the genitive case followed by the Christian hci iacit formula. In line 1, CVNO si clear, but the following letter is more problematic. Since the discovery of the inscription the name of the person commemorated has been consistently read as Cunogsi (Rhys, 1879: 363; LW: 192; RCAHMW, 1937: cxV; ECMW: no. 9). Rhys commented, 'the G also is far gone,

excepting the lower and more characteristic portion of it, whichcannotb e mistaken' and his rubbing, reproduced in LW (pl. 86(6)), also suggests the tail of a G. Although Macalister read Crnogs, he showed a horizontal I after the S in his illustration (CIC: no. 319). Recently, however,

Tedeschi (2005: 197; pl. LXXXIX) noted Crocvsi and

163

THE CATALOGUE

Irish Period 1-7. C V N O G S I isprobably the ancestor of the Irish name Congus rather than its Welsh cognate Cynwst, later Cynws, in view of the lack of a T which would not have been lost so early in the Welsh name. The I- is a Latinate masculine genitive ending. The reading 'CVNOCVSI' is linguistically improbable (CIB: 31 n. 50,

89, 114, 118, 120 and .n 665, 147, 292, 308, 318 (no. 319/9)). (PS-W)

Nash-Williams dated the monument to the fifth orearly sixth century (ECMW: no. 9), Jackson tothe beginning of the sixth century (LHEB: 172). Tedeschi (1995: 117)ini-

tially suggested a fifth-century date but subsequently

revised this to the end of the fifth or the first half of t h e sixth century (Tedeschi, 2005: 197). The linguistic evidence suggests a fifth- or early sixth-century date and this is supported by the letter-forms, but the combination of

, built asa lintel insidethe barn at Penseri Farm (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson). ANI3.1 Llanfaelog 2 A

DIMENSIONS .h 160cm (63in.), 129cm (50.75in.)

MAILISI

the hic iacit formula with an Irish name suggests that it

above MGS × w. 45 > 17cm (17.75 > 6.75in.) x d. 35 >

may be later fifth or early sixth century.

12cm (13.75 > Sin.).

Interpretation: Mailisi Translation:' o f Mailisus'

both Tedeschi and the illustration in RCAHMW (1937:

cv, fig. 1), followed ni ECMW, show a C shape, but the forms differ slightly. The letter si now fragmentary, though the upper part, a C shape is clearerthan the

bottom. Therefore, either C or G is possible, but G is preferred hereo nlinguisticgrounds (seebelow). VS are then

clearly followed by a small and very weatheredhorizontal

I. Line 2 is clear.

DATE

Later fifth or early sixth century.

STONE TYPE

REFERENCES Rhys, 1879: 363; LW: 192, pl. 86(6); CIIC: no. 319, 306-7, fig.; ECMW: no. 9, fig. 17; LHEB: 172, 531, 533, 621, 622, 644, 670; RCAHMW, 1937: civ, cv, fig., cxv-cxvi, 65; White, 1971-2: 28-9; Crew, 1981; Wilson, 1983: 381; Tedeschi, 1995: 117; Jones and

Roberts, 1996: 39, 127; Edwards, 2001: 19; CISP: no. Language Brittonic Period 1 (if correct composition

vowel issignificant) or (if not)1-12 (if lack of CVNO->

LFAEL/2; CIB: 31 n. 50, 89, 114, 118, 120 and n. 665, 147 n. 873, 292, 308, 318, 354,369 (no. 319/9);Tedeschi,

CONO- is significant) or (if not) 1-13 (pre-Syncope),

2005: 196-7, pl. LXXXIX (no. Gn-21).

Coarse-grained, pebbly sandstone

(Ordovician). This is a brown weathering, grey-green coarse-grained sandstone. Weathered surfaces obscure observation of the texture in detail. Large, angular,

The area of the inscription may have been partially

dressed. Theletters are quitedeeply incised in capitals (h.

silicic igneous rock. The rock is probably matrix supported and is poorly sorted. Bedding is not clearly defined

5 < 9cm/2 < 3.5in.). MA are ligatured,t h e strokes are widely spaced and touch the line; the horizontal of the L slopes downwards belowt h e line and the second smaller I is tucked above; S is larger; final I is horizontal (Tedeschi, 2005: 198). (i) There is a fragmentary ogam inscription incised on the

. This stone shows but may beoriented parallel ot Face A

angle of A/B. It reads:

of it having been trimmed on the right-hand side (as

MA…..SIU

wasreused as a lintel. This lithology is comparable to that

Interpretation: Ma/ili/su Translation: 'Mailisu

Ordovician strata. The nearest exposures of Ordovician sandstone and conglomerates (Carmel Formation) occur 1.5km to the north-west. (JH)

DISCUSSION Skinner's report (1908: 48) suggests that the monumentoriginally came from a field near the barn where it was first noted, but otherwise nothing is known about its context. T h e barn was located 3.25km (2 miles) south-west of Llanfaelog 1, close to the A4080 and it is possible that the stone was also sited with reference to this route. It is located 750m (820yds)south-south-west of the parish church. Interestingly, the name of the man com-

pebble-sized (5-10 m ) clasts of quartz, jasper and black chert are prominent, along with smaller, coarse-grained (750-1000 m), rounded clasts of quartz and possible

littlem o d i fi c a t i o n from itsn a t u r a l form. There is evidence

viewed). but this is likely to have occurred w h e n the stone

ofLlanfaelog .1 It does not equate to the bedrock hornfels of the Coedana Complex, but is derived from the local

L L A N FA E L O G

(Penseri Farm (Penseri Bach, Penseiri Bach)) SH 3334 7227

2. Roman-letter and ogam-inscribed stone ECMW no. 10 PRESENT LOCATION The monument now stands set in the ground in an outbuilding north of the farmhouse at Trecastell (SH 3346 7066).

AN13

stone could not be found by the RCAHMW (1937: civ) and was therefore reported lost in ECMW (no. 10). However, it was rediscovered in 1945 int h e same location as Skinner saw it reused as the lintel o fa small window in

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First recorded by Skinneri n 1802 as 'forming the Lintern of a window in a

the north wall insidet h e barn at Penseri (Williams, 1945). It wasmovedt oitspresent locationi n 2001 whent h e barn

Barn at Llanfaelog' 'but said to have been taken from a was demolished (Longley, 2001). The ogam inscription field near the spot' (Skinner, 1908: 42, illus. 29, 48). The wasfirst noticed by NE inAugust 2007.

PRESENT CONDITION The surface of the stone is generally dirty with earth adhering to it and cement adhering to the top of A. The roman-letter inscription is in good condition; the ogam inscription isfragmentary.

m e m o r a t e d o n the stone. Mailisi, may have given rise to

DESCRIPTION

A rough, unshaped, approximately triangular-section pillar which taperssharply towards one end. Carved o n A and B.

A (broad): (i) Centrally placed towards one end of the face b e n e a t h a d i a g o n a l fault-line is a vertical r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i p t i o n in o n e line:

the place-name, Llanfaelog, and the church dedication to St Maelog(seebelow).

The positiono f the roman-letter inscription on theflat

facetowards one end of the monument (and the fact that ogam inscriptions normally read upwards) indicates that it should be read vertically downwards. The letters are well preserved and the reading clear, including the final

THEC ATA L O G U E

165

THEC ATA L O G U E

on the right angle of A rather than on the left, is less usual, but their closeness to the roman-letter inscription was p r e s u m a b l y to i n d i c a t e t h a t o n e w a s the translationo f the other.T h er o m a n - l e t t e r capitals, t h o u g h n o t evenly set out, do a p p e a r o r d e r e d and are visually pleasing.

MAINS.

LanguageI r i s h Period 13-15 (this periodization is more specifict h a n in CIB:367 and isbased ont h e occurrence of apocope in MAIL). In theory, MAILISI could be formed from Welsh mael < *maglo- 'prince' with a rare suffix -IS, as in MW Glywys and Pelis. However, the spellingMAILrather than *MAGL- isunlikely if the stone is earl. The o c c u r r e n c e of o g a m o n the stone a n d the fact t h a t the

other name from LIanfaelog (CVNOGVSI on Llanfaelog 1(AN12)) is Irishmake it much morelikely that MAILISI is Irish, presumably with the element mael 'bald/tonsured

one', common in ecclesiastical names like Máel isu or

MaelInse. The latter is ruled out both by the ogam andb y the lack of an -suspension in the roman text, so it seems

that MAILISI must be a brutal Latinization of Máel isu

('bald one of Jesus'), with the ubiquitous Latin 'epigraphic -I' genitive havingbeen added inappropriately to anIrish name, as also in Llanfaelog 1 and elsewhere in Britain. Only three strokes are visible in the ogam, so it should be read, as expected in Irish, as MA(ILI]SU (nominative, for which therei s room; the genitive in early Irish would have been Máele su). If there is a connection between MAILISI and the name Llanfaelog, one must assumethat theIrish name Máel isu was assimilated to the well-known Welsh name Maelog; the latter may have been employed here as a hypocoristic form of Máel isu(CIB: 6

n. 21,31, 114, 175 (no. 2007/10)). (PS-W)

On the basis of the roman-letter forms, Radford dated the inscription to the fifth century (RCAHMW, 1937: civ); Nash-Williams tentatively dated it to the fifth or early sixth century(ECMW: no. 10). Tedeschi initially dated it to the fifth century but revised this to the first half of the

sixth (Tedeschi, 1995: 117; 2005: 198). The linguistic evidence makes an early to mid-sixth-century date most likelv.

AN13.2 Llanfaelog 2 A and D(Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

ANI3.3 Llanfaelog 2B (Crowncopvright: RCAHMW).

horizontal I. Nash-Williams did not identify this as a letter, probably because the horizontal stroke in Skinner's

from the surviving parts with the aid of the roman-letter inscription. At the bottom, visible on A only, is the lower

drawing (1908: 42, fig. 29), which was all he had tog o on, was shown too long; he therefore mistakenly read MAILIS (ECMW: no. 10).

Although the angle of A/B is severely damaged in places, it is possible to reconstruct the ogam inscription

half of the single diagonal stroke which forms an M. Above this is a single fragmentary vowel notch, A. The angle above is then damaged but there is sufficient space

to accommodate ILI. The four strokes of S, though dam-

aged on the angle side, are clear. Above this there are the

A N 1 3 . 4 L l a n t a e l o ‹ 2 A . lined r a w i n g of roman-letter inscription

with ogam inscription ontheanele ofA / B (Crown convricht. RCAHMW).

DATE

Early to mid-sixth century.

REFERENCES Skinner, 1908: 42, illus.

29, 48;

RCAHMW. 1937: civ. cv. fig. 2, cxvii; Williams, 1945;

remains of at least three vowel notches, probably U (see below).

Therefore, both inscriptions consist simply o f the name of the man commemorated. The position of the ogams,

ECMW: no. 10, fig. 18; LHEB: 329 n. 1; Tedeschi, 1995: 117; CISP: LFAEL/1; Longley, 2001; CIB: 6 .n 21, 31 n.

50, 114, 175, 367, 385 (no.2007/10): Tedeschi, 2005: 198, pl. XC (no. Gn-22).

166

THE CATALOGUE

167

THE CATALOGUE

L L A N FA I R M AT H A FA R N EITHAF (St Mary's Church)

This monument is one of several late, largely undecorated

crosses were used as head- and foot-stones into the twelfth

free-standing crosses of Insular type from Anglesey (see

SH 5065 8289

no. 2, Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17), Llanfihangel

century (Ryder, 2005: 10, 41, 104, 168).

Ysgeifing 2 (AN21) and Penmon 6 (AN56)). The crosshead originally had a width across the horizontal

TheRCAHMW (1937: 69)suggesteda n eleventh-century date, followed by Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 11). Free-

cross-arms ofapproximately 36cm (14.25in.), slightly smaller than no. 2, which is of a similar but not identical type. It may havefunctioned asa grave-marker. Parallels

standing crosses of Insular type may, however, have continued to be produced in Anglesey into the twelfth century.

.1 Incomplete cross ECMW no. 1 PRESENT LOCATION .a In the church. b. In the churchyard, set in the ground against the boundarynorth-

west of the church, 5m (198in.) west of the north-west churchyard gate.

AN14 centre of the cross-head on A (broad) is a drilled hole which aided construction of the circle-head. The shaft expands slightly from top tobottom.

DIMENSIONS a. Cross-head: h. 43cm (17in.) × w. 27cm

DISCUSSION Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf Church is located 2km (1.24 miles) north-west of Benllech Sands near Traeth Coch. The sculpture is the only evidence to suggest the possible early medieval origins of the site. Although the cross-shaft (b.) h a s not been moved since it

(10.75in.) max. × d. 13cm (5.25in.) max. b. Shaft: h. 84cm

was first noted ni 1847, at that time it had already been

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First noted in the

present location of b. in 1847 (Jones, 1847: 177).

(33in.) above MGS × w. 26 >2 2 c m (10.25 >8.75in.) x d. 13cm (5.25in.) max.

STONE TYPE Pebbly, quartz arenite (Carboniferous). Cream-grey, coarse to very coarse-grained, well sorted,

for the cross-head may also be made with several transitional monuments in Cumbria: for example, Cleator 1, Kirby Stephen 9 (Bailey and Cramp, 1988: 165-7),

St James, Ormside ,4 St Michael, Burgh by Sands 3 and

St Mungo, Bromfield 18, where miniature free-standing

REFERENCES Jones, 1847: 177, fig.; LW: 187, pl. 89(6);

RCAHMW, 1937: 69; ECMW: no. 11.

LLANFAIR M AT H A FA R N E I T H A F (St Mary's Church)

adapted for reusea s asundial; it is thereforeunlikelyt o be

SH 5065 8290

in situ. The loss of the cross-arm on B suggests that it

might have been cut down for reuse as masonry at an earlier date.

DATE Eleventh or firsth a l fo f the twelfth century.

A N 15

2. C r o s s - h e a d

quartz areniteshowing variation in grainsize fromb e d to

bed. Sub-rounded pebbles offrosted quartz, 10-15mm in

PRESENT LOCATION Stone Science, Llanddynan, Pentraeth (SH 4998 7855) (uncatalogued).

comparable to that of Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Found in November

size, constitute less than 5 per cent of the rock. The texture, composition and grain size of this stone are

bottom of one horizontal cross-arm is severely damaged. Only the upper quadrants of t h e ring are complete. There ism o r t a r adhering to parts o ft h e surface.

. The stone displays Bedding is oriented parallel to Face A nofreshsurfacesa n d is much weathered and covered with lichen. The find site is located on the Carboniferous

1996 by Irene Curruthers just outside the north-west boundary of the churchyard. It had probably been built into thenorth-west churchyard stile, which had collapsed.

Limestone sequence, within which the quartz arenites are

Taken to Lleiniog Cottage, Penmon (SH 6201 7928).

found. Iti s therefore likely that the lithology derives from a localsource. (JH)

DESCRIPTION A small, plain, slab-shaped cross-head (Type F2) with short projecting cross-arms, a round centre and the upper q u a d r a n t s o f a solid recessed ring.

The faces have been dressed.

D o n a t e d to S t o n e Science in 2006.

DISCUSSION This cross-head may have been one of the DIMENSIONS h. 33cm (13in.) × w. (across cross-arms) 41cm (16in.)max. × d. 11cm (4.25in.) max.

PRESENT CONDITION The cross has recently been broken into two adjoining pieces nearthe top oft h e shaft.

The fragmentary cross-head (a.) has further recent

STONE TYPE Coarse-grained, pebbly quartz arenite

d a m a g e tot h e top cross-arm. This formerly had a shallow

(Carboniferous). This stone is a typical Carboniferous quartz arenite, pale grey (5Y 7/1 - 5Y 6/1) in colour, weathering a slightly darker grey. It is homogenous and quartz dominated, with quartz pebbles up to 30mm in size. Poorly developed bedding is present, parallel toFace A, although the quartz cementcauses the stone to behave

rectangle carved out of it set with four metal pins (now

only partially extant) which had held the plate of a sundial. The ring andhorizontal cross-armo fB have been cut

away and the lower part ofthe horizontal cross-arm and the lower quadrant ofthe ringon D are missing. In 2007,

both fragments werecovered in densevegetation

as a freestone. This lithology si derived from the local Anglesey Carboniferous sequence. ( J H )

DESCRIPTION A small, incomplete, plain, freestanding cross in two adjoining pieces. The cross-head

PRESENT CONDITION Incomplete. The cross-head

(type F1) has one upper quadrant of a solid recessed ring

has been fractured horizontally t o w a r d s the base and the

surviving, the remaining horizontal cross-arm expands sharply and the armpits are almost triangular. The faces

AN14 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf1 A (Crown copvright:

have been dressed; some tool marks are visible. In the

RCAHMW).

monuments noted as forming the steps of both church-

yard stiles in the mid-nineteenth century (Jones, 1847: 177). The original cross wouldhave been similar to but

slightly larger than no. 1and has a similar cross-head (F2)

with a solid recessed ring but with acircular centre (cf. Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 (AN21)) and less pronounced expandedcross-arms. It islikely to be of a similar date to both these crosses.

DATE Eleventh or firsth a l f of the twelfth century.

REFERENCES Unpublished.

168

THE CATALOGUE

| 169

THE CATALOGUE

PRESENT CONDITION The font is mounted on a modern square pedestal. It has been substantially reworked to achieve this by cutting away the bottom to form chamfers with a perimeter roll moulding around the base. The rim may also have been recut. The bottom of the ornamental band, which is only partially visible because of the position of the font, has been partly destroyed, but the visible decoration is otherwise ingood condition.

DESCRIPTION

A partially reshaped cylindrical font

w i t h o u t a d r a i n a g e hole.

ANIS. 1 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf2 A (photo: author).

AN15.2 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2B (photo: author).

T h e o r n a m e n t consists o f a n

incomplete horizontal band of linkedinterlace loops with acentral horizontal strand (10.2), roughlyincised with the background cut away between some strands (but not all) to form medium relief.

AN16 Llanffinan 1 (Crowncopyright:RCAHMW).

DISCUSSION

St Ffinan's Church, which has a Celtic

Pistyll 1 (CN39). A further example is found close to

dedication, is located east of Llangefni on a promontory overlooking the Afon Cent. Apart from the dedication the font is the only evidence indicating the possible early

Llanffinan on the Romanesque font at Llangristiolus, but here it hasbeen broken up into short lengths by t h e architectural decoration (RCAHMW, 1937: pl. 19; Thurlby,

origins ofthe site. Though slightly smaller in diameter, it

2006: 228-9). The cylindrical form and exclusively

is one of three cylindrical fonts carved with exclusively Insular ornament from the southern half of Anglesey.

Insular ornament suggest that an eleventh- or earlier twelfth-century date is most likely.

The othersare Cerrig Ceinwen 1(AN2)and Newborough

1 (AN49). Though poorly understood and badly executed, the ornament may be reconstructed to show a pattern very similar to that on another cylindrical font,

DATE

Eleventh or earlier twelfth century.

REFERENCES

RCAHMW, 1937: 78, pl. 61.

L L A N F I H A N G E L T R E ' R BEIRDD (St Michael's Church)

AN15.3 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2 C (Crown copyright:

SH4 5 9 0 8 3 7 0

AN15.4 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2D(photo: author).

RCAHMW).

AN17

1. C r o s s

LLANFFINAN (St F i n a n ' s Church)

PRESENT LOCATION Standing in the south-west corner of the churchyard.I t is oriented north-east-south-

SH 4954 7551

west.

1. F o n t

AN16

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Identified by the jasper. The matrix/cement si often weathered brown, sug-

author in August 2007.

PRESENT LOCATION

Inside the church, standing

a g a i n s t t h e w a l l i n t h e s o u t h - w e s t c o r n e r o ft h e n a v e

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY the RCAHMW (1937: 78).

First mentioned by

DIMENSIONS h. 34cm (13.5in.); external diam. 50cm (19.75in.); internal diam. 37cm (14.5in.);d. 20cm(8in.).

DIMENSIONS a. Cross:h . 126cm (49.5in.)visible× w. (acrosscross-arms) 50cm (19.75in.). Shaft: w. 27 > 21cm (10.5 >8 . 2 5 i n . ) × d. 18cm (7in.).

STONE TYPE

Anglesey quartz arenite (Carbon-

iferous). No detailed geological examination has been

m a d e o ft h i s m o n u m e n t .

. 93cm b. Base: h. 20 > 8cm (8 > 3.25in.) approx. × w (36.5in.) x d. 76cm (30in.).

STONE TYPE Very coarse-grained pebbly sandstone to conglomerate (Carboniferous. This stonei sgrey-cream in colour, weathered, grain supported and poorly sorted. Clasts are dominated by frosted quartz with subordinate

gesting a carbonate composition. The base and the cross are of the same lithology, although the cross contains

roundedquartzpebblesupto35mm in diameter, whichare not present inthe base. Bedding si oriented vertically at right angles to Face A . The orientation of bedding in the base is less clear, but is probably parallel to the top surface of the base. This lithology is derived from the

170

THECATA LOGU E

ANI7.1 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd I A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

RCAHMW).

C a r b o n i f e r o u ss t r a t a .t h en e a r e s t e x p o s u r e s o f w h i c h o c c u r

aminimumof 1.5km to thesouth-east of the find site. (JH) PRESENT CONDITION

AN17.2 Llanfihangel Tre'rBeirdd I B (Crown copyright:

The base is partially covered

by moss andother vegetation andpropped up on stones to keep the monument upright. There are two holes in the

top of the topcross-arm which have been filled with lead and thesurface of thet o pcross-arm on Chasbeen cut into creating adeep round depression. These suggest that the

cross has been adapted for reuse as a sundial. There is extensive lichen cover o n t h e upper part of the cross.

Otherwise good.

DESCRIPTION Asmall plain free-standing cross seti n abase. The cross-head (Type E1) hasn o ring. The upper

cross-arm expands; the two horizontalcross-arms project

upwards, making the upper armpits angular and slightly

curved. The lower armpits are approximately square. The

shaft tapers from bottom to top. The surface of all four

faces has been dressed. The cross-base is a large, rough rounded slab with amortice hole into which the shaft is set.

THE CATALOGUE

ANI7.3 LlanfihangelTre'r Beirdd I C (Crown copyright:

ANI7.4 LlanfihangelTre'r BeirddI D (Crown copyright:

RCAHMW).

RCAHMW).

The crossi s unlikely to be insitu. Its current location was probably dictated bythe need toplacei twhere it would not interfere with new graves prior to the modern graveyard unusual ift h em o n u m e n t were insitu. T h e fact that theb a s e

Llangeinwen and elsewhere in southern Anglesey (see p. 89, Fig. 7.4a-e), suggesting a similar date. However, more diagnostic parallels may be drawn with the main cross on Meifod 1 (MT6)a n d that onS t Davids 8 C(P97); the latter is datable by inscription tot h e late eleventh or

si propped onstones and the likely adaptation of the cross

early twelfth century, thereby providing an approximate

extension coming into use.The orientationwould also be as a sundial also suggest that it has probably been moved

date forthis cross.

a r o u n d the churchyard at various times.

DISCUSSION

The church, which has wide sur-

rounding views, is located south of Mynydd Bodafon and

8km (5 miles) west-north-west of Traeth Coch. The

This is the largest survivingexample of a group of late, largely plain free-standing crosses from Anglesey. The ringless cross-head (Tvpe E1)i s similar inshape tocrosses

c h u r c h y a r d was formerly curvilinear on the north side

carved

prior to the extension of the cemetery. Otherwise, the sculpture is the only evidence for the possible early

medieval origins ofthesite.

on cross-carved

stones at

Llangaffo and

DATE

Late eleventh or firsth a l f of the twelfthcentury.

REFERENCES

Unpublished.

172

THE CATALOGUE

L L A N F I H A N G E L T R E ' R BEIRDD (St Michael's Church)

LLANFIHANGEL YSGEIFIOG (LLANFIHANGEL ESGEIFIOG)

SH 4590 8371

Area of SH 489 727

2. Incompl ete cross-ca rved stone

PRESENT LOCATION

Built horizontally, high up

into the west wall of the church in the centre, above the roof line in the lowest course oft h e bell-cote, whichw a s

constructed ni 1880 (Haslam et al., 2009: 176). EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First noted by David Davenport Hughes during repairs to the bell-cote. Identified by the author in August 2007.

DIMENSIONS h. 60cm (24in.) approx. × w. 25cm

(10in.)approx. × d. notknown.

motifs are both possible. There is also a more complex

ring-and-dot in the centre of the cross-head on Llangaffo 1 (AN27). The five ring-and-dot motifs could represent the five wounds of Christ (cf. Caron-uwch-Clawdd 1 (CD1). Ring-and-dot ornament i s a common Viking Age motif, characteristic of antler-working, for example in mid-tenth- to mid-twelfth-century Dublin, but it is also found on other media including stone, notably the Rathdown type grave-slabs of Co. Dublin (Healy, 2009:

50, 56, figs23, 28). A Viking Age date isthereforelikely. Tenth or eleventh century.

REFERENCES

Unpublished.

observation, but is comparablei ncolour, weathering style and texture to building stone observed in the main fabric of the church. This suggests that the stone is a coarsegrained, pebbly sandstone derived from the Carboniferous strata of Anglesey. (JH)

P R E S E N TL O C AT I O N

EVIDENCE

FOR

Lost.

DISCOVERY

First mentioned

c.1696 (Fenton, 1917: 333), then recorded by Lhuyd or his

associates c. 1699 at or near Capel Eithin and copied by an unknown hand (BL Stowe MS 1023, fols 84, 88). Hughes (1928) claimed aportionw a s still extant in 1927 and was taken to the County School, Llangefni, but no mention is m a d e of an inscription a n d it nol o n g e rsurvives.

DIMENSIONS (according to BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 84)h . 40in. × w. 14in. × d. not known. STONE TYPE

DESCRIPTION

Not known.

Lost.

A rough pillarwhich tapers sharply.

A: Towards one end of the stone si a vertical roman-letter inscription (BL Stowe MS 1023, fols 84, 88):

The monument has been cut

damage to the bottom of A, the only visible face. The remainingcarvin g isclear.

L Stowe MS 1023, fo. 84 shows the lettering as simple B L Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88 shows the lettering in capitals. B

In t h e c a n t r e o f t h e

cross-head is a fifth circle with acentral circular depres-

Chapel of the Gorse') on Cefn-du Mawr Farm is located at c.84m. (275ft) OD on a promontory on the southern

sion. T h e vertical incised line o f the shaft is visible o n the

slopes of a broad ridge east of the tidal estuary of the

right side.

Afon Cefni. From this prominentposition there are exten-

cairn was constructed to the north-west of the cremation

cemetery which remained a prominent feature in the

landscape up to the time of excavation. The next phase spans the late first andearly second century AD and consistedo f a stone structure 6.5m (21ft)square located in a circular enclosure int h e south-west corner of the site with some evidence ofRoman bronze-working. This structure, later dismantled, has been interpreted as either a Roman military signal station or watch-tower, or, more likely, a Romano-Celtic shrine (White and Smith, 1999: 29-127,

150-3; Longley, 2009: 120, fig. 6.5).

In the early medieval period the site once again became

the location of funerary activity with the establishment of an inhumation cemetery partly focused on the upstanding

cairn. Although not all the cemetery was excavated, over the presence of adults, juveniles and infants. Themajority

were simple dug graves, the rest wholly or partially encisted, some withs t o n e lintels o r floor slabs. Most were broadly oriented east/west but a few were north/south. Near the north-eastern edge of the excavated area an east/west oriented partially encisted grave with a plank on

capitals but with minuscule G (halfuncial); R is shown with a long tail separate from the incomplete loop with a the bottom and an infant burial had been enclosed in a

s m a l l I t u c k e d a b o v e it.

DISCUSSION

Thesite of Cae Capel Eithin (Field of the

sive views, not only of the surrounding countryside, but also across the Menai Strait to Snowdonia and as far as

The original form of the monument as

well as the shane of the cross-head are difficult to recon. s t r u c t b e c a u s e o f i t s f r a g m e n t a r y s t a t e : a h a m m e r _ h e a do f

Viking Age type(cf. Maesmynys 1 C(B39))o r a disc-head (cf. Margam 4 (G81) formed by the four ring-and-dot

dence. Towards the end of this period offunerary use a

bone survived, the various sizes ofthe graves indicated Interpretation: Devorigi Translation: 'ofDevorix'

A : The surviving upper part of the face has been dressed and i s deeplyincised with a punch using very broad lines giving the impression of false relief. It is carved with an incomplete outline cross. The carving consists of four now incomplete circles with circular depressions in their centres forming the armpits of an incomplete cross-head with a very broad,sharply expanding top cross-armwhich

DISCUSSION

during the latter half of t h e third millennium BC. There may have beensome continuity between thel a t eNeolithic and the early Bronze Age when a small cremation cemetery, consisting of both burials in urnsa n dcharcoal-fil led pits, was established and in use somewhere between c.2200 and .c 1300 cal. CB based on the radiocarbon evi-

one hundred inhumations were identified and, though no

(DEVORI[G|I)

A rectangular block or slab.

n a w h a v e a d e n r e s s i o n in t h e c e n t r e

AN20

.1 Roman-letter inscribed stone

PRESENT CONDITION

down on all four sides for reuse as masonry. There si

DESCRIPTION

(Capel Eithin)

AN18

DATE

STONE TYPE Coarse-grained, pebbly sandstone (Carboniferous). The stone is not accessible for close

PRESENT CONDITION

173

THE CATALOGUE

AN18 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

ditched structure 4.9m (16ft) square externally with the entrance on the east. A third long-cist grave had subsequently been set in the entrance. This structure was

interpreted as a timber building set on sill beams with a

roof.Though originally identified as a Christian cella memoria, it is safer to interpret it simply in terms ofstatus.

A group of other burials was focused on this structure.

The graves did not intercut and were therefore probably

marked in some way. Overall the cemetery should be seen as one of an increasing number of kin-group cemeteries

the tip ofLy n (White and Smith, 1999: 21). Extensive excavations (1978, 1980-1) uncovered a on Anglesey, as well as elsewhere in Wales, which are complex site history beginning with Neolithic activity, often focused on an earlier monument, frequently a perhaps as early as the fifth millennium BC, but definitely

Bronze Age barrow or cairn. It may well have contained

174

THE CATALOGUE

Me labelFishinni het Sercih of Shanvikangel Wkichvinig

175

THEC ATA L O G U E

both pagan and Christian graves and is likely to be dated to before the establishment of churchyard burial around the eighth century (White and Smith, 1999: 128-45,

1999: 146-7). The inscription, therefore, consisted of the nameo f them a n commemorated in the genitive case.

155-8).

LanguageBrittonic Period 1 (if the correct composition

Only 400m (440yds) south-east of Capel Eithin at Cefn

Cwmwd an extensive native Roman period settlement with high-status artefacts has been excavated, including

DEVORI CI

sherds of post-Roman imported DSPA pottery from western France, a penannular brooch and a Byzantine intaglio indicating activity into the early Middle Ages, but no associated structures (Maynard, Hughes and Davidson, 1999: 55; Denison, 2000; White, 2007: 138-9, pl. 16; Campbell, 2007: 29, fig. 19). Although the exact location o f the inscribed stone is

unknown, it most likely originally marked a grave within the early medieval cemetery, but no stone hole could be

conclusively identified during theexcavation (White and

Smith, 1999: 146). It si unclear whether the monument

vowel is significant) or (if not) 1-13, Irish Period1-14. DEVORIGI is an innovative, perhaps Latinate, genitive of the Celtic *Deiwo-rix, gen. -rigos, a name attested in various forms in Celtiberian and Gaulish. The literal

meaning is 'divineking', but as a name rather than atitle.

It need not carry religious connotations at this date. It is treated as Welsh (Sims-Williams, 1999; 2007: 69-72), but (as noted in CIB: 119 n. 658, 207 n. 1283) the composition vowel Oi s not proofo f this, since after labials O also

occurs ni Irish (CIB: 119, 187, 191, 207, 318 (по. 2000). (PS-W)

Although many of Lhuyd's records of inscriptions are remarkably accurate, the letter-forms in the two illustra-

was still standing when first recorded, but it may be signif-tions differ and are copies of the original record and their icant that the phrase 'pitch'd on end' does not occur; this accuracy can no longer be checked. If the inclusion of is often used by Lhuyd to denote a monument still minuscule G is correct, this may suggest the inscription is standing in the ground. later in the series. Sims-Williams (1999: 149) suggested a The two records of the monument in BL Stowe MS broadly sixth-century (or possibly early seventh-century) 1023, presumably copied from Lhuyd's originals, show date based on the epigraphy. A sixth- rather than seventhdifferent things. The first (Illus. AN20.1) is a sketch century date seems most likely based on the letter-forms (upside-down) of the whole stone with some attempt at and this is not at odds with the linguistic evidence. perspective and some dimensions. The position of the

inscription towards the narrow end indicates that it ori-

DATE Sixth century.

ginally readvertically downwards. The reading is given as

DEVORICI. The second (Illus. AN20.2) simply gives the inscription, this time DEVORIGI, but there is more attempt to reproduce the letter-forms, which include minusculeG , a relatively common form on early inscribed

stones, suggesting a G was intended. The latter reading with a G is alsolinguistically more likely (Sims-Williams,

REFERENCES B L Stowe MS 1023, fos 84, 88; Fenton, 1917: 333; Hughes, 1928; Sims-Williams, 1999: fig. 50; White and Smith, 1999: 23, 145, 157, 160; CISP: no. CAPEN/1; Edwards, 2001: 18-19; CIB: 119, 187, 191, 207, 318, 366, 384 (no. 2000).

, shownupsidedown, copy of a drawing yb Lhuyd or his assistants (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 84) AN20. I Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1A

(Reproduced by permission of the BritishLibrary).

LLANFIHANGEL YSGEIFIOG (LLANFIHANGEL ESGEIFIOG)

Ан.

F77

(St Michael's Church)

Inerision at Cnsa eithin in than Bihannel. se

Qieivior Amplessy'

DEVORSI AN20.2 Llanfihangel Ysgeiftog I A, copy of a sketcho fthe inscription by Lhuyd or his assistants (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88) (Reproducedby

permission o f the British Library).

Area of SH 4787 7342 AN21

2. Incomplete cross-head PRESENT LOCATION

Oriel Môn, Llangefni (acc. no.

DIMENSIONS

h. 28.5cm (11.25in.) max. × w. 35.5cm

L 3/95).

(14in.) max. × d. 15cm (6in.).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Found in 1991 after it had fallen out of the ruinous churchyard wall into which it had been built (Edwards, 1993).

STONE TYPE Medium-grained, quartz a r e n i t e (Carboniferous. The stone is a light grey (10YR 7/2), homogeneous sandstone with slight yellow iron staining

176

THE CATALOGUE

177

THE CATALOGUE

free-standing crosses ni Cumbria, for example Cleator 1,

to the tenth or eleventh century (Edwards, 1993), but a

Kirby Stephen 9 and St Bees (Bailey and Cramp, 1988:

slightly later date reflects its transitional form.

the crosses on A and C may be compared with Holloway

DATE

165-7; Gilchrist and Sloane, 2005: 190-1). The shape of

Eleventh or first halfo f the twelfth century.

Cross. L e w a n n i c k ( C o r n w a l l ) , also a late m o n u m e n t

(Langdon, 1896: 166). On the basis of comparisons with the crosses at Penmon it was originally tentatively dated

REFERENCES

Edwards, 1993: figs.

L L A N F I H A N G E L YSGEIFIOG ( L L A N F I H A N G E L ESGEIFIOG) (StM i c h a e l ' s Church) SH4 7 8 8 7342 3. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e E C M W no. 11a AN21.1 Llanfihangel Ysgeiftog2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

AN21.2 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2B (Crown copyright: RCAHMW). P R E S E N TL O C AT I O N

DESCRIPTION

An incomplete cross-head (type B2)

with the r e m a i n s of short rectangular cross-arms. It is

carved on both broad faces in false relief using broad incisedlines. A (broad): A fragmentary circle stands out in relief from the face of the cross-head and is incised with an incomplete cross with curved expanding cross-arms and a ring and dot in the centre.

C(broad): The face is incised with a similar incomplete cross.

DISCUSSION

The

now

ruinous

church

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog is sited on the western slope of a AN21.3 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 C (Crowncopyright: RCAHMW).

prominent ridge which originally overlooked the head of

the tidal inlet ofthe Afon Cefni, probably close to the ford at Pont Rhyd-yr-arain. It has a curvilinear churchyard.

(10YR 6/4, yellowish brown). The sub-rounded grains are well-washed quartz, forming a well-sorted, grainsupported structure. Beddingis oriented obliquely to Face

A,which is partially coated by mortar and lichen. This stone is derived from the local Carboniferous strata of Anglesey. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION The bottom of the crosshead has been cut awaya n d the fractured end dressed for reusea s masonry: mortar still adheres top a r t so f the m o n u -

ment. There is considerable damage to all faces; the cross-arm on B has been trimmed, that on D mostly cut away. The surviving carving is clear.

AN22

The sculpture provides the only possible evidence for the early medieval origins of the site. Ithas been argued that this church was founded, perhaps in the seventh or eighth centuries, superseding one or more undeveloped kin-

group cemeteries in the vicinity, notably Capel Eithin (see

no. 1) (White and Smith, 1999: 159).

This is the remains of a small free-standing crosswhich

may be compared with Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1-2 (AN14-15). Thereconstructed diameter of thecross-head

is approximately 38cm (15in.). However, unlike these, it does not have a disc-head, but rather, the raised circlehead effect on A may be compared with solid circle-head crosses (type B2): Penmon 1, but particularly Penmon 2 (AN51-2). It also has parallels with small transitional

Inside the church n e a r t h e east

end, lying flat and set into the ground. EVIDENCE FORDISCOVERY First noted by H. .L Jones (1846: 299)formingpart oft h e upper step under the altar.

DIMENSIONS h. 151cm (59.5in.) approx. × w. 38 < 51cm (15 < 20in.) ×d. 7.5cm (3in.).

STONE TYPE

Conglomerate (Carboniferous). This

stone is heavily weathered and no fresh surfaces are present. Large (10-47mm),sub-rounded to rounded clasts of white quartz and jasper are present, forming a clastsupported texture. The church is constructed from a range of Precambrian and Carboniferous lithologies so this stone could be locally derived. (JH) PRESENT CONDITION

By 1937 the m o n u m e n t had

fractured diagonally into two pieces (RCAHMW, 1937: 84(a)). It was r e p a i r e d in 2010. Only A is visible.

DESCRIPTION A large, quadrangular slab in two adjoining pieces which tapers from top to bottom. A (broad): The upper three-quarters of the face is incised using broad lines with an outline Latin cross with square armpits and short right-angle bars across the ends of the cross-arms; the shaft terminates in short right-angle bar with aspike. There is a piece of white quartz in thecentre o f the cross-head. DISCUSSION

This m o n u m e n t has b e e n carefully

shaped. The size and shape indicate that it is most likely to have lain recumbent over a grave, though, alterna-

AN22 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

178

THE CATALOGUE

tively, it could equally have functioned as an upright grave-marker, since there is sufficient uncared stone below the cross to have allowed it be set in the ground. The stone has also been carefully chosen so as to utilize the white quartz in the centre of the cross-head which forms an unusual and attractive feature reminiscent of a

setting. It may be related to the deposition of white quartz pebbles associated with burials, a long-run phenomenon but characteristically early medieval, which is

well attested ni Wales and other Celtic regions. On

Anglesey they have been noted at Tywyn y Capel and

elsewhere in Wales at Llandough (Glam.) and Capel Maelog (Rads.) (Davidson, 20096: 208-9), i n Ireland on

The monument may be broadly compared with stones with spiked outline crosses on Llangaffo 4-7 (AN30-33) and Llangeinwen 1 (AN41) in south-west Anglesey,

though there are no exact parallels. Closer comparisons may be made with Whitford 1 (F11) and the equal-arm cross with bars on Ewenni 5 (G22).

The RCAHMW (1937: 84(a)) dated the monument to

the eleventh or twelfth centuries.

179

THE C ATA L O G U E

(AN41) and Llangaffo 4 (AN30 (see p. 188), 6 and 7 (AN32-3), and more closely resembles Llangaffo 5 (AN31), though unlike these no terminal spike is shown. A further parallel may be drawn with a late fragmentary

well as in the Isle of Man and Scotland, for example at Inchmarnock (Bute), Iona (Argyll) and Whithorn (Galloway) (Lowe, 2008: 268; O'Sullivan, 1994: 358-9: Hill, 1997: 472-3).

DATE

Eleventh or twelfth century.

cross-carved stone from Ballymore Eustace (Co. Kildare)

(King, 2004: 171, fig. 8d). It may also be compared with REFERENCES the free-standing cross Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1

Jones, 1846: 299, fig.

However, Nash-

Williams suggested the seventh to eleventh centuries

citing parallels with Merovingian and Carolingian exam-

L L A N F I H A N G E L YSGEIFIOG ( L L A N F I H A N G E L ESGEIFIOG) (StM i c h a e l ' s Church)

ples in France (ECMW: no. 11a). Nevertheless, the form

and cross-type (see pp. 89-90) appear transitional and, if

iti s recumbent, iti s definitely late.

SH 4788 7342

early medieval sites such as Illaunloughan (Co. Kerry)

andInishmurray (Co. Sligo)(White Marshall and Walsh, 2005: 87-9; O'Sullivan and Ó Carragain,2008: 270), as

(AN17). Therefore, an eleventh- or twelfth-century date seemslikely.

DATE

Latereleventh ortwelfthcentury.

5. Fragmentary cross-carved stone

REFERENCES

Jones, 1846: 299, fig.; RCAHMW, ci, fi g . , 1 84(a); ECMW: no. 11a, fig. 19; Edwards, 1937: 1993.

PRESENTLOCATION

Oriel Môn, Llangefni (acc. no.

32/2010.1)

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Found in 2010,

during conservation work, built into the north wall of the

L L A N F I H A N G E L YSGEIFIOG ( L L A N F I H A N G E L ESGEIFIOG) (StM i c h a e l ' s Church)

AN24

seems comparable with LIangaffo 1 (AN37), probably a latemonument, but the use ofInsular spirals may be com-

pared withLIangaffo 7 and8 (AN33 4)andLlangeinwen

1 (AN41); it may be of a similar date. The reduction of patterns to wavy lines is alsoparalleled elsewhere, notably

chancel with the carving face down (pers. comm., Tim

S H 4 7 8 8 7342

. 20 < 31cm (8 < h. 51cm (20in.) × w 12.25in.) x d.10cm (4in.).

DIMENSIONS

4. Cross-carved stone

AN23

STONE TYPE Anglesey Grit (Carboniferous). No detailede x a m i n a t i o n has been carried out yet.

PRESENT LOCATION

Lost. PRESENT CONDITION

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Noted by Jones

(1846:299, fig.)built into theupper step under thealtar. DIMENSIONS

DESCRIPTION

h. 4ft x w. 14in. (Jones (1846: fig.) x d. Not known.

PRESENT CONDITION

DESCRIPTION

The lower half of a shaped, cross-

A (broad): The faceh a s been dressed. The carving consists of the shaft of an outline cross which tapers from top to

Lost.

bottom. At the top it expands, curving outwards to form

the lower armpits of the cross-head. On each side of the shaft is a vertical wavy line which terminate s in an outward-facing spiral.

Jones's drawing shows a quadrangular

slab(?) carved with an outline Latin cross with triangular cross-arms and a long thin shaft which tapers from top to bottom.

DISCUSSION This monument is shown as similar in shape to no. 3, but smaller. It could have been either an

d o w n for reuse as

carved stone which tapers fromt o p to bottom. It is incised o n A only.

not recorded.

STONE TYPE

Cut

masonry. The surviving carvingi s clear.

DISCUSSION

This m o n u m e n t . which has been care-

fully shaped, seems rather small to have lain recumbent over agrave and there is sufficient space below the cross1 4 In

upright or possibly a recumbent grave-marker. T h e cross-

head shape is broadly comparable with Llangeinwen 1 AN23 Llanfihangel Ysgeiffog 4(Jones, 1846: 299).

shaft for it to have stood upright in the ground. The

incised technique of carving is consistent with an early

medieval date. However, the original form of the cross

AN24 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 5 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

180

THE CATALOGUE

on the 'panelled cart-wheel' crosses of the Margam area (e.g. G84-5, 87)which havebeen dated to the late tenth o r eleventh century. Thecombination of carving technique,

DATE

181

THE CATALOGUE

Eleventh or earlier twelfth century.

REFERENCES

form and ornament suggests an eleventh or earlier twelfth-

Unpublished.

c e n t u r y date.

L L A N G A D WA L A D R S H 3837 6927

1.Incomplete roman-letterinscribed stone ECMW no. 13; CIICno. 970 PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church, built horiEVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First recorded by Lhuyd in1699a s 'above the church door' (Lhurd, 1700-

1: 790,fig.; 1722, II: 811, fig.; Fenton, 1917: 333). Skinner visited in 1802 and illustrated its exact location. It formed the lintel of theinternalsouthdooro f the church with the carving facing downwards. The cross was not visible

curved triangular terminals; the top cross-arm is very short.

(11) Below is a roman-letter Latin inscription in five lines readingvertically downwards.

CATAMANUS

REXSAPIENTISI MUSOPINATISIM US O M N I U / / M R E G

UM

(Skinner, 1908: fig. 20). It was moved during church restoration ni the later nineteenth century and first noted in its presentlocation in 1905 (Rhys, 1905: 47).

opinatisim /u s omnium reg / u m

DIMENSIONS h. 123cm (48.5in.) visible × w . 50.5cm

illustrious of all kings'

STONE TYPE

The mixed-alphabet inscription i s deeply cut using broad, rounded incisions which have been punched, then

(19.75in.) max. visible × d. not known.

Medium-grained, pebbly, quartz arenite

(Carboniferous). The lithology is cream (5YR 5/1 light

grey) when fresh, weathering to a brown ochreous colour, reminiscent of Pennant Sandstone (5YR 5/3 reddish brown). It has a well-sortedtexture and a homogeneous composition dominated by quartz grains and pebbles. This lithology closely resembles the local Anglesey Carboniferous arenites; however, t h ecoatingprecludes a firm attribution ofsource. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION

Only A is visible. The edges

Interpretation: Catamanus / rex sapientisi/mus

condition.

2.25 < 5in.); those in lines 2-5 are smaller (h. 3.5 < 11cm/1.75 < 4.25in.). Minuscule E (uncial with a sepa-

rate horizontal), G (half-uncial), M, P, Q, R, S, T and U

are used. A's throughout are Greek in form and dipbelow the line. Capital N is used throughout. Line 1 has a distinctive 'gate'M andN ; in line 2 EX are conjoined; inline 3 TI are conjoined: inline 4 EG are ligatured (Tedeschi, 2005: 202). memorates King Catamanus (W. Cadfan) ruler of Gwynedd,built into the fabric ofLlangadwaladr Church, strongly suggests that this was the site of a royal burial

place of the rulers of Gwynedd in the seventh century.

A : (i)At the top inthe centre of the face is an incised linear

grandson Cadwaladr, the ruler of Gwynedd (d.664/682). The church is located 3km (1.86 miles) east of Aberffraw.

pillar.

Latin cross( h . 24cm/9.5in.). The cross-armsexpand into

AN26. 1 Llangadwaladr 1 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

AN26.2 Llangadwaladr 1 A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

smoothed. Thelargestletters are ni line 1(h. 6 < 12.5cm/

An incomplete rectangular slab or

DESCRIPTION

50Centimetres

Translation: 'King Catamanus, thewisest, most

of the stone are largely obscured by plaster. There si a DISCUSSION The discovery of this stone, which comdiagonal fissure in the top-left corner a n d s o m e whitewash on the surface of the face. The carving is in good

mono

zontally intot h e north wall of the nave 2m (79in.) above MGS (SH 3835 6926).

AN26

S A D NUP

OMINOUS,

O D O N

(St Cadwaladr's Church (Eglwys Ail))

The dedication is usually identified with Cadfan's

Here, fragments of a 'V'-section ditch and clay rampart

have been tentatively identified as belonging to a Roman fort with further indications of Roman-period activity nearby. It has also been suggested that the recutting of this ditch and a second phase of rampart may be associated with the development of the site as the chief seat of the

rulers of Gwynedd (White and Longley, 1995: 18-19; Longley, 1997: 45). However, the only evidence that there was a llys at Aberffraw in the early part of the period si Llangadwaladr 1. Nevertheless, a raid on Aberffraw in 968 si noted, indicating its significance by then (Jones,

1952: 8). The location of the thirteenth-century llys has been identified at the western end of the village near St Beuno's Church (by then the royal chapel), but the origins of thesite are unknown (Johnstone, 1997: 63). Thomas (2002: 19-23)argued that the monument was originally designed to lie flat over the grave rather than stand vertically set into the ground. However, this is most

unlikely since, fi true, ti would be unique amongst the Insular early inscribed stones. Indeed, the shape we see now is the result of it having been trimmed bottom and top for reuse as a lintel.

The reading si clear. The term rex (king') is that used most frequently for a ruler ni the Welsh documentary sources (Davies, 1990: 10) and si also found on later inscriptions, Llantwit Major 3-4 (G65, G66) and the ninth-century Llandysilio yn @ I l 1 (D3) for the Roman

Emperor Gratian. The phrase sapientisimus opinatisimus omnium regum ('wisest, most illustrious ofa l l kings') with its superlative adjectives is revealing and may be understood in anumber of different contexts. However, the only other example of an earlyinscribed stone tou s e asuperlative adjective in this way is insignisimi ('most distinguished') on Yarrowkirk (Selkirkshire), which is used to describe two brothers, the princes Nudus and

182

THE CATALOGUE

Dumnogenus; ti hasbeen dated by Tedeschi to the second

letters were brushed onto the surface of the stone and the

119-20; Tedeschi, 2005: no. S-10, 298-9). Although

sculptor then outlined the letters before cutting the centres away more roughly while the stone was lying flat. The

half of the sixth century (CIIC: no. 515; Forsyth, 2005:

superlatives a r e a l s o u s e d t o describe t h e w o m a n com-

i n s c r i b t i o n

memorated on Llantrisant 1 (AN46), they relate to her

name of the commemorand si largest to indicate its significance; the rest gradually diminishes ni size ni the manner

qualities as a Christian wife, not as a ruler. Thomas Charles-Edwards has linked sapientisimus with the use of sapiens, the term coined to describe ecclesiastical scholars

of intellectual distinction in the Irish annals (cf. Llantrisant 1) a n dsapientissimus is likewise used of Gildas in the Annales Cambriae; Bede also described Aldfrith, king

of Northumbria, as sapiens (T. M. Charles-Edwards, 2000: 264-71; 2004a; Morris, 1980: 85, s.a. 570). tI has been further argued that the ideal of biblical kingship si also relevant to the use of superlative adjectives related to his character in the inscription (Tedeschi, 1994:

294; 2005: 203). Indeed, King Solomon si described ni the Vulgate as Magnificatus est ergo rex Salomon super omnes reges terrae divitis et sapientia (I Kings, 10:23). Opinatisimus o m n i u m r e g u m m a y a l s o r e fl e c t t h e i d e a o f o v e r l o r d s h i p

and suggests that Catamanus may have been an overking, not just within north-west Wales, but possibly beyond.

The use of superlatives is likewise comparable with Late Antique practice on the Continent which points to the ambitions of the kings of Gwynedd in this period.

Nash-Williams (ECMW: no.13) made comparisons with

the language of the dedicatory inscription to the Byzantine Emperor Phocas +( optimo clementiss/imo pissimoque principi...) carved on the reused column that was erected ni the Forum in Rome in 608, and also with an inscription recording the mending of an aqueduct by

the Ostrogothic King Theoderic (d.526) at Tarracina, north of Rome, which describes him as glo)r (io)s(issi)mus adg. inclyt(us) rex... (ILCV: nos 30, 35). Additional examples include an inscription recording repairs to the walls at Geneva by Gundbadus (rex clementiss/imus...), king of the

Burgundians (480-516) (ILCV: no. 45; Handley, 2003: 50)

and an inscription naming the Visigothic King Chindasuinth (rex pilissimuls) at Mérida dated 641-52 (ICERV: no. 366).

Language Brittonic Period 7-13. CATAMANVS is an acceptable seventh-century spelling of W . Cadfan 1 4 c m (7 > 5.5in.).

STONE TYPE Very coarse-grained, pebbly quartzarenite (Carboniferous). The stone si lichen covered, but

STONE TYPE Conglomerate (Carboniferous). The

is a cream colour where fresh rock is exposed. The lithologyi s dominated by sub-rounded torounded, moderately sorted quartz grains (1-2mm) but also contains

stone is cream-grey in colour but is extensively covered

with lichen. It is amoderately sorted, clast-supported con-

glomerate, composed of sub-rounded to rounded quartz pebbles and minor jasper pebbles, which range from 4

pebbles (up to 25mm in diameter) of white and pink quartz and jasper. Bedding isoriented parallel to Face A

20mm in size. The conglomerate is derived from the

and coarsens towards the back o f the stone (away from

Face A.) This lithology is derived from the Carboniferous

Carboniferous strata of eastern Anglesey. (JH)

strata of eastern Anglesey. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION Poor. Thetop-right corner of A is missing; the top oft h e crossi s seriously damaged.

PRESENT CONDITI ON There is a round hole in the centre oft h e face towards the bottom of A . Thecarving is

DESCRIPTION

w o r n but clear.

A rectangular-section pillar which

tapers towards the bottom oft h e broad faces and slightly t o w a r d st h e t o n o n t h e n a r r o w f a c e s

DESCRIPTION A shaped, quadrangular-section pillar whichtapers fromt o p to bottom.

A (broad): Towards the top of the visible face is an incomplete plain outline Latin cross, the shaft of which stands out in high rounded relief. It has a short expanded top cross-arm. The left horizontal cross-arm stretches to the edge of the face. The shaft terminates in a blunt spiked

A (broad): The upper part of the visible face, which has probably been partially dressed,i s carved with anoutline Latin cross(h. 60cm/26in.). The thick cross-arms expand slightly; the armpits are almost right-angles. The short, thick shaft tapers slightly, terminating in aspike. The out-

line ofthe crosshas been incised andthe centrei s sunken,

having been dressed s m o o t h .

foot.

AN30 Llangaffo 4A (Crowncopyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

DISCUSSION The exceedingly rough surface of the stone must have been very difficult to carve, especially

AN31 Llangaffo 5 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

190

THEC ATA L O G U E

the cross on the lost Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 4 (AN23)and

DATE

Later eleventh or earlier twelfthcentury.

LLANGAFFO

o n e o n a f r a g m e n t a r y grave-marker from Ballymore

Eustace (Co. Kildare) (King, 2004: 171, fig. 8d). In the past it has been dated as no. 4; this seemsappropriate.

REFERENCES

191

THE CATALOGUE

(St Caffo's Church)

Hughes, 1922: 72; RCAHMW, 1937:

SH 4460 6855

89(d); ECMW:n o . 24; Lewis, 1964: 166.

7. Incomplete cross-carveds t o n e ECMWn o . 17 LLANGAFFO (St Caffo 's Church) Area of SH 4460 6852 AN32

6. Incomplete cross-carved stone ECMWno. 20

PRESENT LOCATION Built horizontally into the external north wall of the churchyard, facing the road 2.5m (8ft) westo ft h e gate to the war memorial a n d 90cm (3ft)above MGS (SH 44596856).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

70). See no. 4. First def-

DIMENSIONS h. 136cm (53.5in.) above MGS × w. 28cm (11in.) max. × d. 16cm (6.5in.) approx.

initely recorded as built into the wall on the east side of

the churchyard (RCAHMW, 1937: 89(f)). Last noted by Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 20). It was not re-erected to the north of the church 1956×1964 as stated by Lewis

STONE TYPE Coarse-grained, pebbly quartz arenite (Carboniferous). Cream-coloured quartz arenite, poorly

(1964: 166). The old east wall of the churchyard was demolished in 1945 (GAT H E R and the monument lost h. 64cm (25.25in.) × w. 33.5cm Not known.

PRESENTCOND ITION

DESCRIPTION

Lost.

AN32 Llangaffo 6A, line-drawing, scale 1:10 (RCAHMW, 1937; 89(1) (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Part of a quadrangular-section pillar

missing and the cross was incomplete.

DISCUSSION The illustration shows across of similar form to Llangaffo 4 5 , 7 andLlangeinwen 1 (AN41). The monument may therefore be dated accordingly.

A : The surviving part of the face was incised with an

DATE

or slab cut down for reuse as masonry. The top-right

corner of A and the bottom of the monument were both

and angled armpits. The shaft terminates in an incom-

missing.

An incomplete, quadrangular-section

DISCUSSION

This is a further example of a crosscarved grave-marker with an outline Latin cross with expanded arms and a spiked foot (see no. 4, cf. nos 5-6) and is therefore of a similar date. The closest parallel,

Later eleventh or earlier twelfthcentury.

incomolete outline Latin cross with e y n a n d e d cross-arms

plete spike.

been partially cut away, probably for reuse as building fabric. It has also been trimmed on the right side where two small adjoining fragments have been placed in the wall. Only A is visible. The carving is extremely weathered and the end of the right horizontal cross-arm is

A : (i) Near the top of the remainingface isa n incomplete outline Latin cross (h. 53cm/21in. approx.), deeply incised usingvery broad lines so that it stands out i n false relief. It has expanded cross-arms, angled armpits and a circular depression in the centre of the cross-head. The shaft expandsfrom topt obottom, with traces of a spiked foot. (ii) To the left of the cross are the fragmentary remains of two spirals carved infalse relief; they are set oneabove the other and joined by a wavy line.

(13.25in.)× d. not known (ECMW: no. 20). STONE TYPE

PRESENT CONDITION Poor. Threatened by ivy growth. The bottom of the incomplete monument has

DESCRIPTION pillar.

a s a result.

DIMENSIONS

35mm) are heterogeneously distributed throughout the rock. This lithology is derived from thelocal Carbon-

See no. .4 First specif-

ically mentioned in its present location by Hughes (1922:

Lost.

sorted, composed of sub-rounded to rounded clean quartz grains. Pink and white quartz pebbles (up to iferous strata of eastern Anglesey. ( J H )

EVIDENCE FORDISCOVERY PRESENTLOCATION

AN33

REFERENCES RCAHMW, 1937: xvi fig. 1, 89(; ECMW:no. 20, fig. 25.

however, is Llangeinwen 1 (AN41), since both have the unusual addition of spirals, a feature also found on the

fragmentary Llangaffo 8, Llangeinwen 2 and 4 (AN42,

44) and Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 5 (AN24). They are also seen on a typologically later recumbent cross-slab at Llangoed(Ang.)where Insular 'S' and 'C' scrolls seem to be used in preference to or as an a b s t r a c t e d f o r m o f

Romanesque foliate ornament (RCAHMW, 1937: cii, fig.).

AN33 Llangaffo 7A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW,photo. Jean Williamson).

Spirals are. however. most characteristic o f the period

before800. Though rare on stone sculpture in Wales(vol.

192

THE CATALOGUE

I: 81), they are sporadically found on crosses and crossslabs dated to the ninth, tenth or eleventh centuries, for example Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 (D7), Llanbadarn

as on the Pennant Melangell shrine (Monts.) (Britnell and

DATE

spiral o r n a m e n t , we may be witnessing al a t e revival of

REFERENCES

Romanesque foliage o r n a m e n t or is incorporated into it

LLANGAFFO

Watson, 1994: 159, fig. 8.4).

Fawr 1 (CD4) and Margam (Cwrt-y-defaid) 1(G84). On Llangaffo 7andsimilar Anglesey cross-carved stones with

the motif which si later used either ni preference to

193

THE CATALOGUE

(St Caffo's Church)

SH 4460 6854

Later eleventh or earliertwelfth century. Hughes, 1922: 70, fig. 56; RCAHMW,

1937: xevi, fig. 2, c, 89(g), pl. 21; ECMW: no. 17, pl. XXV,

fig. 23.

P R E S E N TL O C AT I O N

opposite the north doorway. Moved to its present location 1956×1964( L e w i s , 1964: 166).

8. Fragment ECMW no. 18

AN34

Built horizontally into the

arenite contains poorly sorted quartz grains (0.750-

1.5mm) and rounded white, yellow, and pink quartz, and minor jasper pebbles up to 20mm in diameter. The top of the stone is a conglomerate whereas the bottom of the

See no. 7.

h. 68cm (27in.) × w. 30cm (11.75in.) ×

stone is finer grained. Bedding is poorly developed par-

d. n o t known.

allel toF a c e A. (JH)

STONE TYPE Very coarse-grained, pebbly, quartz arenite (Carboniferous). This lithology is pale cream in

PRESENT CONDITION The top is missing. The remaining part has fractured into two roughly adjoining pieces mended with pebbly mortar. The top of the cross has been lost, the right horizontal cross-arm is rough and extremely worn and the lower shaft interrupted by the

colour and weathers to a slightly darkercream. It shows a poorly sorted texture which is dominated by very coarse. sub-rounded to roundedquartzgrains (750-1000um) and pebbles (up to 17mm in diameter) of pink, white and yellow quartz, and minor jasper. It is derived from the Carboniferous strata of eastern Anglesey. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION

Poor. Threatened by ivy.

Only A is visible. The stone hasbeen cutd o w nf o r reuse as

break.

AN34 Llangaffo 8 A (Crown copyright:RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

m a s o n r y. O n l y t r a c e so f c a r v i n g survive.

A rectangular slab orblock.

mented with spirals similar to Llangaffo 7, Llangeinwen 1-2 (AN41-2) and Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 5 (AN24). It is

A : There are traces of a spiral 'S' scroll nearthe bottom.

thereforel i k e l y tob e of as i m i l a r date.

Above, there may be traces oft h eshaft of anoutline cross witht h e head on the left oft h e fragment.

DATE

DISCUSSION

Very coarse-grained/conglomeratic

quartz arenite (Carboniferous). This cream-grey quartz

MGS and 1.5m (5ft) west ofLlangaffo 7 (SH 4459 6855).

DESCRI PTION

DIMENSIONS h. 129.5cm (51in.), 119cm (47in.) above MGS × w. 34 < 41cm (13.5 < 16in.) × d. 16cm (6.25in.) max.

STONE TYPE

external n o r t h wall of the churchyard, 90cm (3ft) above

DIMENSIONS

See no. 4. First specif-

ically noted by the RCAHMW (1937: 89(a)) lying

SH 4460 6855

EVIDENCE FORDISCOVERY

See no. 4.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

LLANGAFFO (St Caffo's Church)

PRESENT LOCATION

AN35

9. Incomplete cross-carved stone ECMWno. 22

This very poorly preserved fragment

seems to be part of a cross-carved grave-marker orna-

Later eleventh orearliertwelfth century.

REFERENCES

Hughes, 1922: 70, fig. 56; RCAHMW,

1937: 89(h); ECMW: no. 18, fig. 24.

DESCRIPTION

AN35 Llangaffo 9A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean An incomplete, shaped, quadrangular-

sectionpillar.

horizontal bar above the blunt foot, thereby creating a A (broad): The upper part of the face, which is very rough, is deeply incised, using a verybroad line, with an incomplete outline Latin cross with square armpits which stands out in false rounded relief. The left horizontal cross-arm terminates in a slightly rounded expansion. Theshaft now terminates in a blunt foot. The rest of the face has been

(1937: xevili, fig. 1) are misleading. The fact that the cross terminates in a spike indicates that ti is related to nos 4-7 and Llangeinwen 1 (AN41), but the cross-arms with rounded terminals, rather than the expanded cross-form, are different. It is. however, similar a n d carvedi n the s a m e

roughly dressed.

DISCUSSION

spike; this isalsoshownby Hughes (1922: fig. 58)but with the fracture. The circular knops shown by the RCAHMW

styleas Whitford 1(F11);further parallelsmay becitedwith

The surface of this upright pillar must

have been extremely difficult to carve. False relief is

achieved by incisingbroad deep lines, which is a common early medieval carving technique. The ECMW(pl. XXV) illustration oft h e cast (made in 1902) seems to show the

stone before it was fractured andsuggests that there was a

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 (AN22), which has terminal bars, Llangeinwen 3 (AN43) and possibly Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 6 (AN25). It may be contemporary with monuments with expanded crosses or slightly later.

DATE

Later eleventh or twelfth century.

194

THE CATALOGUE

REFERENCES Hughes, 1922: 72-3, fig. 58 left; RCAHMW, 1937: xeviii fig. 1, 89(a); ECMW: no. 22, pl. XXV; Lewis, 1964: 166.

DISCUSSION There has been some confusion as to whether the monument was first recorded in the parish of

Cast: NMW (acc. no. 02.162).

Llangaffo, as noted byMorris (BL Add. MS 14934, fo. 202), or ni Newborough (ECMW: no. 35). The reason for thisisthat both the farms ofFronde Uchafand Frondeg Isaf are in the parish of Newborough. However, as

LLANGAFFO

Morris's sketches show (BL Add. MSS 14907, fo. 185; 14934, fo. 202), the stone was located at the junction

(Fron Deg)

between the east/west road to Newborough (now the B4421) and the road southwards towards Caernarfon

SH 4442 6830

12. Roman-letterinscribed stone ECMW no. 35; CIICno. 971

AN38

Inside St Caffo's Church, built

PRESENT CONDITION Only A is visible. There are

into the east wall of the vestry, off the north side of the chancel (SH 4463 6854).

several vertical striations down the left side and the top left of the face has been worn smooth. There is also damage to the right edge of the face and cracks in the

PRESENT LOCATION

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First noted in aletter to Lhuyd from John Davies, rector ofNewborough, as 'in

carved surface. Many of the letters are severely worn, especially in lines 1-3,a n d several are damaged.

copied bya n unknown hand (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 91) (Illus. AN38.2). In the mid-eighteenth century, Lewis

towards a pointed top.

my neighbourhood' (Lhuyd, 1695: col. 678), then recorded by Lhuyd or one of h i s assistants c.1699 and

Morris noted itslocation 'In aplace called 'Vron deg inye Parish of Llangaffo' and his accompanying illustration

shows it standing on the east side of the junction of the

ways to Newborough and Caernarfon (BL Add. MS 14934, fo. 202). By the early nineteenth century it had

been reused as a gate-post (Skinner, 1908: 30 and was later described as standing on the south-east side of the road from Newborough to Llangaffo reused as 'the east gatepost of what had once been a gateway into a field' (Jones, 1846: 428). Moved to its present location c.1865 (Williams, 1865).

DIMENSIONS h. 144cm (56.75in.) above MGS × w. 39 < 43 >24cm (15.75 < 17 >9.5in.) × d. 30.5cm (12in.) approx. (LW: 187), 10cm (4in) max. visible.

DESCRIPTION r o u g h , unshaped pillar whichtapers

A (broad): The uneven face is incised with a horizontal,

roman-letter Latin inscription in ten lines:

(G)VR [G]NIN

FILIU[S CUURI[S] CINI

recrystallized mylonite. The stone h a s a form that is little

modified from a bedrock block. The southern part of

Anglesey is underlain by basic and quartz mylonitic schists and mylonites and it si highly likely that this stone was derived relatively locally. Thin-section investigation

would provide a more conclusive identification of this stone. (JHI

Most of the lines, which areunevenly set out, are approxi-

mately centred. The mixed-alphabet inscription (h. 5.5 < 9cm/2.25 < 3.5in.) is deeply incised. The Greek form of

A si used. D, E (uncial with separate horizontal bar), G (half uncial) H, L, P, T, U (apart from line 1) are minuscules. M si 'gate' form. CapitalN's have an extended first stroke and a diagonal veering towards the horizontal; the second N in line2 isH shaped. R'sare capitals with open loops. S's are elongated capitals: X has curved strokes.

inscribed stones record such information. It is more

common to record the patron on monuments from the

ninth century onwards using a variety of phrases (e.g.

Llantwit Major 3 (G65),Margam 2 (G79); vol. II: 96). Parallels are provided by Llandysilio yn Ial 1(D3), dating to roughly the second quarter ofthe ninth century, where

some elite burial in the mid-seventh century or later on sites that did not develop into churches. It may also have

stood at the junction of ancientrouteways, thatrunningto

the east of Malltraeth Marsh and that running south towards the Menai Strait. Its location on the parish boundary may also be significant. However, it is also possible that the monument was originally on the site of

St Caffo's Church (Merthyr Caffo, see Llangaffo 1), approximately 300m (330yds) north-east and was subsequentlyremoved for reuse as agatepost. The first word of the inscription, the name of the

person commemorated, is not nowentirelylegible, but the (RCAHMW, 1937: cvi) suggested [G?]VI/RNIN and

Translation: 'Gurgnin sono f Cuuris, Cini erectedthis stone'

likely to name the carver than the patron, no other early

in exactly the same position in the early nineteenth century when Skinner (1908: 30) first noted it in use as a gatepost. If it were in situ this implies the continuation of

XIT

Interpretation: Gvr/gnin /filius /Cuuris /Cini / ere/xit/

this stone'). Except fort h e lost Aberdâr (Hirwaun) 1 (G3) and the inscribed slate from Tintagel (Cornwall) (Tedeschi, 2005: C-30; Thomas, 2007), which are more

ment was insitu when Morris recorded ito rwhetheri t was

rest, though damaged, seems clear. Lhuyd recorded the namea s GVRGNIN (Illus. AN38.2; see below): Radford

HUNC LAPI DEM

195

(now the B4419). The parish boundary also follows the road from Newborough eastwards towards Llangaffob u t turns southwards at the junction. Because the stone was located to the south-east of thejunction it must have been just in Llangaffo parish. It is unclear whether the monu-

ERE

h u n c /l a n i/ d e m

STONE TYPE Quartz-chloritephyllite (Precambrian?). This lithology is homogeneous, fine-grained, green-grey, quartz rich and of metamorphic origin. The highly foliated nature and fine grain-size suggest that this may be a

THE CATALOGUE

Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 35) ]VS/I \NIN. Although the first legible letter is now V, there is room for one further letter to the left and there are some possible faint

traces of carving, making Lhuyd's identification of a G likely. The next letter was readby Radford as I and Nash-

Williams and Macalister (CIIC: no. 971) as minuscule S.

Both can be ruled out since an R, as Lhuyd noted, si just visible.Similarly, there are now onlyfragmentso f the first letter in line 2 which Radford identified as R and Morris

as S (BL Add. MS 14934, 202). However, following Lhuyd, half-uncial G may be identified. NIN, with two

forms of N. seems clear. This would give Gur/gnin, thereby corroborating Lhuyd's original record. The inscription begins with the 'X son of Y' formula (lines 1-4). characteristic of early inscribed stones, using the nominative case for filius, but the names have no caseendings. The second part (lines 5-10) is, however, unique since it reads Cini / ere/xit /hunc / lap/idem ('Cini erected

AN38.1 Llangaffo 12 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

196

THECATALOGUE

197

THE CATALOGUE

(1905: 22-6) read CUURIO, which he equated with MW Cywryd, but ni that case one would expect-T ratherthan

porschiadelangatoAnglary Pop.e Brondeg in

§- (cf. OW Bledcuurit = MW Blegywryt). CUURIL could

FUR SUIH

derive from the Latin/Greek cognomen Curillus (see

FILU

ably MWCyny, which isperhaps from Cinius (cf. Lórinez and Redó, 1994-2002: s.n.) (CIB: 30, 48 .n 162, 110-11,

Lórincz and Redó, 1994-2002: s.n. Cyrillus). CINI is prob-

VR

C U U R I L Capin CINI XT I

hunc ( A PI

SEIH AN38.2 Llangaffo 12 A, copy ofa drawing by Lhuyd orhis assistants (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 91) (Reproducedbypermission of the British Library).

ELEM

ERE

147, 156 n. 924, 181-2, 213, 216, 222, 233, 254, 255 n. 7, 257, 294 (no. 971/35)). (PS-W)

nos 970-1). Jackson dated the monument to the midseventh century contemporary with his dating of Llangadwaladr 1 (LHEB: 502), but Nash-Williams dated it more broadly from the seventh to the ninth century (ECMW: no. 35). It is, however, of a similar date to Llangadwaladr 1, though theuse of theerexit formula may indicate it is slightly later. Second quarter of the seventh century.

Although the surface of the stone renders it difficult to carve, t h e layout of the inscription is tailored to make use

DATE

o f the flattest areas. Gifford Charles-Edwards (2006: 9 1 -

L Stowe MS 1023, fo. 91; B L Add. REFERENCES B MSS 14907, fo. 185, fig., 14934, fo. 202, fig.; Lhuyd, 1695: col. 678; Jones, 1846: 428-9, fig.; Rowlands, 1846: 310; Williams, 1865; IBC: no. 148, 52, fig.; LW: 187-8, pl.

3) has demonstrated the similarity of many of the mixed-alphabet letter-forms on Llangaffo 12 to those on , uncial E, geoLlangadwaladr 1 (AN26) (e.g. Greek A metric 'gate' M and persuasively argued that the two

inscriptions werecarved by the same sculptor even though the former is horizontal and the latter vertical. In conclusion, this monument lies on the cuspbetween the early inscribed stones and later monuments with

inscriptions. Its simple form places it in the former while the naming of the patron with the formula erexit hun

the phrase used is Concenn . . . edificauit hunlapidem, and Llanhamlach 1 (B32), of tenth- or eleventh-century date, wheret h e inscription reads Moridic surexit / hanc lapidem. The word lapis, meaning a stone monument, is alsoused on the seventh-century cross-carved stone from Iona

otal position. Macalister placed both Llangadwaladr 1 and Llangaffo 12 amongst his later inscriptions (CIC, I:

lapidem points towards monuments of t h e ninth century onwards. The letter-forms. so similar to those on Llangadwaladr 1, and the language also suggest this piv-

83(7); Owen, 1896a: 140; Prichard, 1898: 290, fig.; Rhys, 1905: 22-8; Skinner, 1908: 30-2, fig. 18; Fenton, 1917: 333; Hughes, 1924: 55-7, fig. 80; RCAHMW, 1937: cvi, cvii, fig. 3, cxiv-cxv,8 9 ,pl. 19; Williams,1939: 35; CIC:

no. 971, 129, pl. XLIX; ECMW: no. 35, pl. XXIX, fig. 34; LHEB: 161, 188, 385-6, 502 .n 1, 620-1, 671; CISP: NBRGH/1; CIB: 30, 48 .n 162, 110-11, 147, 156 n. 924, 181-2, 213, 216, 222, 233, 254, 255 n. 7, 257, 294, 364, 378 (no. 971/35): D. G. Charles-Edwards. 2006: 91-3.

(Fisher, 2001: 128) and in Irish (lie) on theroman-letter inscribed stone from Inchagoill(Co. Galway) (CIC: no.

1), but the formulae are not the same, as well as on the Continent (Davies et al., 2000: 182).

LLANGEFNI (St Cyngar's Church) Area of SH 457.759

Language Brittonic Period 22-7. The names are probably

all post-apocope, although CINI

is ambiguous. .1 Roman-letter inscribed stone ECMW no. 26: CIIC no. 320

Twentieth-century commentators were unaware of the

drawing ni BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 91r,i n which the first four letters are GVRG, agreeing this far with Rhys's reading (1905: 22), G R G N I M . The first element is thus

Gwr 'man' < *wiro-, with /gw/ < /w/ implying a date no earlier than the seventh or eighth century (cf. CIB: 213, 288, 291). The following threeletters on the stone and in

the Stowe transcript appear at firstsight to be NIH or NIN (with two different types ofN ) , but bearing in mind the shapesof U andM elsewhere on the stone, two other possibilities are GVRGUIN (cf. OW Gurguin), with asecond

element gwyn 'white', or GVRGUM (cf. OB Gurcum, MB G(u)orcu(n)D), with cu(f 'dear'. The latter is less likely,

because spelling OW *Gurcum with g- rather than -cwould b eexceptional. If G R G N I N is indeed correct, one can compare the Gaulishname Sico-gninus (Raybould and Sims-Williams, 2009: 13, 23, 30, 199 and no. BEG 33). Ifor Williams (1980: 17-18) read CUURIS and

AN38.3 Llangaffo12 A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright:RCAHMW).

explained it as an early form of the MW personal name Cerys/Cyrys/Ceris, with the UU spelling being intended to

differentiate /u/ from /ü/, as in Modern Welsh wversus

u. If this name originally had -st, as the spelling in the "Nennian' recension of Historia Brittonum suggests(references i n CIB: 110n .603), ti is difficult to equate CUURIS

with it (at the date of the stone Irish influence seems an unlikely explanation for theloss of T -, unlike Llanfaelog 1 (AN12)). The final consonant is in fact unclear. Rhys

PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church porch in the base of the west tower, clamped to the eastwall and set in the floor.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Discovered beneath the foundations during demolition of the medieval church in 1824 and set upright in the churchyard on the

spot where it had been found (Lewis, 1833: Llangevni). In

1856. it stood in the churchyard, south-east of the new church (Westwood, 1856: 145) but was then moved into the church vestry (Jones. 1868: 167) and subsequently to

itspresent location (RCAHMW,1937: 90). DIMENSIONS

h. 133cm (52.25in.) above MGS × w.

A: 36 43cm (14 < 21 > 17in.) x d. 20cm (8in.) max.

AN39

STONE TYPE Pebbly sandstone (Ordovician). This was described previously as a 'schistose breccia slab'(LW. 189). The stone is heavily weathered and has no fresh sur-

faces. The weathered surfaces show a poorly sorted, green-grey, very fine-grained pebbly sandstone with subangular to sub-rounded clasts (30 60mm) of grey-green mudstone, pink, fine-grained acid volcanics and phyllite. A weak cleavage is present sub-parallel to Face A. The sidesa n d faces of the stone areformed by fracture orjoint surfaces and this suggests that the overall form of the stone is natural. This lithology closely resembles

Llantrisant1 (AN46)andLlanfaelog 1and2 (AN12-13).

This rock type is derived from the Ordovician of Anglesey, the nearest exposures of which lie a minimum

of11km to the north-west. Assuming the currentlocation

198

THE CATALOGUE

Interpretation:

a. Cvlidor|-] / iacit/ / Secundi

Translation:

b. et Orvvite /mvlieri a. '(of?)C u l i d o r Secundus, hel i e s

(here)' or '(of?) Culidor, he lies (here). Of Secundus' b. 'and Orvvite (his) wife'

"ACIT

a. Lines 1, 2 and 5 are justified to the left and have wellspaced and larger letters (h. 5 < 6.5cm/2 < 2.5in.)

ETOR U NITE SECUNDI

compared with b. lines 3 4 (h. 2 < 4.5cm/.75 < 1.5in). Both inscriptions are punched but the strokes of a. are

§

wider and some letters of b. appear squashed and poorly

formed. All lines areuneven. Both inscriptions are in capitals. a. C's have flat tops; inline 1, V is slightly rounded; in line 5 the top and bottom of S are flat. b. Inline 3, R has an open loop and the diagonal veers towards the horizontal; R in line 4h a s an open loop.

DISCUSSION The church at Llangefni islocated in the centre ofAnglesey on the Afon Cefni and near the head of Malltraeth Marsh. It has a Celtic dedication. The inscribeds t o n e indicates the early origins of the site at the

beginning of the early medieval period.

Thefact that the carving is so worn has led to various different readings of the inscription(s)

slightly

(Westwood, 1856: 144, 146; RCAHIMW, 1937: cvi; CIIC: no. 320; ECMW: no. 26; Knight, 1969a; CIB: 38-9; Tedeschi,2005:204). Hughes (1924: 46)was the first tentatively to distinguish between the relatively large letters

and careful and well-spaced layout of lines 1, 2and 5 and

the smaller, squashed, poorly executed appearance of

AN39. 1Llangefni IA (Crown copyright:RCAHMW,photo. Jean

50 Centimetres

Wil liam son ).

20Inches

was theoriginal site of the stone, this suggeststhat human transportation of the stone occurred, as the direction of m o v e m e n t does n o t c o r r e s p o n d with the direction o f gla-

cial movement on Anglesey. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION The top-right corner and right edge of A are damaged. Parts of the carving are extremely worn with serious damage to the end of line 1 of t h e inscription.

DESCRIPTION A rough, unshaped slab which tapers at the base and alsoslightly from the bottom to the top, which is slightly rounded.

AN39.2 Llangefni1 A, line-drawing ofinscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW). inscription contained within an o w fragmentary incised frame; theface withinthe frame has beendressed. The top of the frame consists of two uneven parallel horizontal

lines with a zigzag pattern between them; along the bottom is a thin horizontal line and there are traces of a vertical line down the left side. The inscription is in five lines and reads horizontally: CVLIDORI-I TACIT E T O RV VITE

A (broad): Just below the top of the stone is a protruding

MVLIERI

step. The face below is carved with aroman-letter Latin

SECVIDI

199

THE CATALOGUE

lines 3 and ,4 suggesting that they had been added later, and thishas generally been acceptedsince.

a. CVLIDOR is clear but there has been disagreement

b. Line 3 has generally been read et Orvvite, and this is supported by the visible evidence. However, this is difficult to interpret from the linguistic point of view (see

below) and there is the possibility that VVI have been

wrongly rendered by the mason. In line 4, all except

Westwood have read MVLIERI rather than MVLIER; though faint and rather far to the left of t h e R, the presence of a final I islikely. Two interpretations are possible sincet h e order ofa . is

puzzling. Either .a was carved first to commemorate

Culidor using an abbreviated Christian hic iacit formula and Secundus is an epithet or patronym. When Culidor's wife died b. was added withint h e frame in the space between thesecond and third lines of the original inscription. Or, a. could commemorate both Culidor and Secundus and h

w a s a d d e d later

to c o m m e m o r a t e the

wife of the latter. If correct, mvlieri (literally 'woman') is probably intended to be in the genitive case, though the case-ending has broken down - it should be mvlieris. It is an alternative term to coniu(n)x and wx(s)or ('wife'), and is also found on Llantrisant 1 (AN46)a n d Caerwys 1 (F1).

Language Brittonic Period 1-5, Irish Period 13-14 (if there is Irish apocope in CVLIDOR(I?), otherwise 1-14). Secundus 'second[-born]' is a well-known Latin cognomen

but the other names present problems. CVLIDOR(I)has been compared with MWKyledyr, but itisdifficult to find a satisfactory Britishetymology by which thelatter name

couldhave developed viaCVLIDOR(I).If one couldread CVLIDOV(I) or CVLIDOB(I) the name could be simply

equated with that on CIC no. 128, CULIDOVI, namely

O1 Cúldub 'black back [of the head]'. In any case, the name may share the sameIrish first element. Thesecond element is perhaps dor- as in Irish Dorch hound of/at the

it ni the gate; CVLIDOR(I could mean something like'posternsa to whether the name ends with an I, iplacing to the genitive case (as shown by Westwood and n CIC), or not. gate' (cf. Mod. Ir. cúl-doras 'backdoor'), alluding

Thedamage issuch thati t s presence orabsence cannot be satisfactorily resolved, though there is the possible frag-

bearer's defensivequalities (likedún 'fortress' in other personal names). If such an Irish name was borrowed into

(CIC: no. 320, fig.) and Radford (RCAHMW, 1937: cvi-

Welsh at the right stage it could havegiven MW Kyledyr. Alternatively, but less probably, a purely British etymology for CVLIDOR(I) (which will not suit Kyledyr however) si *Kon-slit-o-riks, from the root of Welsh derllyddu 'deserve, merit', cyllid 'income' and efrllid 'merit'.

followed by Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 26). However,

name like ETTO-RIGI on LIanbabo 1 (AN9). Therefore,

mentary remains of the lower half of a vertical stroke

beyond the R. Line 2 is clearly IACIT (therei s no traceo f

HIC, a slip by Tedeschi since ti si not shown ni his drawing); line 5, SECVNDI, is clear. Both Macalister

evii, fig.) tentatively added a sixth line reading FILIVS,

thism a y be dismissed since there are no traces of a n y let-

ters belowthe bottom of the frame. Alternatively, Knight suggested that FILIVS had been erased by the carvingof lines 3and 4, but there is no evidence tosupport this since, ift h e letters had been erased for the second inscription,

one wouldexpect thesurface of the face inthis area to be lower.

ETORVVITE cannot easily be segmented as an Irish

ET must be taken as the Latin conjunction 'and', as si indeed suggested by the layout of the stone. ORVVITE presumably has the Latinfeminine genitive E- (Classical -ae). ORVVIT- may bea feminine counterpart, *Orwita,t o

Welsh Erwvd(as in theplace-name Ponterwvd) W. -aid in a hypothetical Welsh name *Bywaid. One way

or other, the name may be more or less the same as, or a Welsh cognate of, BIVITI > OI Bithe(us)(CIC no. 246).

Alternatively, BIVATIS(I) could be a form of Brittonic *Biwofis ( 26cm (13 > 10.5in.) × d. 5cm (2in.) max. visible. STONE TYPE Andesite/dacite (Ordovician). This is a brown-grey volcanic rock, which weathers to a distinctive orange/pink colour (5YR 7/4 - 7.5YR 7/4). Its groundmassi s fine-grained and homogeneous, containingwhite

euhedral to anhedral plagioclase crystals (1-2mm). It si

of the churchyard (Anon.. 1926: 434) It was n o ti n c l u d e d in

additional character. The inscription therefore consists

PRESENT CONDITION

E C M Wb e c a u s e N a s h - Wi l l i a m sc o u l d n o t l o c a t e it ( E C M W . 88 n

simply of the personal name Melitv.

set into the wall using iron clamps at the top and rests on

Language Brittonic Period ?. The spelling of MELITV without S- may be Vulgar Latin (LHEB: 192); compare ANNICV at Lanivet in Cornwall (CIC: no. 465) and

A is visible. The top of themonument is probably missing. The remaining part has cracked across the centre; the

3.) and has not been locatedsubsequently (RCAHMW. 1960: по. 1081(iii), 110:R .T . I.E v a n s .2 0 0 4 -2 8 ) .A s e a r c h w a sm a d e o f the wall in g o o d o b l i q u e sunlight by N E in M a v 2007 ^e m o l l i c h s t o n e w i t h a n a p p r o x i m a t e M s h a n e on i t p r e s u m e d to he nat. ural w a s l o c a t e d int h ec e n t r a l p a r t

Arough slab(?).

A (broad): At the top oft h e surviving face is an inscription in two lines reading vertically downwards:

ALIORTVSELMETIACO HICIACET

1895: 146).

derived from the local area. (JH)

s t o n e w i t ha n M c a r v e d u p o ni tb u i l t intot h e e t e r n a l s o u t h wall

in line 1 of the inscription; the E in line 2 is also damaged, buto t h e r w i s et h ec a r v i n gi s ing o o d condition.

the single pock marks between E and La n dI and T seem to be punctus, but were probably also added after discovery; the second is similar to those making up the

I It hasb e e n claimed that there is the fragment of a third inscribed

filled with cement. The crack has damaged the second L

on the west wall of the north transept, 175cm (69in.) above MGS (SH3872 4482).

The stone is mounted and

stone blocksh e l d in place by cement at the bottom. Only

crack and joint with the stone supporthave been partially

Interpretation: AliortvsElmetiaco /hic iacet Translation: 'Aliortus from Elmet lies here' Theface isuneven and line 2 of the inscription is on a different facet from line 1 and positioned close to the angle. The lines of the inscription, which begin one above the other. are uneven and the letters havebeen placed to avoid the most uneven parts of the stone. The inscription is in capitals (h. 5 < 8cm/2 < 3.25in.), medium incised with quite broad lines using a punch. In line 1, the longhorizontal stroke of L slopes downwards and a smaller I is

tuckedabove ;ti the loop of R is closed and the diagonal si short; the long horizontal of T projects above the first

diagonal of V; the horizontal stroke of the second L slopes down; M is placed above the horizontal of L and the diagonals are widely spaced but do not meet on the

line; S and Care slightly angular, likewise the C's in line 2.

276

THE CATALOGUE

277

THE CATALOGUE

IAGO ANORTUSELMET LANCIACET

rather than the usual Vulgar Latin Insular spelling hic acit.

in Elmet, Aliortusmay bear a nickname 'stranger' (< Latin alius +ortus), an otherwiseunattested formation similar to OI ailithir (cf. CIC: no. 193 AILITHUR) and allmuir and

of thecommote of Elfed in Cantref Gwarthaf, located on

(no. 381/87)). (PS-W)

. allfro, allmon, allmyr, alltud. Alternatively, Aliortus to W example in south-west Wales on Llandeilo Fawr 1 could be a dissimilated form of a cognomen attested in Dacia in P. AELI(O]ARIORTO (CIL, III: 1559). Another (CM18), since this is also lost. Rhys argued (Anon., 1895: 146) that Elmetiaco might possibility is that the name is formed of the Celtic elerefer to a native, either of the British kingdom of Elmet or ments alio- and ortu- or vorto- (CIB: 56, 139-40, 185, 293 the western bank of the Gwili (Carms.) (Lloyd, 1939, :i

266; Richards, 1969: 66, 248). Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 87) favoured the former, but the latterwas revived by

Miller (1979: 10-11). While the latter is not impossible, the former remains a much more attractive hypothesis and, if correct, would be the earliest mention of this otherwise shadowy kingdom, the core of which, on the basis of place-names, was located east of the Pennines between the rivers Wharfe and Don in the vicinity of modern Leeds (Gruffydd, 1994: 63; Rollason, 2003: 85-7; Koch, 2006: map). Its capture and the expulsion of King

Ceretic by Edwin of Deira (616-33) are noted ni the early

ninth-century Historia Brittonum (Morris, 1980: ch. 63) and Bede makes a passing reference a century earlier

(Colgrave and Mynors, 1969: 4, ch. 23). The kingdom of Elmet seems therefore tohave existed in the post-Roman period prior to its early seventh-century conquest,

whereas the existence of the commote of Elfed cannot eb proved before the end of the early medieval period.

The early mention of a kingdom on this monument may be closely compared with the earliest reference to the kingdom of Gwynedd on Festiniog 1 (MR8) and the allusion to Dyed on St Dogwells 1 (P119).

CN20. I Llanaelhaearn 2A (Crown copyright:RCAHMW,photo.

Jean Williamson).

CN20.2Lianaelhaearn 2A , line-drawing ofinscription (Crown

DISCUSSION Like no. 1 this m o n u m e n t was f o u n d just outside the line of the old churchyard enclosure. The name gardd ysant ('the saint's garden')suggests that it was originally church land. There has been some disagreement about the precise reading of the first line of theinscription and thelocation

copyright: RCAHMW).

of word breaks. The reading given above was first sug. gested ni 1877(Anon., 1877: 328 and accepted by both Nash-Williams(ECMW: no. 87) andMacalister (CIIC: no. 381). However, Tedeschi (2005: 189) has recently suggested that the beginning of each line might be missing

and that the inscription should therefore beread: [-JALI

ORTVS ELMETIACO/ I_I HICIACET. Although the

top of the stone does seem to be missing, there is no

LanguageBrittonic Period 1-3. In keeping with his origin

This is the only definite example of the use of hic iacet amongst the Insular early inscribed stones. Although noted nearby onLlannor 4 (CN32), n o w lost, therecord is unreliable (see p. 49), as is that for t h e only other possible

Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 87) dated the monument to

the fifth or early sixth century and Jackson to the end of the fifth century (LHEB: 570). Tedeschi (1995: 117) first dated the epigraphy to the fifth century but subsequently to not later than the mid-sixth century (2005: 190). Such a date is supported by both the language and epigraphy. DATE

Fiftho r first halfo f the sixth century.

REFERENCES Westwood, 1867: 342, fig.; Rhys, 18746: 246-7; IBC: no. 146, fig.; LW: 179-80, pl. 82(4); Anon., 1877: 328; Rhys, 1877a: 386; Anon., 1895: 145-6; CIIC: no. 381, fig.; ECMW: no. 87, pl. IV, fig. 72; LHEB: 192 n. 2, 290, 570, 610; RCAHMW, 1960: no. 1081(i), pl. 6; Miller, 1979: 10-11; Dark, 1994: 110, 151-2, fig. 34; Gruffydd, 1994: 68-9; CISP: no. LAEL2/1; SimsWilliams, 2002: 6; CIB: 56, 139-40, 185, 293, 357, 372 (no. 381/87); R. T. J. Evans, 2004: 28-9, 32, fig. 6; Tedeschi, 2005: 189-90, pl. LXXXIII.

LLANDUDNO (Tyddyn Holland) Area of SH 8077 8170

r e a s o nt os u s p e c t t ha t the beginnings o f b o t h lines o f the

inscription have also been lost. First,t h e A in line 1 and the H in line 2 are carefully aligned. Secondly, if there had been further letters to the left, it is probable that fragmentary letters wouldstill be visible. The inscription comprises the name of the person commemorated, Aliortvs, in the nominative case, with a locational epithet reading Elmetiaco for Elmetiaco(s)

1. Roman-letter inscribed stone ECMWno. 83; CIIC no. 384

Eglwys-rhos (Llan-rhos), cemented into a niche in the

near Tyddyn Holand' (BL Add. MS 14907, fo. 1836: BL 872.L.25; Owen, 1896a: 138). In 1810. Fenton visited the

7931 8031).

Tyddyn Holland and commented that it had been re-

PRESENT LOCATION

In St Hilary's parish church,

south wall at the west end, 115cm (45in.) above MGS (SH

monument and noted it as on the roadside close to

erected (Fenton, 1917: 198). It was still ni that location

demonstrating the loss of finals, acompound of the name F i r s t r e c o r d e d in 1731

of theplace and a velar suffix (LHEB: 192 n. 2; Gruffydd,

E V I D E N C E FOR D I S C O V E RY

mula hic iacet, here in the Classical Latin form with an e

by Lewis Morris as situated between Bodafon and Rhiw, near a rock called Craig y Nodwydd-ddûr 'in the highway

1994: 69; CIB: 372). This is followed by the Christian for-

CN21

when Rhys saw it in 1876 (Rhys. 1877b: 135),b u t seems subsequently to have been moved from where it stood to

the west ofthe cottage as part of the wall of a pigsty toi n

278

THE CATALOGUE

CT are ligatured. In line 2, N is sprawlinga n d composed of separate strokes, S is sprawling and dips beneath the line. In line 3, CE are ligatured and R has an open loop and short diagonal.

SANC

cottage survives, Y Bwthyn, adjacent and to the east of

as a personal name by J. Lloyd-Jones (1931-63: 177 s.n.

Cristin) (he suggests emending to Seith[enh}in, however). There is a personal name Sacer( L o r i n z and Redo, 1994-

immediately south of theroad. There are wide views from

2002, iv: 41), but clearly SACERDOS si a preferable

the original site to the Little Orme and then westwards

reading, presumably to be taken as a title rather than as

hillfort of Degannwy (Edwards andLane, 1988: 50-3),

though not visible from the site, is located 3.5km (2.2 miles) tot h esouth-west.

There has been considerable debate a b o u t the correct

reading of the inscription, primarilybecause of damage to the carved face, and there has been some suggestion that the ends of one or more of the lines may be missing, or

front of it (Gardner, 1906-7: 17). Transferred to its

thin in Gwawt Llud y mawri n the Booko fTaliesin, treated

HollandVilla; this might be the original Tyddyn Holland. Craig y Nodwydd-ddûri s the prominent rock whichrises across Orme Bay to the Great Orme and West Shore. The

CN21.2 Llandudno 1A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown

that it may have been recut or otherwise tampered with (Rhys. 1877b: 135). Rhys originally read theinscription as SANCT / FILIVS / SACER and suggested that line 4 might be the date 1618. He thought that the first line was

PRESENT CONDITION

CN21.1 Llandudno I A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

either a bishop or a priest; it is also used on Llantrisant 1 (AN46)(see p. 214). Llandudno 1 is, therefore, one of the small number of inscriptions in western Britain that provides important evidencefor an organized church in the post-Roman centuries (seep. 55).

DISCUSSION Although first noted standing on a routeway (now a narrow lane called Bodafon Road), Language Brittonic Period 1-15. Latin Sanctinus is well nothing is known about the original archaeological con- attested on the Continent (Kajanto, 1965: 252; Lorincz text of the monument. The site si approximately thato f andRedo, 1994-2002, iv: 47) and isthe source of MWseiHolland Villa, west of Bodafon School. However, one old

PAGR

279

THE CATALOGUE

the attested cognomen Sacerdos (Lórincz and Redó, 19942002, iv: 42) (CIB: 143, 156 .n 924, 178, 184, 215 (no. 384/83)). (PS-W)

The use of a horizontal inscription has severely limited the length of individual lines and the surface of the stone seems pretty intractable and uneven; the generally poorly

formed and sprawling letters, as well as the rather curious

ligatures, especially CT at the end of line 1, probably reflect this. The A without a cross-bar in line 1, thereby requiring minimal effort, is also found on lower grade

Roman inscriptions (e.g. RIB: nos 395, 645, 786, 902, 904). The separate barsof N in line 2 may indicate the . G. Charlesinfluence of lettering on metal (cf. D Edwards, 2006: fig. 5.9).

present location ni 1908 (Anon., 1908b; plaque ni

copyright: RAHMW).

DIMENSIONS

There si damage to the face

incomplete and might originally have read either Sanctanvs or Sanctagns. He later suggested SANCT/ ANVS / SACER/...S and indicated that the second word

of A, particularly toline 4 of the inscription where the surface has partially laminated away; the rest of the

might be sacerdos (Rhys, 1897: 140). Macalister read

Nash-Williams dated thei n s c r i p t i o n to the fi f t h or early

SANCEY/RINS/ SACER/DOS (CIIC no. 384).

sixth century (ECMW no. 83), Jackson to the early sixth

inscriptioni sw o r n . Ci s notc u r r e n t l yvisible.

However, this was dismissed by Ifor Williams (1943-4:

church).

h. 95cm (37.5in.) × w. 52 > 36cm (20.5 > 14in.) × d. 33cm (13in.) max.

STONE TYPE

Picrite. The stone is dark green, weath-

ering brownish, typical of basic igneous rocks. The texture is relatively homogenous, coarse-grained (510mm) and is composed ofprismatic ferromagnesian minerals (clinopyroxene or amphibole) and interstitial,

anhedral white plagioclase. The stone is an unmodified

natural boulder, which is mostly covered by aweathering crust. In thin section the rock (acc. no. NMW

78.58G.R.869) is seen tocomprise partiallyaltered plagio-

clase and olivine, associated with much secondary

chlorite. This suggests that this rock is picritic rather than

gabbroic incomposition.The immediate bedrockgeology

does not include gabbroic rocks; the nearestexposures of basic and ultra-basic rocksl i e approximately 10km tot h e south-west at Tal-y-fan. Although it is possible that a block of these dimensions might have been transported from higher ground by glacial action, it is also considered

possible that human action has been involved ni locating

the block at the find site. (JH and HS)

DESCRIPTION

A large, rough, rounded, unshaped

boulder.

A (broad): The face is uneven. In the centre is a roman-

letter, Latin inscription infour lines reading horizontally:

156) in favour of SANCT/INS / SACER/DOS. NashWilliams suggested SANCT(?)/INS / SACE(?)R(dos?) / I[N] P(ace) (ECMW: no. 83), but Knight (1969b: 23) indicated that the final ni pace did not exist and that it should indeed be read SANCT/INS / SACER/DOS, the reading favoured by Tedeschi (2005: 208) and also here.

SANCT

Although B is very rough and uneven, the top of the face does not seem to have been lost and therefore the

INVS

SACER

monument and theinscription are complete. Theletters ni

DO]S

lines 1-3 are reasonably clear. In line 4, althought h e sur-

face of the stone has been partially lost, sufficient is still Interpretation:

S a n c t l i n u s I s a c e r /d o s

Translation: 'Sanctinust h e priest' The inscription is unevenly set out with each line centred

and the letters, entirely capitals, deeply incised (h. 7
25.5cm (24.5 > 10in.) × d. 23cm (9in.) visible.

crosses.

STONE TYPE

DATE

Microgabbro. The deeply brown-

Seventh toninth century.

w e a t h e r e d s t o n e s h o w s n o e v i d e n c e o f its p r i m a r y texture

LLANGYBI (Cefn-coch)

and mineralogy. However, the weathering style si suggestive of a weathered dolerite/gabbro. Without further

SH 4209 4086 2. C r o s s - c a r v e d stone PRESENT LOCATION

CN28 Set into a bank on the east

side of the lane to Cefn-coch at its junction with the road, approximately 800m (875yds) west-south-west of St Cybi's Church.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

First noted in its

present location in 1956 (RCAHMW, 1960: no. 1263, 204).

REFERENCES RCAHMW, 1960: no. 1263, 204; Radford and Hemp, 1961: 151, fig. 4(6).

288

THE CATALOGUE

289

THE CATALOGUE

LLANNOR (Holy Cross Church) Area of SH 3537 3725

1. Incomplete roman-letterinscribed stone ECMW: no. 95; CIC: no. 387 PRESENTLOCATION Set intot h e floor in the southwest corner of thechurch porch (SH 3539 3726). EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

First recorded by

Lhuyd or his associates c. 1698 as 'Pitched on End in the

hedge by the Gate Post of Llannor Ch yard' (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 128). Next noted in 1856 reused as the

western jamb of the churchyard gate (LW: 181). In 1905,

CN29

Interpretation: Figlini fili /Locvliti / hiciacit Translation: 'of Figulinus son of Loculitus, here he lies'

The inscription si incised using a punch with broad, shallow lines making a 'U' section. It si very unevenly set

out and the letters are of widely varying size (h. 5 < 9cm/2 < 3.5in.). It isi n capitals with minusculeH. In line

1, F is cursive, G uncial but also similar to an S, V si

it was in the churchyard (Rhys, 1905: 84) but was moved

tucked above and to the right of G, the horizontal of L

into the church before1926 (Anon., 1926: 435).

slopes steeply downwards. Inline 2, L's arelarge, thehorizontal o f thefi r s t slopes d o w n w a r d s , the second slightly

DIMENSIONS

h.

152cm (59.75in.) above M G S × w.

37 < 41 >26cm (14.5 < 16 > 10in.)× d. 36cm (14in.)max. STONE TYPE

Dolerite (Ordovician). Previouslv iden-

tified as slate (RCAHMW, 1964: 82), examination shows

homogeneous (grain size 1.5-Imm) dolerite composed of plagioclase, with white albite alteration rims, and dark

DISCUSSION Llannor Church is located in the southeastern part ofLlyn.

Macalister (CIC: no. 387, 366) claimed that themonument was found not there but on the farm at Penprys (see no. 2), but this si erroneous since Lhuyd first records it at

ferromagnesian minerals (clinopyroxene/amphibole). The form of the stone is natural, the main faces being

the entrance to the churchyard (BL Stowe MS 1023. fo. 128). Therefore, it was probably associated with an early

bounded byjoint surfaces coated by a weathering crust. It

cemetery on the site of the church.

is likely that this is derived from the local Ordovician

igneousr o c k s . (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION The bottom of the stone is missing. Only A and B are currently visible. There is ahole at the topo f Awith a fragmentary iron gate-hanger still in it and four gate-hanger holes near the bottom of the face which have damaged parts of lines 2 and 3 of the inscription. The lettering is worn.

DESCRIPTION An incomplete natural, irregular quadrangular pillar which tapers towards the top and

The fact that the inscription is located immediately above the MGS indicates that the bottom of the monument ismissing. The pillar, which couldhavebeena t least 60cm (24in.) taller than it is now, was probably cut down for reuse as a gatepost. Originally it would have been a very tall and impressive monument similar to Llannor 2 and 3. Some damage to the letteringled toincompletea n d

disputed interpretations of line 2 in the nineteenth century: LOCV...EI (LW: 181) and LOCV....TI (Anon., 1877: 329). However, the reading is clear and comprises the X ' son of Y' formula in the genitive case followedby the Christian hic iacit formula.

bottom.

Language Brittonic Period 13. The Latin cognomen A (broad): Towards the bottom of the visible face is a roman-letter, Latin inscription in three lines readingverti-

Figulus meant 'potter' and the adjective fig(u)linus meant

'belonging to a potter'; the feminine is attested as a cog-

cally downwards:

nomen in Italy and Aquitania: Figuli(na) and Figlina (< Figulina) (CIL, V: 995; XIII: 1230: Kajanto, 1965: 322;

FIGVLINIFILLI

Lorinez and Redó, 1994-2002, ii: 140). Figulinus' father's

LOCVLITI HICILAICIT

BO RL AT

this lithology to be a pale weathering, dark blue-grey,

upwards. In line 3, H isminuscule H andI T are raised above the line.

name LOCVLITI is probably OW Liclit, Mod.W. Ilychlyd

'dusty, earthy'. This would be an appropriate nickname in the potter's profession, although we cannot assume that

50 Centimetres

CN29.1 Llannor 1A(Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

Figulinusw a s more than a name as opposed to a profes-

sion like medicus on Llangian I (CN25) above. It is less likely that LOCV- si OI loch 'dark, black', as ni CIC nos

CN29.2 Llannor I A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW.

here is obscure, though they might be hereditary. Rhys

170 OENILOCI and 192 OENILOCIAIGNI > OI Cellach, and Cennlachán, Cellachán (CIB: 124, 147, 150-1,

(1905: 84) suggested that Figvlins might be aspecifically Christian name referring to St Paul's words' B u t we have

221, 254-5, 270, 294 (no. 387/95)). (PS-W)

this treasure in e a r t h e n vessels' ( I C o r i n t h i a n s 4: 7). b u t

Although the names of both father and son may refert o potters, there is no archaeological evidence to support a local ceramictradition in Wales in the post-Roman period (Edwards andLane, 1988: 3). Therefore, their significance

fig. 55) argued that this was one of a group of early inscribed stones incorporating elements of biblical style and rudimentary Christian images within thetext, but this may be discounted(McKee and McKee, 2002).

there si no supporting evidence, Thomas (1998: 140-2,

290

THE CATALOGUE

Tedeschi (2005: 207) suggested that the second FI in line 1 was conjoined and that LI might also be. Therei s no evidence for this but the lettering does have some cursive

tendencies and includes minuscule H and, because of

their smaller size and position, this may be followed by

minuscule IC, together suggesting that the inscription si late in the series. This issupported by the combination of ' son of Y' formulae and thelanguage the hic iacit and X suggesting aseventh-century date (CIB: 291).

Nash-Williams dated the lettering to the sixth century.

Tedeschi (1995: 119)initially dated itt o the second halfo f the sixth but later modified this to the sixth century

DATE

291

THE CATALOGUE

Early seventh century.

REFERENCES

BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 128; IBC: no.

138, 49; LW: 181, pl. 81(4); Anon., 1877: 329; Rhys, 1879:

367; Rhys, 1905: 84-5; Anon., 1926: 435; CIC: no. 387, 366, fig.; ECMW: no. 95, pl. VIII, fig. 77; RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1674, 82; Tedeschi, 1995: 119; Thomas, 1998: 140-2, fig. 55; CISP: LLNR2/1; Sims-Williams, 2002: 5-6; CIB: 124, 147, 150-1, 221, 254-5, 270, 294, 358, 372 (no. 387/95); Tedeschi, 2005: 206-7, pl. XCVI (no.

Gn-28).

(Tedeschi, 2005: 207). However, as indicated above, a Cast: acc. no. NMW 02.183. slightly later date for the monument issuggested here.

LLANNOR

(Tir-gwyn) S H 344 3 9 0

CN30

2. Roman-letter inscribed stone ECMW: no. 96; CIIC: no. 390 PRESENT LOCATION Displayed in the porch of Oriel Plas Glyn-y-Weddw, Llanbedrog (SH 32903143).

100× 10mm. Thisi sa distinctive volcaniclithology and is

considered to be trachydacite from the Llanbedrog Volcanic Group. Although columnar jointing has been EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Discovered withno. 3 recorded from the Penman Formation (Matley, 1938), shortly before 1833 ni a field known as Cae Man Hir, near the textures most closely resemble those described from the cottage calledBeudy-y-Mynydd atTir-gwyn. When a the Carneddol Rhyolitic Tuff Formation (Young et al., hedge was pulled down a grave was uncovered at right 2002). (JH)

angles toit. There were some remains of human bones

PRESENT CONDITION

north. Llannor 2 and 3 formedthe eastern and western

modern concrete base obscuring the bottom of the monument. The inscription is very worn.

and the feet of the skeleton were oriented towards the

sides of t h e grave which also had stones at the head and foot and twocovering slabs (Lewis, 1833: Llannor; Jones Parry and Westwood, 1847: 201). The inscribed stones were reburied c. 1856 (Anon., 1859a) buteventually redis-

coveredi n 1876 (Anon., 1876; Breese,1877; Rhys, 1877b:

141-2). They were reinterred almost immediately (Anon., 1877: 329) but .c 1895 themonuments were dug up and

transported to Oxford (Breese, 1925: 387) where they

w e r e d i s p l a v e d in t h e A s h m o l e a n M u s e u m u n t i l

1993

when they were returned tot h e L I n toOriel Plas Glyn-yWeddw.

DIMENSIONS h. 170cm (67in.) visible × w. 25.5 > 23cm (10> 9in.)× d. 15cm (6in.) approx. STONE TYPE

Acid (Ignimbrite) tuff (Ordovician).

The fine-grained matrix is weathered a light cream-grey, which contrasts with dark, flattened pumice clasts up to

CN30.2 Llanor 2A, detailof the inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson). discovered in the earlier nineteenth century, sufficient details can be pieced together to enable the approximate

The pillaris mounted ni a

location o f the site to be k n o w nw i t h reasonable accuracy.

Beudy-y-Mynydd was demolished in the mid-nineteenth century (Rhys, 1877b: 141) but its position has been pin-

DESCRIPTION A tall, thin, natural pillar of uneven hexagonalsection withcarving on Aonly. A:

A

roman-letter

inscrintion

is l o c a t e d

pointed as SH 3442 3908 (RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1675).

This is int h esouthern central part of Cae Maen Hir (Field of the Long Stone') on Tir-gwyn Farm (Lewis, 1833: Llannor: Breese, 1925: 385). In the north-eastern and south-western corners oft h e field, about 190m (210 yds)

towards the

middle of the pillar, t h e surface of which is very rough. It

apart, are two prominent late Neolithic or Bronze Age

r e a d s v e r t i c a l l yd o w n w a r d s

standing stones (RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1676, 83). Surface

VENDESETLI CN30.1 Llannor 2 Aand B(Crowncopyright: RCAHMW, photo. Translation: 'ofVendeset!'

J e a n Williamson).

The inscription is unevenly set out. It is in capitals (h. 6.5 < 8cm/2.5 < 3.25in.), lightly incised in thin lines using a punch. The first stroke of N is lower than the last; S, which is slightly angular, rises above the line; ET are conjoined.

DISCUSSION

Llannor 2 and 3 were reused as thesides

o f a n o r t h - s o u t h o r i e n t e d long-cist grave. T h i s s e e m s t o

have been part of a larger cemetery with other stone-lined graves since further slabs have been turned up during

ploughing (Breese, 1925: 387). Even though the grave was

finds from the field include an early Bronze Age convex flint knife, found near the southern stone, might originally have been associated with a (Smith. 2004: 28-9). Although Breese's account

planowhich burial (1925:

385) is confused about the positions of the two standing

stones in relation to each other, the inscribed stones were certainly dug up near to one of them (Jones Parry and Westwood. 1847: 201). The proximity of Beudy-y-

Mynydd to the southern standing stone suggests thatthis

292

THE CATALOGUE

is them o r e likely. Althoughn o names for the prehistoric

standing stones are known, they are the only recorded

examples in the vicinity ofPenprys, soi t seems likely that Llannor 4, noted by Lhuyd as coming from Lech Gynva

rwyl and also associated with long-cist graves (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88), is from the same site. It may be argued that the inscribed stones originally

293

THE C ATA L O G U E

gesting that the inscribed stone was the tombstone of the saint. This led Nash-Williams (1938a: 35) to date the

DATE

monument to the sixth century, based on the connection

REFERENCES Lewis, 1833: Llannor; Jones Parryand Westwood, 1847: fig; Anon., 1859a; Anon., 1876; IBC: no. 139, 49, fig.; LW: 180-1, pl. 78(5); Breese, 1877; Rhys, 1877a: 385-6; Rhys, 1877b: 141-4; Anon., 1877: 329; Rhys, 1879: 366-7; Breese, 1925; Anon., 1926: 435-6;

Later fifth or first half of the sixth century.

marked graves in the cemetery but were at some point reused. Itseems most unlikely that theoriginal purposeo f Llannor2 a n d 3was as thesides of along-cistgrave, especially because their shape is not idealf o rt h e purpose and since they commemorate two different individuals and evidence of only one skeleton was noted in the grave. Although it has been suggested that any association

of this assumed link, suggesting that at best it might be a family name oft h e elite in the locality rather than the memorialo ft h e saint.

366-8, fig.; ECMW: no. 96, p.l VIII, fig. 79; LHEB: 325,

between the inscribed stones and the prehistoric standing

Although Nash-Williams (ECMW, no. 96) dated the

RAHMW, 1964: no. 1675(i), 82-3; Dark, 1992: 54;

stones si uncertain (RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1676, 83), this

is surely not the case, especially when the landscape context and the prominence of the latter within it are considered. Cae Maen Hir is a fairly level field at 93m (305ft) OD. It forms part of a natural amphitheatre with

impressive views of hills and mountains in almost all

VENDESERI

directions: to the north-east Yr Eifl, to the north-west Mynydd Nefyn and Garn Boduan and to the south-west Carn Fadryn andMynydd Rhiw, withm o r e distant views of Snowdonia to the east and south-east. When they were standing the tall, thin hexagonal forms of the pillars would have contrasted with the irregular, more massive and slightly curved prehistoric standing stones (cf. contrasting groups of prehistoric standing stones at Machrie,

with the supposed sixth-century saint. It has even been

suggested that his body was translated from Tir-gwyn to the site of the parish church (Radford and Hemp, 1961: 147). However, Jackson (LHEB: 325) was rightly critical

function, not merely asmemorialst o the dead, but also as

The width of A, on which the inscription is carved, is quite narrow (12.75cm/5in. max.). The hardness of the stone would have made it difficult to carve and it would always have been difficult to see the letters on the rough surfaceo ft h e stone, especially the horizontallineswhich are set against the grain. The inscription may therefore have been picked out with paint. It simply records the n a m e o f t h e m a nc o m m e m o r a t e d in t h e g e n i t i v e case.

Language Brittonic Period 2-6. VENDESETLI herei s a more conservative spelling of the name written VENNISETLI at St Ishmaels (CM40), both corresponding to

Welsh Gwynhoed, a compound of *windo. 'white, holy' and *saitlo- 'life' (see vol. II: 278) (CIB: 11, 39-40, 74, 78, 106, 122, 196, 211, 217, 253 (no. 390/96). (PS-W)

521, 645;

Radford and

Hemp,

1961:

147;

Tedeschi, 1995: 117; Swift, 1997: 93; Edwards, 2001: 19;

link with the saint, the letter-forms led Jackson (LHEB: 521) to date it to the fifth century. Tedeschi (1995: 117)

CISP. no. LLNR3/1; CIB: 11, 39-40, 74, 78, 106, 122, 196,211, 217, 253, 358, 370 (no. 390/96); Tedeschi, 2005:

likewise initially dated the lettering to the fifth but later

190-1, p.l LXXXIV(no. Gn-16).

revised this to the fifth or first half of the sixth century

(Tedeschi, 2005: 191). The capital letter-forms combined with thelinguistic evidence suggest ad a t e in thelater fifth or first half of the sixth century.

LLANNOR

(Tir-gwyn) SH 344 390

examples of the intentional reuse of prehistoric sites for

visual markers ofland-ownershipstretching backintothe 'ancestral' past, whetherreal or invented(Edwards, 2001: 19-20, 22-3).

512,

monument to the sixth century because of the supposed

Isle of Arran). The sitingsuggests that Llannor 2-4 are

burial ni the post-Roman period in Wales and point to a

Nash-Williams, 1938a: 35-7, fig. 4(II); CIC: no. 390,

CN31

3. Roman-letter inscribed stone ECMW: no. 97; CIIC: no. 389 PRESENTLOCATION

As no. 2.

been destroyed by flaking of the stone face and some o t h e rl e t t e r sa r e d a m a g e d .

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

DIMENSIONS

As no. 2.

DESCRIPTION

A tall, thin, irregular natural hexag-

h. 156cm (61.5in.) visible × w. 25 > onal pillar with carving on Aonly.

23cm (10 > 9in.) approx. × d. 17.5 > 15cm (7 > 6in.) approx.

STONE TYPE Rhyolite/rhyolitic tuff (Ordovician). Homogeneous, aphyric, dark grey, with a mid-brown weathering crust. The lithology has aglossylustreindicative of silica-rich rocks and acrude cleavage, sub-parallel to Face A. The form of the stone is a columnar pillar bounded bynatural cooling joint surfaces. This islocally derived, possibly from the lithic-poor part of the Nant y Gledrydd members of the Carneddol Rhvolitic Tuff

A: The surface is unevena n d pitted inplaces. Theromanletter, Latin inscription is in two lines reading vertically downwards, covering almost the whole length of the face. It reads:

IOVENALIFILI ETERNI HICIACIT Interpretation: Iovenali fili / Eterni hiciacit Translation: 'of Iovenaliss o n of Eternus, here he lies'

F o r m a t i o n (Gibbons and Young, 1999). (JH)

CN30.3 Llannor 2 A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Thereh a s been considerablediscussion of the name. Rhys (1877b: 142-4) was the first to link Vendesetl with St Gwynhoed! (thesaintt o whom the church in the parish

of Llangwnnadl further downtheLlyn is dedicated), sug-

PRESENT CONDITION The break on the top left of A may be comparatively recent. The inscription is very weathered, especially the end of line 2; the last letter has

Line 2 of the inscription is set close to line 1 but extends beyond it straggling towards themiddle ofthe face. There are spaces between the words in line 2 and the letters are widely spaced. The inscription is lightly incised with

294 mediumlines using a punch and then chased. The inscription is in uneven capitals (h. 6 < 9cm/2.5 < 3.5in.); straight lines tend to be slightly curved while curves are angled. In line 1, the first vertical of N is shorter than the second, the verticals of both L's slope backwards, the angles appear curved and the horizontals veer diagonally

upwards. In line 2, R has aclosed loop;the first vertical of

THEC ATA L O G U E

DISCUSSION

For the archaeological contextseeno. .2

The inscription consists o f the 'X son ofY' formula in the

genitive case followed by the Christian hic iacit formula.

The present reading was first given by Rhys (1877b: 142)

and is clear apart from the penultimate letter of line 2 which Macalister (CIIC: no. 389) showed in his drawing, but not in his text, as E rather than I, giving acet rather

the N is lower than the second and the diagonal veers towards the horizontal; the terminal of the final I curves to the right, as does that of thefinal T.

295

THE C ATA L O G U E

than iacit. The top of the letter is damaged and the bottom curves diagonally down to the right. However, the form is dissimilar to other E's in the inscription and the horizontal line at the top belongs to thefollowing T.

Nash-Williams dated the monument by i t s association with no. 1 and thelettering (on the basis of his interpretation of thefinal T approximating to a half-uncial form) to

the sixth century (Nash-Williams, 1938a: 35; ECMW: no.

97). Jackson dated it to the mid-sixth century (LHEB:

Language Brittonic Period 1-3 (if writing of A for /a:/ > 291). Tedeschi (1995: 117) first dated it to fifth centurybut

/ : / issignificant) or (ifnot) 1-7 (if the retention of ERN in ETERNI is significant, which is not certain) or (if not) 1-20. Iovenalis (Classical Latin luvenalis) developed into

OW louanaul. ETERNI is the genitive of Latin Aeternus 'lasting, immortal', and occurs ni other Welsh inscrip-

tions: Clydai 2 (P14) ETTERNI] / / ETTERNI; Barmouth 2 (MR2) AETERN[I?] ET AETERNE?] (cf. Margam 1 (Margam Mountain) (G77) ETERNALI). It gives MW Edyrn (and the more Latinate Edern) and Breton Edern. Kajanto (1965: 18, 274) notes that Aeternus

TOVENAS

and Aeternalis had both been popular in Gaul. For Aeternalis and Aeternai nRomanBritain, see CIB: 56, 98 n. 515 (CIB 56. 80. 93 n. 478, 98. 149 n. 886, 173, 228 (no. 389/97)). (PS-W)

The A in line I does not have an angle-bar as NashWilliams suggested (ECMW: no. 97) but the letter-forms

do show some later features. In line 2, N veers towards being H-shaped and the terminals of the final I and T appear tohaveminuscule tendencies.

has revised this to the first half of the sixth (Tedeschi,

2005: 192). The lettering, together with the combination of thehic iacit and 'Xson of Y' formulae suggest that this

is appropriate and the linguistic evidence is not at odds witht h i s .

DATE

First half oft h e sixth century.

REFERENCES Lewis, 1833: Llannor; Jones Parry and Westwood, 1847: fig. 1; Anon., 1859a; Westwood, 1860a:

226; Brash, 1874: 278-9; Anon., 1876; IBC: no. 139, 49, fig.; LW: 180-1, pl. 78(6); Breese, 1877; Rhys, 1877a: 385; Rhys, 1877b: 141-2; Anon., 1877: 329; Rhys, 1879: 366; Breese, 1925; Anon., 1926: 435-6; O'Neil, 1932: 106, fig. 4; Nash-Williams, 1938a: 35-7, fig. 4(1); CIIC: no. 389, 366-7, fig.; ECMW: no. 97, pl. VIII, fig. 78; LHEB: 291, 385 n. 1; Tedeschi, 1995: 117; Edwards, 2001: 19; CISP:

no. LLNR3/2; Sims-Williams, 2002: 16; CIB: 56, 80, 93 n. 478, 98, 149 n. 886, 173, 228, 358, 372 (no. 389/97); Tedeschi, 2005: 191-2, pl. LXXXV (no. Gn-17).

LLANNOR (Lhech Gynva rwyl) SH 344 390? CN32

4. Roman-letter inscribed stone ECMW no. 94; CIC n . 388 Lost.

DIME NSIO NS

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY This monument was

STONE TYPE

PRESENT LOCATION

notedb y Lhuyd or one of his associates c.1698 as 'one of 3 or 4 found under ground (in the form of Graves at Lhech Gynva rwyl at Penprys in Lhannor Parish' and thencopied by anunknown hand (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo.

88). It is nextreferred to by Pennant ni 1781, but he had not seen the stone himself (Pennant, 1778-83, i: 211).

Instead. he refers to the lost Sebright manuscripts of Lhurd which note that the monument had been placed

CN31. 1 Llannor3 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

over a stable door at Penprys (SH 3480 3950; RAHMW, 1964: no. 1569,80). I t had disappeared before 1847 (Jones CN31.2 Llannor 3A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Parrya n d Westwood. 1847: 202).

Not known.

Not known.

PRESENT CONDITION DESCRIPTION

Lost.

F o r the reading o f the inscription, we

are dependent upon that copied ni B L Stowe MS 1023. This is in two lines a n d reads:

(DERVORI

HICIACIT) Interpretation: Dervori / hic iacit Translation:' o fDervorius (orDervorix), here helies'

296

THE CATALOGUE

297

THEC ATA L O G U E

NEFYN (NEVIN) (Ty'n-y-cae Farm)

Thricone was one of 3.20 4.found under Ground ni the ofm r

othe Grann at lich Gynen remy| at Inpays ni a thipe. D E RV O R I HICIACIT

CN32 Llannor 4, inscription, copy of adrawing by Lhuyd or his assistants (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88) (Reproduced by permissiono f the British Library). The letter-forms are shown as capitals. The second R has the diagonal strokeshown as horizontal.

DISCUSSION The original location of the monument indicates that,like Llannor 2 and 3,itwas foundreusedas part of a long-cist grave. Thesite of the graves at 'Lhech Gynva wyl' seemst o refer to astandingstone. It istherefore likely that this monument came from the same

Language Brittonic Period 1-5, Irish Period 1-2. DER-

VORI may be a Welsh or Irish nominative from *Dervorix

with loss of the final consonant, or a Latin genitive of a

Latinizedversion *Dervorius. If i t is Irish, -O- as composi-

Nash-Williams dated the monument to the fifth or early

sixth century (ECMW: no. 94).Since the stone is lost only abroad estimate of date si possible.

copies. Thefirst (BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88), DERVORI/

DATE Fifth orsixth century.

rected P e n n a n t s i n c e h e w a s u n a w a r e o f t h e o t h e r c o p y.

The inscription consists of a personal name in thegenitive case with the Christian hic a c i t formula.

REFERENCES

BL Stowe MS 1023, fo. 88; Pennant,

1778-83, ni: 211; Gough, 1789, it: 554; Jones Parry and Westwood, 1847: 202; LW: 183; CIIC: no. 388, 366; ECMW:no. 94; RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1659, 80; CISP: no. LLNR1/1; Edwards, 2001: 19; CIB: 32, 72, 116, 187, 304-5, 318,358, 372 (no. 388/94).

rate strokes which meet in the centre of the cross-head

and is incised using broad lines, quite deeply cut.

4107).

EVIDENCE FORDISCOVERY First noted in 1896 in its present position. Thirty to forty years before it had been located on the farm in afi e l d known as Cae Pen-yMaen. It had stood, with the cross facing thesea, on top o f aslight mound in which bones h a d been found and bones had alsobeen turned up by the plough in thes a m e field. It was located on the parish boundary between Nefyn and Pistyll and close to the footpath to Pistyll (Owen, 1896b: 170-1).

STONE TYPE Porphyritic andesite (Ordovician). Andesite containing clear (fresh) and white (altered)

more northerly of the two standingstones at Tir-gwyn. It is unclear whether the inscription washorizontal or

but Macalister (CIIC: no. 388, 366) appears to have cor-

Reused as the lintel above the

388/94)). (PS-W)

located approximately 500m (550yds) north-east of the

HIC IACIT, is the more accurate since it is adirect copy of theoriginal. The second, byPennant(1778-83, i: 211), gives DERVORI hic jacet, and has therefore been 'corrected'. Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 94) follows Pennant

PRESENT LOCATION

door of the former cow-house at Tyn-y-cae (SH 3125

DIMENSIONS h. 143cm (56.25in.) (13.75in.) × d. 23cm (9in.)approx.

element *derwo- 'oak' or 'true' appears in DERVACI on Ystradfellte 1(B50)(CIB: 32, 72,116, 187, 304-5, 318 (no.

CN33

.1 Incomplete cross-carved stone ECMW no. 99

tion vowel could be due to thepreceding labial. The same

cemeteryat Tir-gwyn as Llannor 2 and 3. Penprys is

vertical. T h et w o readings both stem from Lhuyd, but are

Area of SH 312 410

DISCUSSION The description of the original location of the monument suggests that i t came from the site ofa cemetery which did not later become a parish church. The m o n u m e n t c o u l d havem a r k e de i t h e r a grave o ra c t e d as a

focus within the cemetery.

× w. 35cm

euhedral p l a g i o c l a s e crystals in a g r e y - g r e e n groundmass.

The stone has a pale cream weathering crust. The stone

was probably originally definedby joint surfaces (as now represented by the weathering crust-coated surfaces) which have been modified by subsequent trimming for building use(surfaces where weathering crust is missing). This is locally derived from thenorthern equivalent of the

Penman Formation, porphyritic basaltictrachyandesites

seen around Pwilheli (Gibbonsand Young, 1999). (JH) PRESENT CONDITION

Only A is visible and the top

of the upperlong side is partially obscured bymortar. The

monument has been roughly trimmed and reshaped for

use as a lintel. including cutting away the b o t t o m a n d

faces Band D.This has destroyed the left horizontalcrossarm of t h e cross; otherwise the carving is weathered but clear.

DESCRIPTION A rough pillar, now incomplete, with carving reported on A only (Owen, 1896b: 170). A (broad): Near the top of the surviving face is a linear Latin cross (h. 42cm/16.5in.) with triangular expansions at the terminals o ft h e two surviving cross-arms a n d at t h e b o t t o m o f t h e stem.

T h ec r o s s is c o m p o s e d o f f o u r sena-

CN33 Nefyn 1A (Crowncopyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

298

THE CATALOGUE m o n u m e n t s but a similar type of cross was already in use

on Llangadwaladr 1(AN26) c.625, so a broader date band

incised linear Latin cross with triangular cross-arm tern i n a l s has n o close parallels in the i m m e d i a t e area but

for Nefyn 1 is suggestedhere.

may be broadly compared with Bardsey Island 1 (CN11) and Waunfawr 1 (CN42). However, similar crosses are

DATE

DRIAKIACIT.

Owen's (1896b: fig. 3) drawing oft h ecross with a bifid

terminal on the top cross-arm is inaccurate. The elegantly

1299

THE CATALOGUE

Seventht o ninth century.

found on Caron-uwch-clawdd I (CDI), Caldey Island 1 REFERENCES Owen, 1896b: 170-1, fig. 3; ECMW:

(P6) and Margam (Lower Court Farm) 1 (G89 A). An eighth- or ninth-century date has been suggested for these

no. 99, figs 6.8, 80;Radford and Hemp, 1961: 147-50, fig. 4(3); RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1683,85.

PENMACHNO

(St Tudclyd's (Tudclud's) Church) SH 7898 5058

1. Fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone ECMWn o . 102; CIIC no. 395 PRESENTLOCATION

Inside the church, standing on

the south sideo f thechancel (SH 7899 5059).

EVIDENCEFORDISCOVERY Found duringdemolition of the old church in 1857 (Westwood. 1871: 262: Hughes andNorth, 1924: 115). It was placed in thenew church at the west end (Anon., 1882: 332) and was at one

time in a locked cupboard near the entrance (CIIC: 369).

Moved to its current location c. 1985.

CN35

adhering to it. The top is missing and the beginning of the

inscription has been lost. The stone has been split lengthways and C is missing; angle A/D is not original; D has been trimmed. The remaining carving is in good condition.

CN35. 1 Penmachno I A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW). DESCRIPTION

The lower part of a once roughly

quadrangular?)pillar carved on Aonly.

significance (Hughes and North, 1924: 115-17, 120) since

multiple churches are a feature of major early medieval

CN35.2 Penmachno I A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown

copyright: RCAHMW).

DIMENSIONS h. 95cm (35.5in.) above MGS × w. with an incomplete, roman-letter, Latin inscription ni one 17cm (6.75in.)max.× d .3 0 > 17cm (12 > 6.75in.).

ecclesiastical sites(Edwards, 1996: 55;Petts and Turner, Language Brittonic Period .? The female name JORIA 2009). It may have been the mother church in the

STONE TYPE

49). Little is known about the church dedicated to St Enclydwen, which may have fallen into ruin after the Reformation, though foundations may still have been visible in the nineteenth century (O. Gethin Jones, cited in

A : The surviving face is incised on the smoothest part

line r e ad i n g verticallyd o w n w a r d s :

Sandstone (Ordovician). The stonei s a

fine-grained, cross-bedded, dark grey (GLEY1 4/N)

sandstone, weathering brown (7.5YR 5/3). It is well sorted, homogeneous, quartz cemented and lightly iron stained, with occasional patches (c. 10mm) of more intense iron staining. The composition is dominated by rounded to sub-rounded quartz grains (250-375um) but

mica is also present (< 5 per cent). Cross bedding isvisible on amillimetre scale, running vertically along Face A . Al faces appear to be natural fracture surfaces, but the righthand face is pitted and heavily covered in mortar and therefore difficult to discern. One green quartz-cemented, cross-bedded sandstone pebble was observed in the wall of the church but no other similar stones were visible in the fabric. This stone closely resembles the local cross-

-ORIAICIACIT Interpretation: -oria (h)ic iacit

Transla tion:' oria lies here'

The inscription si in capitals (h. 5 < 7cm/2 < 2.75in.), medium incised with a punch and then chased. It is

(thew o r d memoria seems less likely) c a n n o t be completed,

although Rhys (1919: 204) suggested [AVITIORIA

because Penmachno 3, FILI AVITORI, also comes from Penmachno. Compare AVITORIA on Eglwys Gymyn 1

(CM7), VELVOR[IA](ifcorrectly restored) on Llandysul

1 (CD14) a n d GONGORIE at Wareham, Dorset (CIIC:

HughesandNorth, 1924: 115, 120). However, the main no.1062). Of the names in -ORIA listed by Mócsy et al. evidence for the early medieval origins of the site is the sculpture comprising two early inscribed stones (nos 1

and 3)a n d across-carvedmonument (no. 2).

(1983: 328), Victoria was the onlypopular one (CIB: 32 n. 58. 121 (no. 395/102)). (PS-W)

unevenly set out beginning on the right side of the face, but the last four letters are larger and are placed towards the centre. R has an open loop and a separate diagonal stroke; the second diagonal of the second A goes below the line; the second C si angular and also goes below the line (Tedeschi, 2005: 216-17).

Thesurviving inscription therefore consists of an incom-

century (Tedeschi, 2005: 216). He compared the fact that

Penmachno Church lies in the valley of

plete female name in the nominative case, for example,

Avitoria (seebelow), and if so might indicate a member of

the second A dips below the line with the same feature on

the same family as Avitori on Penmachno .3 As a woman it is very unusual that neither her father nor her husbandis

the use of capitals, there are no clear distinguishing features. No linguistic dating si possible. Therefore, a broader

DISCUSSION

bedded sandstones of the Carneddau Group, and is

the Afon Machno near its confluence with the Afon

PRESENTCONDITION The monument hasbeen cut down for reuse as masonry and there are mortar traces

Glasgwm. The churchyard, which is partially curvilinear, is unusually large. There were once two churches on the site. one dedicated to St Tuddlvd. the other to St Enclydwen (both Celtic names), suggesting its former

therefore attributedt othis source. (H.J

cantref of Arlechwedd (Knight, 1995: 8; Davidson, 2009a:

The reading of the inscription is clear. Although Macalister suggested that a Vmight precede the O at the beginning, nothing can be seen because of the damage to the top of the pillar which includes the left side of the O.

named. T h i s is followed by the Christian hic iacit formula with ic rathert h a n hic, a fairly common abbreviation (cf. Pentrefoelas 1 (D9), Llandanwg1 (MR10)).

Nash-Williams dated the epigraphy of the inscription to the fifth or early sixth century(ECMW: no. 102). Tedeschi (1995: 117) initially dated the inscription tothe fifth century, but has since suggested the middle of the sixth Llannor 3(CN31) andPentrefoelas1 (D9) but, apart from

date range is suggested here.

DATE

Fifth or first half of the sixth century.

300

THE CATALOGUE

THE CATALOGUE

301

the cemetery atPenmachno.Linearequal-arm crossesa r e

m o n u m e n t : t h e r o u g h u n s h a p e d s l a b , t h e l i n e a r c r o s sa n d

IBC: no. 137, 49, fig.; LW: 175, pl. 82(1); Rhys, 1877a:

1956: no. 643(in), 177, p.l ;3 Tedeschi, 1995: 117; CISP.

no.

387; Rhys, 1879: 370; Anon., 1882: 332; CIIC: no. 395, 371-2, fig.; ECMW: no. 102, pl. IX, fig. 82; RCAHMW,

found throughout Wales but are most common in the

395/102); Tedeschi, 2005: 215-16, pl. CII (no. Gn-34).

south-west (vol. II: fig. 7.1; cf. also Llandanwg 4 (MIR13),

the carving technique all suggest a broadly seventh- to

REFERENCES Westwood, 1871: 262-3, fig. opp. 257;

PMCH1/2; CIB: 32 n. 58, 121, 358, 372 (no.

PENMACHNO

ninth-century date.

Llangybi 2 (CN28), Llanmadog 2 (G56)). However, the Seventh to ninth century.

existence of a ring in only one quadrant is unusual. This may be compared with Llandeilo Fawr 4 (CM21) and Lampeter 1 (CD3), which have a ring in the upper two

DATE

quadrants only. Overall, Penmachno 2 si a very simple

no 646(v), 177; Radford andHemp, 1961: 152,fig. .5

REFERENCES

ECMW: no. 104a; RCAHMW, 1956:

(St Tudclyd's (Tudclud's) C h u r c h )

SH 7898 5058 2. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e E C M Wn o . 104a

PRESENTLOCATION

Inside the church, clamped to

the south wall n e a r the west e n d (SH 7998 5059).

EVIDENCE FORDISCOVERY Probably first noted by the RCAHMW in 1949 as having been found in the churchyard whilegrave-digging approximately 60cm (2ft) d o w n on thes o u t h side o f the church ( R C A H M W. 1956:

nos 610, 646(v), 169, 177; ECMW: no. 104a). It was

SH 7893 5054

placed outside thenorth porch on the west side where it r e m a i n e d until it wasm o v e d into t h ec h u r c h c. 1985.

3. Fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone ECMW: no. 104; CIC: no. 396

DIMENSIONS h. 109cm (43in.)× w. 20 < 48 > 38cm (8 15in.) xd. 18cm (7in.)max. PRESENTLOCATION

STONE TYPE Sandstone (Ordovician). Thestone is a medium-grained, grey sandstone (GLEY1 5/0), which weathers to a lighter grey (10YR 5/1). It is moderately

sorted, homogeneous and quartz cemented, but the texture is difficult to discern. Clasts are mainly sub-angular to sub-rounded grains of quartz (250-375um), but some weatheredfeldspar andlithics are also visible. Planar laminations on a millimetre scale are highlighted by darker and lighter bands. All surfaces are natural and the frac-

turing which si visible on Face A suggests the presence of

cleavage on a cm scale. This stone does not match the

published description of the bedrock (Nant Ffrancon

Formation), but similar stones were observed in buildings in nearby Betws-y-coed. This suggests that the stone is derived locally. (HJ)

PRESENT CONDITION

Cis not currently visible. The

carving is w o r n but clear.

DESCRIPTION Athick,unshapedslab whichexpands ont h e broad faces from bottom to top. The t o p is roughly curved, the bottom pointed; thesurface of A isuneven.

CN36 Penmachno 2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

PENMACHNO (Eagles H o t e l )

CN36

Asno. .1

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

First identified in

CN37

grey-green s a n d s t o n e w a s o b s e r v e d in t h e c h u r c h w a l l s Although the precise source has n o tb e e n established, this

evidence suggests that it has alocal source. Thislithology

1915'built into oneof the garden walls' behind theEagles

is identical ot Penmachno 4. (HJ

before but its significance had not been recognized (Rhys,

PRESENT CONDITION The monument has been cut

Hotel, Penmachno. It had been reported some years 1919: 201). When seen by Macalister it was inside the

church in a cupboard near the entrance (CIIC: 369). Nash-

Williams (ECMW:n o . 104) notes it asstanding against the

down for reuse as masonry. The top is missing and Chas

been cut away. It has also been fractured vertically down

the inscribed facelosing B; therefore, both inscriptions are

north wall of the nave at hte west end. Moved ot its fragmentary. The tops of al hte letters ni the vertical present location c. 1985. inscription (i) are missing and the end of each line in the

DIMENSIONS h. 101.5cm (40in.), 87cm (34.5in.)

aboveM G S × w. 20cm (8in.) max. × d. 23cm (9in.) max.

STONE TYPE Sandstone (Ordovician). This stone is greenish grey (GLEY1 5/1) when fresh, but weathers grey (7.5YR 5/1). Iron staining occurs in patches, sug-

horizontal inscription (i) has been lost. The surviving

carving is in good condition. There is alsoa serieso fhori-

zontal cuts (not now visible) across the base o (Redknap, 1991: 53).

DESCRIPTION

A fragmentary inscribed stone with

gesting the presence of pyrite; in addition there are

carving on A only.

Euhedral guartz crystals are visible in a small cavity (20mm) on the left-hand side of the stone. Thin-section examination (acc. nos NMW 78.58G.R.870 and 871)

A : Only the left half of the original facesurvives.

concreted patches of iron/manganese (up to 20mm).

reveals a medium-grained, moderately well-sorted sand-

f

(i) An incomplete, roman-letter Latin inscription in one line reading vertically downwards:

A (broad): Towards the top of the face in a flatter area isa linear roughly equal-arm cross (h. 15.5cm/6.25in.) with one segment ofa ring in the bottom-right quadrant. The ends of the ring almostmeett h e cross-arms near their terminals but do nottouchthem. The cross is quite deeply incised using broad lines and a punch; the ring is less deeplypunched using a narrower line.

stone. The clasts are mainly sub-angular to sub-rounded grains of quartz (25-500um) with subordinate biotite (partially chloritized), feldspar (variably altered) andlithic grains. The labile nature of some of the lithic grains makes identification of the extent of the matrix hard to determine. Face A is bounded by a bedding plane and the left-hand side by a joint surface; beds are at least 0.19m

DISCUSSION This cross-carved stone islikely to have functioned as a grave-marker or possibly a focus within

thick. The carvinghas been broken on the right-handside

The inscription si quite deeply incised using thin lines.

and the resultingcrack followed the line of a natural fracture. One example of similar, medium-grained,

Theletters, capitals, areunevenly set out. A has a vertical

[FlILIANITIORI Interpretation: - /fili Avitori Translation:'...son of Avitorius'

302

THE CATALOGUE

303

THE CATALOGUE

first stroke, R a closed loop and a diagonal stroke which v e e r st o w a r d s t h e h o r i z o n t a l .

(ii) Immediately below, near the bottom of the monument, is a fragmentary horizontal inscription in three lines:

INTEP(O][-] IVSTI.-I CO[MI-

Interpretation: in te(m)po(re) /Ivst...

/con...

Translation: 'in the time ofJ u s t . . . the consul... or consulsh ip ...

The inscription is incised using thin lines but less deeply than (i). It is unevenly set outi n capitals (h. 2.5 < 5cm/1 < 2in.). In line 1, T and fragmentary O are smaller, P has a closed loop. In line 2, S is angular. In line 3, O, which is smaller,i s tucked between the terminalso f C but does not toucht h e m (Tedeschi. 2005: 214).

DISCUSSION

The Eagles Hotel si located only 50m

(55vds) south-west of thechurch and therefore the stone

was almost certainly originally associated with the site. The cemetery may once have extended beyond its present bounds.

The monument survives as a cut-down rectangular block; its original form is unknown. This, and the fact that both inscriptions are fragmentary, presents problems in its interpretation which are difficult to resolve. The begin-

ning of the vertical inscription (i) is missing. The surviving final line comprises an incomplete 'X filiY' formula. The surviving words arein the genitivecaseandthe patronym may be reconstructed with certainty, despite the damage tothe letters, as Avitori. The feminineform of the same name may be the name on Penmachno 1 (see

ON

above). There must originally have been a lost first line

giving the name of the commemorand, but it si now impossible tosay whether ti was originally more complex, most likely incorporating the Christian hiciacit formula.

Knight (1995: fig.) reconstructs hic iacit as possibly opening theinscription (cf. Caerwys 1 (F1)), but it would be more usual to place it after the name of the person commemorated (cf. Llannor 1 (CN29 and 3 (CN31)), though this is clearlyn o t thecase here.

The horizontal inscription (il) is more problematic. It was interpreted by Rhys (1915) a s reading: CN37. 1 Penmachno 3 A (Crown copyright:RCAHMW).

CN37.2 Penmachno 3A, line-drawing ofinscriptions (Crown

copvright: RCAHMW).

IN TE(MPIOREI IVSTINI CONISVLI(S)]

(in the time ofJustinus the Consul'). He identified the Justinus concerned as the consul in Rome and Gaul in 540, and explained that, following the demise of consuls in 541, a system o f post-consular dating w a s established beginning in 540/1. He also realized that, because of the post-consular datingsystem, the inscription could be later than 540.Indeed, he thought it possible that this inscription was an addition to (i), perhaps in the earlier part of

theseventh century. BothMacalister (CIC: no. 396) and Nash-Williams (1938a: 36; ECMW: no. 104) accepted Rhys'sreading but, because of the formula in tempore( i n the time of'), they madethe assumption that the monument must date to 540, thereby providing a valuable

chronologicalm a r k e r.

In contrast, W. G. Thomas aired a completely different reconstruction of the inscription: INTEPIDI] / IVSTI[SSI(mi)] / CONI[IUX] ('(the grave) of a most loving and righteous husband') (Anon., 1970: 160; Redknap, 1991: 53). However, both Sims- Williams (1993: 172 n. 2) and Knight (1995: 4-5 and n. 9) rejected this

reading and Knight was ofthe opinion that the fragmentary O ni line 1 after TEP was 'fairly safe', making a contraction ofte(m)po[re] most likely. Knight (1995: 5-6)also re-examined the original form

of the monument. He suggested that the two inscriptions

were unrelated and that the second was the final dating clause ofa much lengthier, horizontal, roman-letter Latin inscription which was originally on the adjacent lost face (B). Such an arrangement would have been similart oboth

Llantrisant 1(AN46) and, toa lesser extent, Festiniog 1 (MR8). He went on to suggest a hypothetical reconstruc-

tion of the consular dating clause which took account of a date after 540: IN TE(m)PORE] IVSTININI P(ost)I CON(sulatum)XXVI

(e.g. 'in the time of Justinus, 25 years after the Consulship'). The possibility of a reconstruction of this kind hasalso been accepted by Tedeschi (2005: 215).

There is no evidence tosupport the idea of alost inscription on B. However, if it is accepted that the two inscriptions are closelylinked, it is particularly interesting that a combination of vertical and horizontal layout is

used, especially when there was room beneath - / fili

Avitori for a further vertical line. It may be that it was thought appropriate to carve (i) vertically since this was ' son of Y' formula as indicated on the norm for the X other inscribed stones. In contrast, the horizontal layout

304

THE CATALOGUE

of (il) may have been deemed more appropriate for the

*AVITORIX (cf. LIannor 4 (CN32), Festiniog 1(MIR8),

more 'Roman' inscription. The reading of this fragmentary inscription rules out Thomas's interpretation and supports the idea that it is a

etc.) or, given the syntax, the genitive of a Celtic or

consular or post-consular date. Line 1, though incomplete, is clear. The extended I at the end of (i) forms the

contraction mark over EP. The left side of the O si visible at the end. This gives te(m)po- from which tempore can be confidently reconstructed. In line 2, IVST is clear but the end of the line is severelydamaged. The last letteris either an I (Ivsti) or, more likely because of the angle of the surviving fragmentary line, a V (Ivstv). In line 3, CON si clear, despitethedamage to the N, but the rest ismissing.

The use of a consular and post-consular dating system on the Continent during the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries has been analysed by Handley (2000; 2003: 129-35). He demonstrated that, though sometimes used elsewhere, it was a dating system characteristic of the

Latinized derivative *Avitorios or *Avitorius corresponding to the feminine AVITORIA/ AVITTORIGESo n Eglwys Gymyn 1 (CM7). The problem is thelack of a good Celtic etymology for these names. On the whole, it seems prefer-

able to regard them as Irish, cognate with OB Oedri
57cm (26 > 22.5in.); internal diam. of basin 42cm (16.5in.)max.; d. ofbasin23cm (9in.)

STONE TYPE Coarse-grained quartz arenite (Carboniferous). The font has an extensive coating of whitewash/lime mortar. Small exposed areas of fresher rock show a typically pale cream, 'Anglesey Grit' composed of well-sorted, clean, sub-rounded quartz grains. This is derived from the sandstone interbedded with the Carboniferous Limestone o f Anglesey. (JH) PRESENT CONDITION

The font has a modern cir-

cular base comprisinga plinth surmountedb y a narrower

DESCRIPTION A cylindrical font which tapers externally from bottom to top.T h e rim isfl a t . The inside oft h e bowl hasverticalsides and is plain. The exterior is carved in highroundedrelief. (i) Below the rim i s ahorizontal band of scalloppattern. (i) The face below is carved with a continuous horizontal band of interlace (10.2) composed of double-beaded strands.

The bottom edge is undecorated and in places rather

rough.

rings with a central horizontal strand (10.2) seems to be

derived from Borre ring-chain (10.1), as found on Penmon 1 and3 (AN51, 53), but lacks the characteristic Y-shaped links. This pattern is likewise found in a very debased form running the full circumference of the font at

CN39.3 Pistyll I, north face (Crowncopyright:RCAHMW).

pl. 59). The central strand linking the rings may also be

The RCAHMW (1964: 89) dated the font to the late century, thereby suggesting that it was Romanesque. In contrast, Lord (2003: 49) argued that it waslate tenth or eleventh century on the basis ofcomparisons with Manx Borre-style ring-chain. However, Thurlby (2006: 227-8, 232-3) has recently reiterated the

Llanffinan and int w o short stretches on the Romanesque font at Llangristiolus (Ang.), which was recut in the nineteenth century (Lord, 2003: 49n . 95; RCAHMW, 1937: compared with the motif of two rings linkedb y a bar (8.8) on Dyserth 1 and2 (F2-3). Iti s also worth notingthatt h e use of similar bands of ornament on two Romanesque

fonts from southern Sweden at Vänge and Mardaklev (Drake, 2002: 157-9, pls 348-9; Thurlby, 2006: 228). However, similar patterns are likewise found in the form

of wire trimmings on textile edgings from Birka ni the

ninth or tenth century and their use in this medium may

well have been transferred onto stone (Coatsworth,

north coast of Llyn on the pilgrim route to Bardsey. As

2008b: 148-9, fig. 5). The scalloped rim, which might be construed as a Romanesque feature, is more puzzling, though it could be an addition (pers. comm., Aimee

the dedication suggests, by the mid-thirteenth century it

Pritchard).

DISCUSSION

St Beuno's Church is located on the

twelfth

case for a Romanesque date during the first half of the twelfth century. The debased form oft h e ring-chain may be indicative of a date after the late tenth century when classic Borre ring-chain in Britain and Ireland was superseded (see Penmon 1 (AN51), but the scallops might indicate Romanesque influence. Therefore, an eleventh-

or earlier twelfth-century date seems most likely. DATE

Eleventh or earlier twelfth century.

310

THEC ATA L O G U E

REFERENCES Anon., 1865: 87, 88, fig.; Glynne, 1900: 320; RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1694, 89-90, pl. 25;

Lord, 2003: 49, illus. 57; Thurlby, 2006: 227-8, 230, fig. 321; Pritchard, 2009: 254-5, fig. 13.3d.

PISTYLL (Ty Mawr Farm) Area of SH 3200 4180

2. Cross-carved stone ECMW no. 98

CN40

PRESENT LOCATION Standing int h eground and set back into thebaseo ft h estonefield wall on the hill on the

south side of the road (B4417) from Pistyll to Nefyn,

200m (220yds) approx. west of the lane to T y M a wFarm (SH 3198 4181).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First recorded c.1876 besidethe road at Nefyn. However, it had formerly stood 'in the middle ofa field opposite the front of Tvmawn [sic Bodeilias' (LW: 182)surrounded by acairn of stones and

A (broad): The face si uneven. Filling the visible face is a visible)

linear Latin(?) ring-cross (h. 40cm/15.75in.

incised with broad shallow lines using a point or hand-

pick. The horizontal cross-arms project slightly beyond the ring, as does the upper cross-arm, the terminal of which is bifurcated. The stem also appears to project

beyond the ring and may continue further down the vis-

ible face. DISCUSSION

Nash-Williams

(ECMW:

no.

311

THE CATALOGUE

However, the same account also indicates that it had for-

merly stood in the middle of a field nearby. Ty Maw

Farm is located adiacent to and north-east of Bodeilias Farm. The description of the original location suggests that it was originally sited in the middle of the field in front of Ty Maw; it is now built into the boundary of the same field. This is corroborated by Owen (1896b: 169) and oral accounts in the Royal Commission National Monuments Record files dating to 1917, one of which notes that it, 'Was 30 yards from main road, standing up,

say 60 years ago. There are good views from this field along the north coast of Llyn. The description of the monument as standing in a field with a cairn of stones round it, and the fact that it was known as Carreg y Bed ('theGrave-Stone'), suggests that, like Nefyn I (CN33), ti marked agrave or acteda sa focus in a burial ground. Westwood showed a linear Latin ring-cross with bifid terminals on all three cross-arms, which project beyond

the ring, and a bifid terminal at the base of the stem (LW:

pl. 83(1), followed by Radford andHemp,1961: fig3), but Owen (1896b: fig. 2) simply showed a linear equal-arm

ring-cross. Though Westwood's depiction of the shape of the monument is certainly wrong - it is a rough boulder the cross-form a p p e a r s the m o r e accurate. However,

details are now difficult to discern and the only convincing bifid terminal is on the top cross-arm. Linear ring-crosses are found elsewhere in western Caernarfonshire (Clynnog 2(CN15) a n d Llangwnnadl 1 (CN26)) and are a characteristictype in south-west Wales (vol. II: figs 7.3, 7.4), but thebifid terminal on a cross of this type is unique. Radford and Hemp (1961: 145) ascribed linear ring-crosses to the late sixth or earlys e v e n t h c e n t u r y on

the grounds that they were the simplest of Nash-Williams Group I monuments. However, a broader dating span for

cross-carved stones with linearcrossesispreferred here. DATE

Seventht oninth century.

REFERENCES LW: 182, pl. 83(1);Owen, 1896b: 169, fig. 2; ECMW: no. 98, fig. 5.1; Radford and Hemp, 1961: 147, fig. 3; RCAHMW, 1964: no. 1720, 96.

98)

was known by some as Carregy Bed ('the Grave-Stone').

wrongly recorded the monument in Nefyn parish. In this

Next noted beside the road betweenPistyll andNefyn, set

h e w a s i n fl u e n c e d h y t h e e a r l i e s t a c c o u n t o f i t s l o c a t i o n

T R E F LY S

in the top of the wall of afield namedCae Mawr (Owen, 1896b: 169-70, fig. 2). It wasi n the same location when noted by Radford and Hemp (1961: 147) but prior to 1971, as a result of road widening, it was moved to its present position, set into the newwall beside the road

(LW: 182), which describes it as 'near Nefyn'. It was in fact located approximately 900m (985yds) west-southwest of St Beuno's Church, very close to its present site.

(Church of St Michael and All Angels)

.1 Roman-letter inscribed stone with chi-rho cross ECMW no. 106; CIIC no. 398

(Ordnance Survey Card). D I M E N S I O N S h. 50cm (19.75in.) above M G S × w. 50 > 35cm (19.75 > 13.75in.) ×d . 15cm (6in.).

STONE TYPE

Vesicular andesite (Ordovician).

SH 5342 3785

PRESENT LOCATION In the church, standing

against the wall in the north-east corner of the chancel (SH 5346 3785).

A

surfaces. The precise source of this lithology has not been

established but it is similar to lithologies in walls local to the church. Thissuggests i t is local in derivation. (JH and HD

buff/cream weatheringvesiculated lava. The vesicles (1-

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Discovered in 1904 during demolition oft h e western part of the churchyard wall to extend the burial area. It was found built into the

1.5mm) are slightly flattened and some are filled by quartz and/or chlorite. The stone is a rough boulder with a weathering crust (as far as is observable). This stone shows a close resemblance to the Pensarn Basaltic Andesite, which is feldspar porphyritic and highly vesiculated, with vesicles infilled with calcite and chlorite, suggesting a local derivation for this lithology.(JH)

foundations of the wall, 12m (40ft) approx. from thewest door of the church and taken inside (Allen, 1905: 70).

PRESENT CONDITION The angle of A/B is very rough and uneven and a vertical band, the length of the first two-thirds. has been reworked, creating horizontal ridges, p r o b a b l y w h e n the m o n u m e n t w a s reused as masonrv

B and

C are

not

Later, it was lyingagainst the north wall of the nave (CIC: no. 398). Moved t o its present location after 1956 (RCAHMW, 1960: no. 1416).

g o o dc o n d i t i o n .

PRESENTCONDITION There is some damage tothe top of t h e stone. Only A is visible. The face is partially covered by lichen obscuring the carving, which is

DIMENSIONS h. 135cm (53in.) × w. 25 > 19cm (10 > 7in.) × d. 18 < 23cm (7 < 9in.).

tapers towards ar o u n d e d top.

extremelv w o r n

STONE TYPE Sandstone (Lower Palaeozoic), very fine-grained, homogeneous, quartz dominated,mid-bluegrey (GLEY2 6/1 blue-grey). The shape of t h e stone is a

DESCRIPTION

A rough, unshaped, partially rounded

boulder w h i c h tapersf r o mb o t t o m tot o p .

CN41

CN40 Pistyll 2A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW, photo. Jean Williamson).

natural rectangular block, formed by joints or bedding

currentiv

visible

There

is

some damage to the surface of A, but the carving is n i DESCRIPTION

A rough, quadrangular pillar which

A broad): The carving is confined to the upper, more even half of the f a c e .

(i) At the top is a linear monogram chi-rho cross (h.

13.5cm/5.25in.), carved with a V-shaped incision. The

312

THE CATALOGUE

313

THEC ATA L O G U E

The church is located near the coast,

ible stone atS t Columb Major in Cornwall (CIC:n o . 475;

west of the Afon Glaslyn estuary. The discovery of the

Okasha, 1993: no. 47), but this reading is generally

DISCUSSION

The 'monogram' chi-rho cross is one of two in Wales;

rejected. The second name was formerly read MINI and various possibilities for this are noted in CIB (80 n. 383, 110 n. 603, and 304). Tedeschi's new reading is more straightforward, as Firmin(i)us was apopular Latin name (Lorincz and R e d , 1994-2002, ii: 142; Kajanto, 1965:

the other si on Penmachno 4(CN38) (see also pp. 66-7). Details of the form on Treflys 1 are, however, different

258), attested in Roman Britain on RIB: 1269, and also possibly on 2062 (CIB: 80-1, 90-1, 302, 317 (no.

monument built into the old churchyard wall, the line of which is still visible west of the church, suggests that the origins oft h e site as a place ofburial gobackt ot h e fifth or sixth century.

and typologically later, and it is combined with a vertical

398/106)). (PS-W)

r a t h e r t h a n a horizontal r o m a n - l e t t e r Latin inscription

(Allen, 1905: 72). It may be compared with that on St Just

2 (Cornwall) (CIC: no. 483; Okasha, 1993: no. 51;

A C

Tedeschi, 2005: no. C-27). Untilrecently, scholarsh a d readthe inscription as com-

' son ofY'formula withthename of the man prising the X

after conjoined FI inline 1. Inthe pastthis had beenread

Rhys were ogam characters (CIIC: no. 398). In fact, Rhys

as an unusual-looking ligature representing LI (= fill)

mistook the damage to t h e angle A/B with its short hori-

rising above the horizontal. He compared the form with R's on Llanfihangel Cwm Du (Cae Gwynlliw) 1 (B21),

horizontal cross-arms and stem have slightly curved bifid

in two l i n e s readingv e r t i c a l l y downwards:

IACONVSFI[R]MINI

TACIT

I n t e r p r e t a t i o n : l a c o n v s F i r m i n i / iacit

Translation: 'Iaconus (son o fFirminus lies (here)' The inscription is neatly but unevenly set out. Line 2 begins towards the end of line 1. There are several closely packed letters. It is medium incised; no punchmarks are visible. The lettering (h. 4 < 5.5cm/1.5 < 2.25in.) is in

RCAHMW).

capitals with minuscule S. In line 1, the left diagonal of A islonger, extending beneath the Ia n dt h e right diagonal is raised; Ci slarge and angular; O is smaller and rises above the top ofC ; both N's lean towardst h e left; V is narrow; the top strokeo f minuscule S projects over F which is cursive and has a curving upper horizontal, the second is conjoined with a small I; R hasa closed loop andthe tail curves upwards above the horizontal: M has widely spaced strokes which meet on the line: final I is horizontal and set above the line. In line 2. C is angular: thesecond I is smaller and the horizontal of T proiects above it (Tedeschi, 2005: 220).

zontal dips andridges as an ogam inscription. Thesebear little resemblance to ogam strokes or notches; therefore

the existence ofan ogam inscriptionmaybe discounted.

The combination of roman letter-forms which include an extreme form of capital R, minuscule S, conjoined FI and horizontal ,I as well as the form ofthemonogram chi-

rho cross, all suggest that this stone si later in the series

Castledore (Cornwall) and Tavistock 2 (Devon) (CIIC:

andthis is supported by the language. On the basis of the epigraphy Nash-Williams suggested a sixth-century date

nos 487, 493; Okasha, 1993: nos 10, 58; Tedeschi: 2005: nos C-6, DSD-13). This interpretation gives a reading of

(ECMW: no. 106). Tedeschi (1995: 118) initially dated ti to the first half of the sixth but subsequently to not later than

laconvs Firmini / iacit. Firmini is therefore probably a patronymi n the genitive case.

CN41.2 Treflys I A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright:

106) also suggested that there might be 'vestiges of

Ogams' but did not attempt a reading. In contrast, Macalister, whosometimes saw ogams where they did not exist, did not think that the scores and notches seen by

character as an extreme form of British capital R with a small loop and the long, slightly curved diagonal stroke

terminals. The terminal of the top cross-arm curves to form theclosed loop of the rho. (il)Immediately below is a roman-letter Latin inscription

he claimedmight be afragmentary ogam inscription that could have read IACONI. Nash-Williams (ECMW: no.

commemorated in the nominative case and the patronym in the genitive followed by an abbreviated Christian (hic) iacitformula. Theletters are clear apart fromt h e character

(Allen, 1905: 70); or LIVS=( filivs) (Rhys, 1907: 93; tentatively ECMW: no. 106) or I (= fil)being a mistake on the part of the mason for fi(1); (CIIC: no. 398). However, Tedeschi (2005: 220-1, pl. CVI) has correctly read the

CN41.1 Treflys I A and D (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Near the top oft h eangle A/B, Rhys (1907: 94-5)detected

five notches and the ends of other possible strokes which

themid-sixth century (Tedeschi, 2005: 221). A date in the second half of the sixth century seems most likely.

Language Brittonic Period 7-28, Irish Period 14-15. DATE Second half of the sixth century. IACONVS si best compared, as by Rhys, with IAQINI at Donard, Co. Wicklow (CIIC: no. 48), which is now REFERENCES Allen, 1905: fig.; Hughes, 1906: 311; regarded as a hypercorrect spelling (with Q for C o f a Rhys, 1907: 92-6, figs 6-7; CIIC: no. 398, 372-3, fig.; derivative of OIéo, gen. lach 'salmon' < *esok-. Rhys ECMW: no. 106, pl. III, figs 3(3), 86; RCAHMW, 1960: (1907: 96) also saw that it could be from *jakk- (W. iach, no. 1416, 250, pl. 6; Tedeschi, 1995: 118; CISP: no. 'healthy', Ol icc)- presumablywith * on-ossuffix (cf. Map- TFLYS/1; CIB: 80-1, 90-1, 110 n. 603, 302, 304, 317,

on-os, etc.). In the latter case it would be a British name. It is unlikely that it is a form of lucundus (> Late Latin locundus). Macalister read IACONIVS on the now illeg-

358, 372 (no. 398/106); Tedeschi, 2005: 220-1, pl. CVI (no. Gn-38).

314

THE CATALOGUE

315

place on the pilgrim route to Bardsey. The surface of the boulder in the area of the carving is very smooth and the

WA U N FAW R ( WA E N FAW R ) (Glan B e u n o ) SH 481 601

.1 Cross-carved stone

CN42

incised lines of the cross have also been rubbed smooth and it is possible that this is the result of pilgrims touching the monument. The form of the cross may be compared with Bardsey Island 1 (CN11) and, to a lesser extent, with

similar crosses, has been dated tot h e ninth century, but a

version of the simple linear cross-form si alsofound c.625

on Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26). Therefore, a seventh- to ninth-century date may be suggested. DATE

Seventh to ninth century.

Llangybi 1 (CN27) and Nefyn 1 (CN33) in western Caernarfonshire. Radford and Hemp (1961:

PRESENT LOCATION

St Beuno's Church, Clynnog Fawr. It is in the chapel of St Beuno (capel-y-bedd), set in

quently to Aberglaslyn Hall (SH5934 4595). Moved to its present location in 1919 where initially it lay flat on the

the floor against the north wall westo f the door (SH 4142

floor against the wall in the north-east corner of the chapel (RCAHMW, 1960: 39; Radford and Hemp, 1961:

4969).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

THE CATALOGUE

150-1).

The monument,

known as Maen Beuno ('Beuno's Stone'), was first noted at Glan Beuno, Bontnewydd, standing beside the Afon Beuno, a tributary of the Gwyrfai. It was firstmoved to the house known as Bodwyn (SH 4940 6010) and subse-

DIMENSIONS

h. 114cm (45in.), 104cm (41in.) above

M G S x w. 68.5cm (27in.) max. × d. 28 > 24cm (11 >

9.5in.).

STONE TYPE This stone has the form of a large, grey weathered ( 5 6 / 1 )boulder ofunmodified form. The polished

surface

of

the

stone

precludes

detailed

identification, but it appears to contain grains ofq u a r t z and feldspar. No attempt at provenancing hasbeenmade. (JH)

PRESENT CONDITION

There is some damage tot h e

top andsides of the boulder and to the stem and crossing of the cross, which is extremely worn and has been filled with ablack pigment in modern times.

DESCRIPTION A smooth, rounded, natural boulder carved on A only. A (broad): The flat upper part of the face has been incised with a linear Latin cross (h. 37cm/14.5in.). Some traces of punchmarks can be detected. The terminals of the cross-arms expand to formshort right-angle bars; that on the top is slightly curved. The horizontal cross-arms are not quite opposite each other and do not quite meet the stem, which terminatesi n a short,right-angle bar. DISCUSSION Waunfawr parish modern (RCAHMW. 1960: 251) formed out of the medieval

parish of Llanbeblig. The name of the monument could indicate an association with St Beuno of Clynnog. Radford and Hemp (1961: 150-1) suggested that ti might

be connected with Gwaredog ni Llanwnda parish, men-

CN42 Waunfawr I A (Crown copvright: RCAHMW. photo. Jean Williamson).

tioned in the middle Welsh life Hystoria o Uuched Beuno (Wade-Evans, 1930: 318-19 n. 40: 1944: 19). but this is purely conjecture. In fact, nothing is known about itsoriginal location or function and the name may be purely folkloric. However, it might have been a stopping-off

151) dated

the monumenttoc.630, but thisis too precise. The inscription on the inscribed stone Tywyn 2 (MR25), whichhas

REFERENCES RCAHMW, 1960: 39, 42 n. 26, pl. 7; Radford and Hemp, 1961: 144, 150-1, fig. 4(5).

316

THE CATALOGUE

SIMILINI

DENBIGHSHIRE

The reading of the roman-letter inscription (i) is clear apart fromt h e first letter. Confusion has arisen int h e past

TOVISACI Interpretation: Similini / Tovisaci Translation: 'of Similin(i)us Tovisacos'

CLOCAENOG (Bryn y Beddau)

The inscription is quite deeply incised using thin sharp lines and small neat capitals (h. 4 < 5cm/1.5 < 2in.). In

SJ 0525 5324

1. Roman-letter and ogam-inscribed stone ECMWno. 176; CIICno. 399

D I

line 1, S is slightly angular with triangular terminals; the lines of M are widely spaced and the diagonals meet above the line; the horizontal of L slopes downwards. In line 2, TO and CI areconjoined.

PRESENTLOCATION

National Museum Wales (acc.

no. N M W 36.473).

fine-grained sandstone) clasts. In the finest-grained parts

of the stone the bedding is finely laminated on a centimetre scale andi s best seent o w a r d s thet o p of the stone.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First noted by Camden (1594: 519). Subsequently recorded in 1693 by John Lloyd and communicated to Edward Lhuyd. Lloyd noted that the stone was located at Bryn y Beddau (Hill of the Graves') and 'near it was an artificial Mound or Tumulus, call'd Krig-Vryn' (Lhuyd, 1695: cols 685-6). He also observed and illustrated the ogam strokes in addition to the roman-letter inscription (Fig. 2.1; Roberts, 1971: 104). Lhuyd visited it c.1696 and noted that the stone 'inclined very much' (BL Stowe MS 1023. fo. 936). Next

noted by Lewis Morris (BL Add. MS 14907, fo. 177b). In

Face A is formed by a fracturefilled by quartz and the face is partially quartz coated. The left and right surfaces ofthe stone are also formed, in part at least, by cleavage surfaces. Face A is cut by a spaced cleavage, more intensely developed in the fine-grained clasts. This rock closely resembles t h e sandstones ofthe Denbigh Grits Group and the presence of quartz veins and cleavage is consistent with this identification, as are the large mudstone clasts and graded bedding suggestive of a formation by 'mass

flow' processes. The find site lies onNantyglyn Mudstone Formation, but the Denbigh Grits Group outcrops just a

the late eighteenth century the monument was described

few kilometres away to thesouth and the south-west. This

as consisting of two stones, one inscribed, four foot apart

suggests alocal derivation for thestone. (JH and H )

on either side of a grave which was located in a hollow

eight feet ni diameter just below the tumulus known as Krig-Vryn (Gough, 1789: 578-9). By .c 1796, when it was recorded by Huw Morus (NLW MS 13,222C, 429-50; H.M., 1803: pl. II(7) and Walter Davies (NLW

Crosswood MS 1744E, fo. 35r; illus.), the inscribed stone was lying on the ground with the other standing close to it. In c.1813, the inscribed stone was removed to Pool Park,Llanfwrogb y Lord Bagot anderected on aknolli n

thegarden in front of the house (SJ 0985 5555) (Anon., 1921: 376; CIIC: no. 399, 374-5). The ogam inscriptions

were rediscovered in 1874 (Rhys, 1874a: 17-19). The

stone was acquired by the National Museum in 1936 (Nash-Williams, 1936b: 278-9). DIMENSIONS

h. 195cm (76.75in.) × w. 52 < 60 >

4 2 c m (20.5 < 23.5 > 16.5in.) × d. 52 < 55cm (20.5


Unfortunately, Lhuyd's drawings of U are not consistent

and

(see, for example, thevarious depictions of Concenn filius

Sulbrit/ Sulurit, OC Britail, OB BRITL, CONBRITI,

ni line 1, regnuminline 14, and Germanus ni line 23). Lhuyd clearly represents serifs at the tops of some letters. Other forms (minuscule F, S) display approach-

Onfryd),

Lunbrit

Conbrit, Britou, Britoie, and Romano-British Britivenda (see

CIB: 87 .n 436, 194). GUARTHIGERN] and GUARTHI|GIRN] are both possible completions of Vortigern's name; Guar- is a regular development from earlier Ver-, Vor. SE[V]IRA, clearly the popular Latin name Severa, may be written with an I owing to a Brittonic post-a-affection hypercorrection, intended to avoid an error comparable with NOMENA fornomina in St Davids 18 (P107) or IMAGENEM for imaginam on the Isle of Man (CIIC: no. 1067). However, the error may simply be Vulgar Latin; cf. M(arcus) Seuiru(s) et Saluius et Seuera in

Moesia (L'Année Epigraphique, 1977: no. 754). CONMARCH is OW Cinmarc, MW Cynfarch, from *kuno'hound' and markos 'horse' (CIB: 11, 41-2, 50, 57 and n. 218, 66, 82,84-5, 87 n. 436, 89, 93 п. 478, 96, 99, 103, 112, 128, 132-4, 137-8, 139 n. 829, 140, 143, 149, 151, 172-3 and n. 1032, 176, 185 m. 1124, 190, 194, 198-200, 212, 215, 223, 226 n. 1418, 227, 231, 251-2, 254, 278, 294

strokes, perhaps indicating that the stone-cutter was

copying a (painted?) model very faithfully. The influence of scribal practice is seen in the use ofa reversed uncialE

in eius (line 29): this was almost certainly due to the

common Insular abbreviation for eius, which is iden-

tical (Lindsay, 1915). (Other inscriptions displaying scribal abbreviations are Llanwnnws 1 (CD27), Llanarthne1 (CM12)andSt Davids 8 and 14 (P97, P103). (HMcK)

Therefore, the Pillar of Elise, despite its now fragmen-

tary state, was formerly a monument of great significance for the history of Powys in t h e latereighth and first half of

the ninth century when the kingdom came increasingly under threat, especially from the English. It was sited prominently and strategically and functioned as a symbol

(no. 1000/182)). (PS-W)

o f t h e ownership o f l a n d and m a y have m a r k e d ap l a c e o f

Lettering Mixed alphabet: mainly half-uncial, with some geometric forms (U with right-hand element descending below the line, and N with left-hand element descending: the latter also appears in Tregaron 2 (CD33), and Llanddewibrefi 6 (CD13), and is a version of the form seen in Bardsey Island 2 (CN12)). There is one horizontal letter (I, line 10), which is surprising as late as the ninth century. Unusual forms are half-uncial B with a tick tot h e upper right of the ascender, and half-uncial D, which

9). The inscription, which would have been read out loud and might have played a part in such ceremonies, was an important piece of royal propaganda intended to convey a series ofmessages to its audience about Concenn and his forbears, their victories against the English, their origins, the relationship between church and state, and their legal right to the kingdom in the past, present and future. The fact thatthis ambitious monument was commissioned by Concenn also provides a terminusante quem, since he died

D3.7 Llandysilio yn lal 1, sketch made by Daines Barrington ni 1773 showing the pillar before it was re-erected andhis reconstruction ofthe monument (SAL MinutesXIII: 72-3, 20 May 1773) (By permission of the Society of Antiguaries of London).

sometimes has the usual form, and sometimes a form with the bar going below as well as above the line (see benedictionem, line 11, AD, line 14, quod, line 15, and

in Rome in 854/5 and si thoughtto have come to power in

REFERENCES NIW MS 5262A, fo. 68v; BL Harleian , 872; BL Stowe MS 3780, fos 94-95v; BU MS Penrhos V MS 1023, fos 92-93v; SAL Minutes XIII: &2-3, 20 May

royal inauguration and assembly (Edwards, 2009a: 168-

808. It may therefore be dated to roughly the first half of

the ninth century. Bu'lock's (1960: 51-2) argument that it

d a t e s t o t h e t e n t h o r e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y b e c a u s e o ft h e s i m i l a r i t y o f its f o r m t o M e r c i a n r o u n d - s h a f t e d c r o s s e s is n o t

s u p p o r t e d by the evidence.

DATE

Terminus ante quem of 854/5, c.808-54/5.

1773; Lhuyd, 1707: 229; Pennant 1778-83, i: 399-401, pl.

XXVI; Gough, 1789, i: 582, pls XXI(1), XXII; Simpson,

1827: 129-35; Williams (abIthel), 1846: 32; Williams (ab Ithel), 1851; A.B., 1865; Anon., 1874b: 356; Lloyd, 1875: 38; LW: 199-201,pl. 86(1-2); IBC:n o . 160, 57-8; Bloxam,

1883; Anon., 1884: 341; Allen, 18896: 321-2; Palmer, 1889: 66-7; Anon., 1894: 220-3, fig.; Allen, 1899: 3, 19, 46; Rhys, 1908: 38-62, fig., pls; Sayce, 1909; Morris, 1909-11, i: 123; RCAHMW, 1914: no. 567, 159-60, fig.

336

THE CATALOGUE

58; Macalister, 1922: 216-18; Fox, 1928: 104; Macalister, 1928: 304, fig. 8; Davies, 1929: 364 6, fig. 126; Jones,

1930: 138; Macalister, 1935a; Nash-Williams, 1938a: 416, figs 9-11; Williams and Williams, 1939: cxv. 6, 38, cxvi,

58; Gunther, 1945: nos 81, 153, 240; Kendrick, 1949: 74-

5; CIIC: no. 1000, 145-9, pl. LIV; Bachellery, 1950: viii.8, xxi.24, xxii.25, xxiv.5, xxxviii. 22; ECMW: no. 182, pls XXXV-XXXVI; LHEB: 386, 464, 668, 669, 709; T. Jones, 1952: 192-3 n. 81 1-2; Fox, 1955: 81-2; Radford, 1958; Bromwich, 1959: 133; Chadwick, 1959a: 18-19, 20; Chadwick, 1959b: 28-9, 33; Bu'lock, 1960; Bartrum, 1966: 1-3, pls;Kirby, 1968: 53, 56; Jones, 1971: 196-7 s.a. 1200; Dumville, 1977: 177, 182, 183 n. 48, 185, 186; Morgan, 1980: 401-3; Higgitt, 1986: 125; Higgitt, 1988:

151, 160; Redknap, 1991: 10, pls; Sims-Williams, 1994: -5 6, 35; Higgitt, 1997: 73; Howlett, 1998: 27-32; Hill, 2000: 202-3, 205; CISP: no. LTYSL/1; Edwards, 2001: 36-8;

CIB: 11, 41-2, 50, 57 and .n 218, 66, 82, 84-5, 87 n. 436,

89, 93 .n 478, 96, 99, 103, 112, 128, 132-4, 137-8, 139n.

829, 140, 143, 149, 151, 172-3 and n. 1032, 176, 185 n. 1124, 190, 194, 198-200, 212, 215, 223, 226 n. 1418, 227, 231, 251-2, 254, 278, 294, 364, 379-80 (no. 1000/182); Higgitt, 2003: 330; Lord, 2003: 30-1, illus. 22; Edwards, 2008; Edwards, 2009a; Jones, 2009; Tolstoy, 2009: 25663; Edwards et al. 2010. Cast on display in LlangollenMuseum.

| 337

THE CATALOGUE

to erosion of concretions or mudstone flakes. The presence of a raft of convoluted mudstone provides a strong indication thatthis lithology probably belongs to the local 'disturbed beds' of the bedrock Elwy Group, which comprise

beds

of

slumped

Silurian

sandstones

and

mudstones. (JH and HJ)

it (C-PAT HCS; Bevan-Jones, 2002: 49). The church has PRESENT CONDITION

There is s o m e lamination to

the face of the stone and a vertical crack in the centre of

. Further damage to the face beneath the upper part of A

The c a r v i n g i s clear.

right-angle bars across the terminals are found elsewhere

A rough, unshaped quadrangular

pillar which narrows from bottom to top. Carved on A

A (broad, west): Nearthe top is a linearequal-arm cross (h. 21.5cm/8.5in.) with uneven right-angle bars across the terminals. There is a small round depression in each of

the interspaces of the upper cross-arms. The cross is

8

1. Cross-carved stone ECMWno. 178

deeply incised using broad lines and a rounded cut; there are punch holes at the ends of the terminals of the cross-

arms marking out the length of the lines prior to carving. P u n c h m a r k s are alsov i s i b l e ont h e cross-stem.

PRESENT LOCATION Standing insitu(?) onthe south

St Digain nearby (Jones,1954: 173).

Themonument may have functioned as a grave-marker or as a focus within the cemetery. Linear crosses with

only.

SH 8746 6743

a Celtic dedication. There is also a holy well d e d i c a t e dt o

the cross has been caused by the sharpening of blades.

DESCRIPTION

LLANGERNYW (St Digain's Church)

DISCUSSION The church is located onthe west side of the valley of the Elwy near its confluence with the Afon Gallen. The presence of sculpture suggests the early medieval origins of the site. In addition, the core of the churchyard appearst o have been curvilinear (though parts are now straight-sided) and therei s an ancient yew within

ni Wales (see Tywyn 2 (MR25)), but the closest parallels are the equal-arm crosses on the inscribed grave-marker

Llanlleonfel 1 D (B34) which has been dated to the ninth century. Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 178) suggested a seventh- to ninth-century date and the cross-form and carving technique wouldsupport this. DATE

Seventht on i n t h century.

REFERENCES

Thomas, 1874: 389-90; Anon., 1882:

330; Owen, 1886: 118-20, fig.; Allen, 1888a: 178, fig.; RCAHMW, 1914: no. 396; Davies, 1929: 246-7; ECMW: no. 178. pl. XXII, fig. 6(31).

side of the churchyard in the angle between the nave and the south transept.

LLANGERNYW EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First mentioned in 1874 standing in the churchyard (Thomas, 1874: 389-90), probably in its present location (Anon., 1882: 330).

(St Digain's Church) SH 8745 6743

DIMENSIONS h. 124cm (48.75in.) above MGS × w. 54 > 38cm (21.25 >15in.)× d. 38 > 27cm (15 >10.5in.).

2. Cross-carved stone ECMW no. 179

STONE TYPE Fine-grainedgreywacke (Silurian). The stone has a thick lichen covering and is highly weathered,

PRESENT LOCATION Standing in situ(?) 2.2m (87in.) west of no. 1 on the south side of the churchyard inthe angle betweent h e nave and thesouthtransept.

but is probably grey ni colour. The surface coating pre-

cludes detailed evaluation of thecolour and texture of the stone in the field. In thin section (acc. no. NMW 78.58G.R.909) the lithology is seen to be moderately sorted, quartz-dominated,matrix-supported, fine-grained sandstone (greywacke). In addition tosub-angular tosubrounded quartz, feldspar, lithic fragments and white mica

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

DIMENSIONS h. 125cm (49.25 in.) above MGS × w. 40.5 cm (16in.) max. × d. 41.5 >27cm(16.25 > 10.5in.).

are also present. The stone shows vertical sub-parallel

STONE TYPE Greywacke (Silurian). No fresh surface area is available on this stone to permit a detailed examnation in the field. The weathered stone is light brown/grey in colour (2.5Y 6/2 light brownish grey). In thin section (acc. no. NMW 78.58G.T.35) the lithology

bedding and cleavage, and the cross-carved surface is orientated perpendicular to the cleavage/bedding surfaces. Theb a c k and front faces o ft h e stone are b o u n d e d by nat-

ural fracture surfaces, which show evidence of quartz

veining. The pitted textures on the inscribed surface(other than the dots in the cross-arms) are natural, possibly due

As no. .1

D4 Llangernyw I A(Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

wasobserved tobe afine-grained, matrix-supported sand-

D5

stone (greywacke). The grain population si dominated by

sub-angular to sub-rounded quartz, but angular feldspar, lithic fragments and mica (both muscovite and partially chloritised biotite are present. More mica ispresent than in no. 1. although thelithologies are essentially the same. The lithology shows well-developed planar bedding on a millimetre scale, perpendicular to the cross-carved face. The left and right sideso f the stone are formed by bedding surfaces, and the front and back are fracture surfaces. It is concluded that the form of the stone is little modified from its natural shape. The fine-grained nature of this rock, combined with the characteristic brown weathering of grey sandstone, suggests that it is derived from the bedrock Elwy Group and is therefore entirely local in

origin. (JH and HJ)

338

THE CATALOGUE

339

THE CATALOGUE

P R E S E N T C O N D I T I O N The pillar leans slightly. There is a vertical fissure in D. The carving is very worn

ando b s c u r e d by lichen.

DESCRIPTION A rough, unshaped, square-section pillar with carving on A only (theflattest face). A (west): The surface of the stone is very uneven. At the top is a no u t l i n e , approximately equal-arm cross carved in

false relief using broad but shallow incised lines. The cross has rectangular cross-arms and a circular centre s t a n d i n g out in false relief a n d m o r e deeply hollowed

curved armpits. The horizontal cross-arms stretch to the edges of the face.

DISCUSSION

The centre of the cross has the appear-

ance o f a low boss a n d the hollowed armpits accentuate

the false relief. The best parallel si Penmon 5 (AN55), which likewise has rectangular cross-arms and curved armpits which are hollowed to give the impression of a ring. Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 129) datedLIangernyw

2 to the seventh to ninth century but, like Penmon 5, the o u t l i n e cross-form, h o l l o w e d a r m p i t s a n d use of false

relief suggesti t islater. DATE

Ninth to eleventh century.

REFERENCES Thomas, 1874: 389-90; Anon., 1882: 330; Owen, 1886: 118-20, fig;. Allen, 1888a: 178, fig.; RCAHMW, 1914: no. 396; Davies, 1929: 246-7; ECMW:

D5 Llangernyw 2A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

no. 179, pl. XXVI, fig. 7(18).

D6. 1Llangernyw 3 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

this site is the Elwy Group, from which it is likely to be

LLANGERNYW

derived. (JH a n d HJ)

(Bryn Gwylan Farm)

PRESENT CONDITION The slab is fractured at the top and along the left side and Ais uneven. The right side has also been lost, leaving the inscription fragmentary.

SH 8920 6989 3. I n c o m p l e t e r o m a n - l e t t e r inscribed s t o n e

D6

PRESENT

LOCATION

Standing inside a farm

DIMENSIONS

h. 117cm (46in.) × w . 62 > 40cm (24:5

> 15.75in.) × d. 20 > 10cm( 8 > 4in.).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Found in 1985 by Idwal Vaughan, the farmer, east-north-east of the farm buildings by a track in a field which slopes down to the River Elwy 130-40m (425-60ft OD. The stone had been visiblefor at least ten years, butthe inscription was discov-

STONE TYPE

ered when ti wasturned over prior to removal (Edwards, 1987: 58).

Sandstone (Silurian). Face A is uneven and is abedding or fracture surface. The lithology is relatively featureless, being mostly covered by a weathered

surface with little opportunity to observe the composition. From thedata availablei t can be described as a very homogenous fine-grained grey sandstone (7.5YR N4/0 dark grey), dominated by quartz. The bedrock geology at

copyright:RCAHMW).

DISCUSSION

There is no other evidence concerning

the findspot. The slab itself is severely damaged and the inscription fragmentary, making analysis difficult. On balance, however, it should be regarded as an early inscribed

The carving is worn but clear.

stone. The form of the m o n u m e n t , a thinnish slab, i s com-

A thinnish, unshaped slab which tapers towards thetop. Carved on A only.

smaller. Neither the fracture on the right side nor the

DESCRIPTION

building (SH 8891 6991) south of the farmhouse.

D6.2 Llangernyw 3 A, line-drawing ofinscription(Crown

A (broad): Near the top of the face is an incomplete horizontal inscription in o n e line:

VERE[.]Interpretation: Vere...

Theinscription is in capitals (h. 8 < 11cm/3.25 < 4.25in.), lightly incised in quitebroadlines and unevenlyset out.

parable with Pentrefoelas 1 (D9), though considerably

incised carving, an acceptable early medieval technique,

appears modern. The inscription now consists of VERE in capitals with the bottom of the vertical stroke of a fifth unidentifiable letter visible on the line ofthe fracture. This is unlikely to be aT , since one wouldexpect the left end of the crossbar to be visible. The forms of V, the strokes of which are slightly curved, and the first E, the short horizontals of which slant slightly down, are acceptable post-Roman British letter-forms. TheR , however, despite the fact that it has a shorter diagonal, is not characteristic

340

THEC ATA L O G U E

and the second E is unusually large compared with the

other letters. Vere... is an acceptable Latin or Brittonic

1994-2002, iv: 57-8)w a s VERECUNDUS. VEREIVS is a shorter possibility; a genitiveVEREI (for Vereii) might fit

name element (see below) and it may be argued that the inscription originally consisted simply of the name of t h e person commemorated. The fact that the inscription is

(CIB: 42n. 122, 105, 126, 211 (no. 2020)). (PS-W)

h o r i z o n t a l d o e s n o t r u l e o u t a n e a r l m e d i e v a l i d e n t i fi c a -

m a yb e suggested.

tion since, although vertical roman-letter inscriptions are more common, horizontal examples arem o r e plentiful in

341

THE CATALOGUE

On the basis of what has survived only a broad daterange DATE

Fifth orsixth century.

the n o r t ht h a n elsewhere in Wales.

Language Brittonic Period 1-21. For many names in Veresee Holder (1896-1913, it: 205-12). By far the most pop-

REFERENCES Edwards, 1987: 58, fig.; CISP: no. LGERN/1; CIB: 42 n. 122, 105, 126, 211, 367, 385 (no. 2020).

ular of the Latin names ni VERE- (Lorincz and Redó,

LLANHAEADR-YM-MOCHNANT (St Dogfan's Church) SJ 1239 2601

1. Cross-slab with inscription ECMWno. 181; CIC: no. 1001

D 7

PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church, set against

masonry and the face of D si now almost entirely lost.

the westernmost pillar i n the south c h a n c e l aisle.

The ornament on A is mainly well preserved, but the

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Found in August

is fragmentary. Cis not currently visible.

portion of the wall of the south aisle and set up at the west

DESCRIPTION A rectangular slab with an integral base. The shaft tapers slightly from bottom totop. The top of the base has been dressed and the marks of diagonal hatching are visible on A; the bottom si irregular and

inscription is worn; the carvingo n Bi s d a m a g e d a n d o n D

1879 during church restoration built into the south-west

end of the church near the vestry door (Chidlow, 1880;

Anon., 1894: 153). Moved to its present location before 1957 (Radford and Hemp,1957: 116).

undressed.

DIMENSIONS h. 190cm (75in.) overall (slab h. 166cm/65.5in., base h. 24cm/9.5in.) × w. 50 > 47cm

(19.75 > 18.5in.) ×d. 13 > 8cm (5 >3in.). STONE TYPE

Sandstone (Ordovician).

Medium-

grained, grey (2.5YR/0dark grey)sandstone, moderately

sorted. Clasts are well rounded and comprise quartz, altered feldspar and possible tuff fragments. Part of the

stone is covered by mortar. The local bedrock geology at this site is hard, dark grey, Ordovician sandstones,

andesite and other volcanic rocks. Similar material to that used for the stone has been used in the construction of buildings in the town. This suggests that the stone has a

relatively local source in the Ordovician sequence. (JH

A(broad): There are fragmentary vertical angle mouldings on both sides of the face which is dominated by a fulllength, plain Latin cross carved in high relief with

ornament in mediumrelief on either side.

(i) T h e cross-head (Type Ala) has rounded armpits and slender, slightly expanded, square-ended cross-arms which overlie thering. The horizontal cross-arms stretch

D7.1 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant I A (Crown copyright:

D7.2 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1B (Crown copyright:

to the edges of the slab. The quadrants are sunken. The

RCAHMW).

RCAHMW).

bottom.

Interpretation: + Cocom filiu Edes/ tan Translation:'(The cross o f Cocoms o n of Edestan' The inscription has been incised using thin lines and a punch or point in mixed-alphabet book hand (h. 3.5 >

(iii), (iv)T o pleft, topright: Atthet o p of the slab on either side of the cross-head are the remains of a pair of confronted spirals. (v) Left: Below the horizontal cross-arm is a vertical band of six-strand plait.

2.5cm/1.25 > lin.) and begins with an initial cross. The

(vi) Right: Below the horizontal cross-arm is a vertical

long slender shaft expands gradually and is open at the

(if)P a r t o f the surface o ft h e cross-headh a s been cut swav

across the horizontal cross-arms and at the top of the

shaft where it meets the ring. A horizontal, Latin inscrip-

and H J

tion in two lines in the shallow depressionsc r e a t e dr e a d s :

PRESENT CONDITION The top of the slab is missing, the angle of A/Bh a s been cut away forreuse as

+COCOMFILIUEDES TAN

letterstowards thee n d of line 1 arecramped.

band of rectangular frets: interlocking J3 set diagonally with S1.

342

THE CATALOGUE

343

THE CATALOGUE

southern parts ofthe formerly large elliptical churchyard, now considerably truncated. Its suggested former parochia has also been reconstructed (Silvester and Evans, 2009: 28-9, 36, figs. 2.2, 2.3). The sculpture provides the only clear archaeological evidence for the early medieval foundation.

This is one of only two cross-slabs in north Wales;

sometimes cut in this important symbolic a n d very visible location right in the eye lineo f t h eviewer, this iscomparatively rare and this is the only example in Wales. The

closest parallel si Margam 2 (G79), where the dedicatory inscription is set in the quadrants of the ring rather than on the cross-head itself; the most usual location is the

shaft. There is a group of late seventh- toninth-century

the other is Meifod 1 (MT6). It is unclear whether the

crosses with memorial inscriptions from Whitby (East

uncarved base originally stood in a separate base in the

Yorks.) (Lang, 2001: 242) and other occasional examples,

manner of Llawhaden 1 (P55) or whether it was set straight into the ground. The form of the ringed crosshead (type Ala), a common type in western Scotland, Ireland and on Viking Age monuments int h e Isle ofM a n (vol. II: 373), is similar to both St Davids I (P90) and Llawhaden 1, which also has a long, comparatively narrow shaft. both o f which have been dated to the ninth

such as Dewsbury 10 (West Yorks.) (Coatsworth, 2008a: pls 230-4) and Lismore 5 (Co. Waterford) (Okasha and Forsyth, 2001: 344-6), but in each case the inscription is carefully executed. That on Llanrhaedr-ym-Mochnant 1 is little more than graffiti. The inscription, which is not easy to see, has been read in the past as +XR[I] CON FILIUS DE(?)TEN FECIT

century. Other later cross-slabs, notably Llanblethian 1 (RCAHMW, 1914: no. 49) or + XR[I] CO(?)N FILIUS (G34), St Arvans 1(MIN5) and Llowes 1 (R5), have cross- L(?)/TO(?)N ('The Cross ofChrist. Con(?), son of L.ton, heads with some comparablefeatures, but theparallels are

less clear.

D7.4 Llanhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 A, detailofcross-head with secondary inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

+ COCOM FILIU EDELSTAN ('The cross ofCocom son of Edelstan'), and this is the correctreading, though some letters are damaged or faint. Initial crosses linked

23; Henderson and Henderson, 2004: illus. 15). There are

whose family later became prominent ni Buellt (Maund,

attached to the cross-shaft (Kermode, 1907: fig. 19).

D7.3 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant I D (Crown copyright:

RCAHMW).

D7.5 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 A, line-drawing of inscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

B (narrow): Running the length oft h e slab is a border fretpattern (J4).

C(broad): Roughly dressed butundecorated.

DISCUSSION Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant, dedicated to the Celtic saint Dogfan, was the mother church of the cantref of Mochnant and is noted as portionary in 1291

(Evans, 1986: 74; Astle, Ayscough and Cayley, 1802: 286: D (narrow): At the bottom are fragmentarystrands of possible ring-knots (8.4) separated byglides.

Thomas, 1906-13, i: 241-2). It is located on the bank of the Afon Rhaeadr which flows around the western and

1991: 45-8; Davies, 2002: 212-13). They suggested that

Spirals are found elsewhere in the borders of Wales on

Llangamarch (St Cadmarch's Church) 1 (B27) and the fragmentaryLIanafan Fawr 4 (B9), but there are no close

However, the reading and the linguistic evidence do not support this. Nevertheless, anOld Englishpatronym com-

The layout of long bands of plaitwork (v) and frets (vi)

20I n c h e s

with names are also found on Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3)

and Llantwit Major 4 (G66). The function of the inscription is not clear: it might be dedicatory and/or commemorative. Radford and Hemp (1957: 112-16) attempted to equate EDELSTAN with Elystan Glodrydd, an obscure figure in Powys in t h e earlier eleventh century the inscription commemorated his son Cadwgon, thereby dating the monument to the mid-eleventh century.

parallels.

sO Centimetres

Radford

and Hemp (1957: 111-12, pls XXIII-XIV) favoured:

Although the fragmentary spirals at the top of A (ji). (iv) might be zoomorphic in the manner of the creatures with spiralled tails on the cross-slab from Skinnet (Caithness) (Henderson and Henderson, 2004: illus. 47), it is more likely that they are simply ornamental motifs. They might have originated as spiralled roundels (cf. Skinnet) which are not replicated below the cross-arms or as spirals attached to the ends of the cross-arms as on Tullylease 1 (Co. Cork) (Okasha and Forsyth, 2001: 119also several cross-slabs on the Isle of Man with spirals

P LN ENES

(? set it up)') (ECMW: no. 181). However,

on either side of the central cross are also comparable with some of the Pictish cross-slabs, for example Crieff (Perthshire) (Hendersona n dHenderson, 2004: illus.279). Whilethere are no close parallels for the fret-pattern elsewhere in Wales finely carved triangular frets set on the diagonal are a feature of LIantwit Major 1 (G63), datable

bined with an Old Welsh name would imply Anglo-Saxon

penetration into this part of Powys orpossibly intermarriage across the border.

Language Brittonic Period 11-28. EDESTAN is Old English Athelstan, which was borrowed into Welsh as Elystan. Unlike the Welsh borrowing, the form shows loss of the /1/, an Old English sound-change well attested

by inscription to the mid- to late ninth century. The frets and ring-knots(?) on B and D are both common Viking

from c.950 onwards (Feilitzen, 1937: 79, 188). The inscription is therefore likely to be post 950. No Old

p a r l i e rd a t e

the nearest si Cocca, genitive Coccan (see Smith, 1964-5, :i

Age motifs (Bailey, 1980: fig. 7) but are also found at an

English personal name resembles COCOM at all closely -

. ( i ) h a s been incised The fact that the inscription on A

30: i: 90) - and the -COM is more reminiscent of -cum

in shallow depressions cut into the cross-head suggests that it is secondary. It is also possible that the present

(later -cu 'dear') in Old Welsh names such as Concum

inscription has been carved after the destruction of an earlier one in the same position. Although inscriptions are

(cited under Llandygái 1(CN22)); perhaps anasal suspension in Cöcom has been lost above the first O. Implausibly, Radford and Hemp thought that COCOM was an error

344

THE CATALOGUE

for *COCONI and that this was a possible form of a

Welsh name such as Gwgawn (CIB: 70, 94, 111, 204 n. 1255 (no. 1001/181)). (PS-W)

345

THE CATALOGUE

Llawhaden 1 (P55) and St Davids 1 (P90), which have been dated to the ninth century (vol. II: 374, 429), have similar cross-forms, the cross-slab as a form is far more

Lettering Some of the letters have an atypical backward

slope (notably M, L, E), which jars whentheir neighbours

do not. For instance, the L and second E o ffiliu Edestan have a marked lean, the U andfirst E much less (and these are squarer too), whereas D is completely upright. The M of Cocom leans backwards, whereas the F offiliu does not, but insteaditsbars slant upwards. It is mostlikely that this is due to a letterer's tendency to produce backwardleaning forms. Hew a s more successful with curved than with straight letters; Coco- at the beginning and -tan at the end of the inscription, with curved C, O, T and A, are neater than ther e s t .

Apart from this, the lettering is a standard mixture of half-uncial and capital forms, typical of the later-period

characteristic of Pictland and, during the Viking period, of the Isle of Man. The properties of the available sandstone at Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochant may simply have favoured the cross-slab form. On analogy with crosses in Ireland, Nash-Williams dated this cross-slab to the ninth

or tenth century (ECMW: no. 181). Although some of the

patterns are found on Viking Age monuments, they are not exclusively Viking ornamental features. The presence of spirals in particular is suggestive of an earlier date. Therefore, a ninth- orearly tenth-century date is preferred here. The inscription, which is carved after the mutilation of the cross-head, must belater, and linguistically is likely

to be post c.950, though the letter-forms are not post

Conquest.

inscriptions: 'o-c' A si especially characteristic. Capital F DATE Phase 1: ninth or early tenth century; Phase 2: with

the

top

bar

slanting

upwards

is

also

seen

o n

Heneglwys 1 (AN5), and Llanfihangel Ystrad 1 (CD20).

secondh a l f of the tenth oreleventh century.

(HMcK)

REFERENCES Chidlow, 1880; Anon., 1894: 153, fig.;

In conclusion, this monument would seem tohave at least

243; RCAHMW, 1914: no. 493,138-9; Anon., 1923: 403,

D8.1 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

Allen, 1899: 3, 12, 52, 64, 67, figs: Thomas. 1906-13. i: two phases. The earliest, the cross-slab carved in relief with spirals, plaitwork and frets, has little in the way of close comparisons in Wales. Though the cross-slabs

pl.; CIC: no. 1001, 150; ECMW: no. 181, pl. LIV. fig. 134:

Radford and Hemp, 1957: pls XXII-XXIV; Hemp, 1958;

CIB: 70, 94, 111, 204n . 1255, 364, 380(no. 1001/181).

lithology closely resembles that of Llandrinio 1 (MT2), although itis a little more intensely iron stained. It is also

very deep, it si most likely that the fragment was once part of the bottom of a font. The curve ofthe fragment

PRESENT CONDITION

ornament is ingood condition. D8

2. Fragment ECMW: no. 180

A severely damaged frag-

ment. Part of the face has flaked away but the surviving

Area of SJ 123 260

DESCRIPTION Asmall section ofa curved block, partially hollowed out on the inside and roughly dressed. A: The curved outside face hasa plain, moulded bordera t

PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church in a glass case on the north side of the south aisle, east ofno. 1. First recorded in1911

STONE TYPE Red arenite (Triassic). This stone is worked fromsoft, well-sorted, medium-grained red sandstone that weathers a slightly paler colour (10R 8/6 red. fresh; 10R 5/3 weak red, weathered). The rock is dom-

ni the (former) vicarage garden immediately east of the

inated by clear, rounded, iron-stained quartz grains.

EVIDENCEF O R DISCOVERY

churchyard (RCAHMW, 1914: no. 493, 139).

Later

removed to the church (Anon., 1923: 403) and kept on the w i n d o w s i l l at t h e w e s t e n d o f t h es o u t h c h a n c e l a i s l e u n t i l

2002.

DIMENSIONS

h. 23 < 26cm (9 < 10in.) × w. 38cm

(13in.) max.× d. 18 > 10cm (7 >4in.) approx.

groove (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

type', but the carving on B makes this impossible.

lithologyi s slightly coarsergrained. (JH and H ) (Near St Dogfan's Chuch)

T l a n r h a e a d r - v m - M o c h n a n t 2 hollowed.out f a c e a n dr i m with

some 20km to the south-east (e.g. Ruyton Sandstonenow referred to as the Helsby Sandstone Formation). The comparable to that of Meifod 1 (MT6), although this

LLANHAEADR-YM-MOCHNANT

D 82

the bottom. The rest o f the surviving face is carved in high relief with fragmentary diagonal and triangular frets (N2?).

Although the hollowed-out centre does not seem to be

enables an external diameter to be tentatively reconstructed in the region of 48cm (19in.). It would therefore have been of a cylindrical shape (cf. Cerrig Ceinwen 1

(AN2),Llanffinan 1 (AN16), Newborough 1 (AN49) and

Pistyll 1 (CN39), see pp. 74-6). Several Anglo-Saxon

cylindrical fonts identified by Blair (2010: fig. 3) are also very shallow. The diagonal and triangular frets are paralleled on Llandrinio 1 and 2 (MT2-3). The style of carving on Llandrinio 1 with thetriangular expansions in the angles of the pattern is also very similar to Llanrhaeadr-ym-

Mochnant 2. Furthermore, the two monumentsare carved from the same stone which is local to Llandrinio. This good-quality sandstonewas therefore brought some distance and it is likely that the two monuments were

: On the top there is an incised groove and a roll B

carved in the same workshop, possibly by the same hand,

There is no indication of bedding or other sedimentary

moulding around the lip o f the hollowed-out area.

and are of a similar date.

observations made in the hand specimen are upheld. In addition to sub-rounded to roundedquartz grains, minor

DISCUSSION The fragment seems to be part of a cylinder, and the ornament is elegantly executed, but its function is not easy to identify. Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 180) suggested t h a t it was part of a cylindrical shaft and Radford and Hemp (1959: 81) thought it was a 'fragment of a great collared cross of ninth-century Mercian

DATE

features. In thin section (acc. no. NMW 78.58G.T.38) the

lithic fragments are visible, as is the iron cement. As the bedrock geology is of Ordovician sandstones, andesite

and other volcanic rocks, this clearly hasn o t been derived from this source. The colour and texture of this rock is indicative of Triassic sandstone, such as that exposed

Ninth or early tenth century.

REFERENCES RCAHMW, 1914: no. 493, 139; Anon., 1923: 403, pl.; ECMW: no. 180, 403, pl. XXX; Radford and Hemp, 1959: 81.

346

THE CATALOGUE

347

THE CATALOGUE

PENTREFOELAS

(Dôl Trebeddau, Ty'n y Bryn Farm) SH 859 512

1. Incomplete roman-letter inscribed stone ECMWno. 183; CIIC no. 401

wall of the s u m m e r house at Voelas (SH 8503 5152).

bottom is missing. The surface of A has laminated away along the topa n d the left side; the remaining face is pitted

BROMONASLI lATTICIACIT ETVXORENPONINE

PRESENT LOCATION Mounted horizontally on the

D 9

a n d u n e v e n . T h e i n s c r i p t i o n is worn.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Found in January

1820 during construction of the Shrewsbury/Holyhead

DESCRIPTION

road (current A5) between Lima and Cernioge, about 275m (300yds) east of the bridge at Hendre Isaf in the corner of a field called Dôl Trebeddau where acemetery wasuncovered. The inscription was face down on a stone forming the lintel of a grave (Anon., 1819-20, 1820a,

t h e u n l a m i n a t e d s u r f a c e is c a r v e d w i t h a r o m a n - l e t t e r.

Anincomplete, unshaped slab.

A (broad): The surface oft h e face is very uneven. Most of

Latin inscription in three lines reading vertically:

1820b; plaque on site of monument). The monument was

BROHOMAGLI

taken to Lima Hall (Anon., 1820-1) where it was pre-

I AT T I I C I A C I T

served ni the drawing room (Westwood, 1847: 32). Voelas

ETVXOREIVSCAVNE

is o nt h e f o r m e rs i t e of Lima Hall.

DIMENSIONS h. 155cm (61in.)× w. 35 < 50cm (13.75

/ : /is significant)or (if not) 1-12 (if writing of U for /u/ > /ö/ is significant)or (if not) 1-13. SALVIANS is nominative and the following genitive BRIGIOCAVI

(BRSOCAVI makes no sense) cannot easily be a patronymic, in view of the patronymic FILIVS CVPITIAN(I]. A possibility is a place-name, comparable to the Gaulish ethnonym Andecavi (Angers/Anjou), that is, 'Salvianus of Burgocavus/m'. The easiest solution, however, is to suppose that there were two inscriptions on the stone: (1)S A LV I A N S FILIVS CVPITIAN[I] (Latin names recurring at Llanymawddwy and in Scotland

408 |

THE CATALOGUE

VwchIrewerm hath the as

Vuch Frewe-

parilhos, SLaubroch Dun kit al Bamborode".

x m

скиедія кств

a r e leonin

Castelh Corn Dochen

Gai built in i tynos of Romals as unh und of Late, hour allas roas Dig hte this

Takish hash. r .

i s Caek.

409

THE CATALOGUE

respectively) and (2) BRIGIOCAVI. The latter can be

The curious F with its extended top horizontal might be

compared with OB Burg- and an uworhic, Mod. B. bourch, 'borough', MW bwrch 'rampart', Ol borg, a Germanic

compared with that on Cynwyl Gaeo 2 (CM5) (vol. II:

loanword into Celtic as well as into Latin (burgus 'watch

44). Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 283) dated the m o n u m e n t

tower'). According to Rhys (1879: 379), BVRGOCAVI 'would mean "he who watches over, provides for, or takes care of the town' (presumably Rhys was thinking of

to the fifth or early sixth century. The presence of the abbreviated hic iacit formula, combined with X ' filivs Y' and the likely use of horizontal I might make a sixth-

Latin caveo < *coveo). BRIGIOCAVI could also be a

Germanic-Celtic hybrid personal name, for Burg- is a

DATE

,1 CAVOSENI ARGII, the same element perhaps being used for tworelatives(CIB: 39 and n. 103, 51 n. 181, 58-9, 85-6, 103 n. 552, 124, 143,147-8, 181, 185, 199, 250, 293

REFERENCES NLW MS 472B, fo. 5v; NLW Peniarth MS 232, 132a; IBC: no. 132, 46; LW: 168; Rhys, 1877a: 391-2; Rhys, 1879: 377-9; Hughes, 1885: 186; Thomas, 1885b: 196, 201; Rhys, 1905: 14; CIIC: no. 418, 395;

h i glaro

L ligature notrecorded them very accurately, though the A

Romans

form, as well as possible horizontal I, are all noteworthy.

mA .

Sixth century.

common element in Germanic personal names. The obscure element-CAVI must berelated to that on Llanfor

(no. 418/283)). (PS-W) Little canb e s a i d a b o u t thel e t t e r- f o r m ss i n c e Va u g h a n has

and apparently conjoined LI (Illus. MR19.2) with thehori-

zontal of the L sloping steeply downwards, a common

h

century date m o r elikely.

. D. Jones, 1955: 225, 226-7, fig.;Morris, ECMW: no. 283; E 1977, :i 124 n. 124.2; White, 1985; Edwards, 2001: 26; CISP. no. LUWCH/1; Sims-Williams, 2002: 16; CIB: 39 and n. 103, 51 n. 181, 58-9, 85-6, 103 n. 552, 124, 143, 147-8, 181, 185, 199, 250, 293, 359, 373 (no. 418/283).

L L A N Y M AW D D W Y (Near S t Ty d e c h o ' s Church)

..

Area of SH903 190

(y permission of Llyfrgel Genedlaethol CymruMRI9. I Llanuwchlyn ,1hte inscription, noted yb Robert Vaughan (NLW 472B, of. )5B

NationalLibrary ofWales).

.1 Incomplete roman-letterLatin inscribed stone ECMWno. 284; CIIC no. 419 PRESENTLOCATION

MR20

(FILIAE SALVIA[.I]

Lost.

HIC IACIT VEL. TIMAIE

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

I C I A C I T S AV I A N U S BVRS

TI N Se V PI TI A N -S ./

Found in 1746 by

UXSORTIGIIRNI.ICI.]

Lewis Morris 'in astone wall near the Church yard' (BL

ET FILIE EJUS ONERATI

872.L.25, back flyleaf; NLW Add. MS 67a, 278; Owen,

[-][CIT RI[GJOHE[N]E

1896a: 136).

DIMEN SIONS

STONE TYPE

[ILJOCETI [-IC.JACI

Not known.

Not known.

Interpretation: Filiae Salvian)]i /h i c iacit Velh or n)imaie / uxsor Tigirn/a)c/i| / et filie eius Onerati / .../clit Rigohene / ..oceti / .

PRESENTCONDITION

DESCRIPTION

MR19.2 Llanuwchllyn L , drawing by Robert Vaughan (NLW Peniarth MS232, 132a) (By permission of Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru -

NationalLibrary of Wales).

Lost.

Lewis Morris'ssketch (Illus. MR20.1)

aci

Translation: of the daughter of Salvianus, here shelies, Ve(h or n)imaie, the wife of Tigirnacus Oneratus and of

s h o w s a n i n c o m n l e t e m o n u m e n t w i t h t h e ton_left c o r n e r

his daughter (here she lies?) Rigohene...' or . and of his daughter Rigohene (here she lies the

and part of the left side missing. The top-right corner of

wife?) of Oneratus...

He recorded the inscription as:

Morris shows theinscription in capitals with minuscule H (line 5) and H or N (line 2); V's are rounded and may be minusculeU's.There arehorizontal I's at the ends oflines

the stone is shown as rounded. On theface Morris shows a roman-letter. Latin inscription in seven lines reading vertically downwards: the last three lines are fragmentary.

410

THEC ATA L O G U E

Theinscribed stone recorded nearby si the only evidence ih a

H eno

Sound

wal

Herioneth hite .д4 1746.

near'

as

411

THE CATALOGUE

to suggest the early medieval origins of the site. However, there are other possible indicators, such as the large churchyard, curvilinear on its south-western side, a n d in

which formerly also stood Capel Tydecho, a capel-y-bedd which may once have housed the relics of the saint

FI LI AE SA LU IA /-

~ I T RISOLENE

MAAC-

VOCET -

HIC TACIT V E i I N A I E UXS ORTI SIRN IC' ET FILIE EJUS ONERAT-

(

(Davidson, 2001: 364; Owen, 1892-1936, iv: 545). Morris's two sketches (BL 872.L.25, back flyleaf (Illus. MR20); NLW Add. MS 67a, 278) are the only record of the inscription. They are verysimilar but the latter is inferior. Theiraccuracy is questionable and the gaps between some of the words are probably Morris's. Nevertheless,

the first three lines as noted in the former are relatively

clear and lines 4 and 5 may be tentativelv reconstructed. though two interpretations are possible. Both the hic iacit formula and a variation of the X ' son of Y' formula are used. The first five lines commemorate two women, a

mother and her daughter: Ve[h or n]imaie, si the daughter of Salvianus and wife of Tigirnacus, and Rigohene seems

to have been the daughter of Tigirnacus. Onerati is most likely an epithet (seebelow), but alternatively might refer to the husband ofRigohene if the beginning ofline 5 were to be reconstructed as uxsor hic iacit or something similar rather than simply hic iacit. A third person may have been

hte inscription), si preferable to 'TIGIRNICI', and suits

the drawing as well or better. Compare TEGERNACVS on Llanfihangel Cwm Du (Cae Gwynlliw) 1 (B21) and Gelli-gaer (Capel Brithdir) 1 (G28), and TIGERNACI on

Jordanston 1 (P20). The last may be Irish, but TIGIR-

NACI and TEGERNACVS are probably Welsh on account of their -IRN- and TEG- respectively. ONERATI may be a bad spelling ofLatin Honoratus, but is more

likely the rare cognomen Oneratus (Onerata is attested in Roman Wales at Caerleon, CIB: 59 n. 233, and see further L'Année Epigraphique, 1984: 942; 1987: 384; 1998: 1166; 2002: 634; 2006: 99). RIGOHENE is Celtic, from

*Rigosena, with a Latin genitive termination in -(a)e; note the same second element as in C AV O S E N I o nL l a n f o r 1

(MR18), but here in a later spelling (cf. MAVOHENI on Llanboidy 1 (CM13)). JOCETI[ could be part of a Latin name such as Docetius or Innoce(n)tius(CIB: 14-15, 24 n.

10, 32 n. 58, 36, 59, 63 n. 258, 90, 93, 99, 108, 120, 125, 143, 185, 207, 211, 220, 250, 253, 294 (по. 419/284)).

(PS-W)

is in the nominative, the genitive case is used. Salvianus, the father of the first woman, is probably the same as the

Although the accuracy of letter-forms as shown by Morris may be questioned, characteristic features of the letterforms do seem to be noted, including some minuscule letters and no less than four horizontal I's, and indicate that the inscription is late in the series. This is supported by the linguistic evidence (CIB: 290). Nash-Williams

man commemorated on Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19) on the other side of the pass, approximately 12km (7.5 miles) t o the north-west (ECMW: no. 284; Morris, 1977, :i 124 n.

(ECMW, no. 284) suggested a sixth-century date on the basis of the epigraphy but it seems likely to date to the end of this period.

commemoratedin lines 6 and 7. Apart from uxsor, which

124.2).

DATE

Second half oft h e sixth or early seventh cen-

Language Brittonic Period 10-13. For SALVIANI see

turies.

may contain a fem. genitive suffix -aide, corresponding to

REFERENCES B L 872.L.25, back flyleaf; NLW Add. MS 67a, 278; Owen, 1896a: 136, fig.; RCAHMW,1921: no. 489, 149, fig. 123; CIIC: no. 419, 395; ECMW: no. 284, fig. 186; Morris, 1977, i: 124 n. 124.2; CISP: no.

Llanuwchilyn 1 (possibly the same man). VEL.lIMAIE masculine nom. -aios/-aius, but the stem Vehim- or Venim-

MR20 Llanymawddwy I, sketch by Lewis Morris (BL 872.L.25)(Reproduced by permission oftheBritish Library).

1,4 , 6a n d 7; uncialE is shown at the beginning ofline 4 and uncial G's in lines 3a n d 6. In line 2, MA are ligatured as are NE at the end o fline 5. DISCUSSION

T h e settlement clusteredr o u n d Llanvm-

awddwy Church i s located at the bottom oft h e steepslope on the west side of the upper reaches of the narrow valley

of the Afon Dyfi. Its position, though remote, si strategically sited on an important routeway, formerly a drover's

road which goesback to thelater Middle Ages and almost certainly had much earlier origins. The routeleads from

the Dyfi estuary to Llanymawddwy and then north-

westwards, climbing through the pass known as Bwlch y

Groes, before descending into Cwm Cynllwyd and the valley of the Afon Twrch to reach the south-western end of Llyn Tegida n d the site of the Roman fort of Caer Gai where Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19) was recorded. The fact that the two monuments were sited at either end of the strategic pass may well be significant. It may be argued that their locations are an expression of the ownership of territory, especially since the people commemorated on both monuments appear tob e related (see below). The church at Llanymawddwy, the mother church of

the commote of Mawddwy, is dedicated to an obscure

local saint, Tydecho, who by the twelfth century was

linked with St Cadfan of Tywyn (Pryce, 2001: 265-6).

is obscure. Perhaps this is one ofthe many Celtic names in Veni-, e.g. Veninia (Evans, 1967: 278), or *Veni-magia

which might give* Venimaia. VXSOR for wxor can be comparedwith VXSO[R] at Bath (RIB: no. 169) a n d VX/SOR at St Nicholas (P133), and cf. [?ux]SORIS on Llangefni 2 (AN40). The reading TIGIRNACI, which is well paralleled (and has the same Celtic suffix as \ACI at the end of

LYMWD/1;Sims-Williams, 2002:16-17; CIB: 14-15,24n. 10, 32 n. 58, 36, 59, 63 n. 258, 90, 93, 99, 108, 120, 125, 143, 185, 207, 211, 220, 250, 253, 294, 359, 373-4 (по. 419/284).

412

THE CATALOGUE

MAENTWROG

The drawing suggests thatthe monument si more likely

Language Brittonic Period 14-15. (This assumes that

(Tomen y Mur)

to havebeen a slab than a pillar; there is some evidence of damage on the left-hand side. The inscription seems to be horizontal. It is not possible to recover the exact reading

BARRECTI shows syncope; otherwise it is 1-15, which is more compatible with the suggested fifth-century date.) BARRECTI looks like a syncopated form of a name com-

MR21

but Nash-Williams's tentative interpretation D(is) M(anibus) / BARRECT- / CARANTEI (ECMW: no. 285) seems most likely. The horizontal line after the T in line 2 is probably horizontal I indicating Barrecti i n the

Barrows have been located suggesting Roman burial,

genitive, but theline ni hte drawing si not of the same

pounded of two common Celtic elements, *barro- 'top, head' and *rectu-, *recto- 'law'. Syncope is incompatible with the early appearance of the stone, however. A possible alternative is to analyse it as *Barro- + suffix

width as the rest of the letters so some doubt should

earlyhaplology in *Barro-recti owing to the occurrence of

Area of SH 706 386

.1 Roman-letter inscribed stone ECMW no. 285 Lost.

P R E S E N TL O C A T I O N EVIDENCE

FOR

D I S C O V E RY

Recorded

Westwood by W. W. E. Wynne who reported that i t had been brought from Tomen y Mur (LW: 156-7). DIMENSIONS 1. 18in. (46cm) × w. 12in. (30cm) (LW: 157) × d. not known. STONE TYPE

Not known.

PRESENTCONDITION

Lost.

especially alongside the Roman roads north-east and south-east oft h e fort (Gresham, 1938: 199-200, figs 1-2;

Pollock, 2006: 42-3, 243; Burnham and Davies, 2010:

A rectangular stone with carving

recorded on one face only. 1: T h e face is carved with a three-line inscription. T h e

reading is based on Westwood's drawing (Illus. MR21) w h i c h w a s d e r i v e df r o m W y n n e ' s r u b b i n g :

(DM

BARRECT!.| CARANI.|I) Interpretation: D(is) M(anibus) / Barrect/i] / Caran|teli Translation: 'Tothe Spirits of the Departed. Of Barrectus Caranteius'

Davies, 2010: 284). The association of the monument with aRoman fort maybecompared with Llanuwchllyn I (MR19), Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18) and possibly also with

Forsyth, 2005: 119) but there is no reason to link the two

Sincei t islost, thismonument is now difficult to assess. First, we areentirely dependent upon a singleantiquarian account by Wynne and the accompanying drawing based on his rubbing may not be entirely accurate. Secondly and

uniquely in Britain, the inscription combines the classic Roman memorial formula D(is)M(anibus) with twonames (the second a patronym?) in the genitive case with letter-

forms in keeping with a post-Roman date. This hasmeant

as been consistently rejected as a Roman monuhat it(LhW: tment 157; Haverfield, 1908-9: 93 n. 35; RIB: 142),

though Knight (2010: 287 .n 24) has recently suggested

that it could be 'a normal Roman tombstone'. It was included in ECMW (no. 285) but omitted by Macalister (CIIC:3 9 7 )b e c a u s e o f theR o m a n formula.

shallow curves. In line 1, the M has widely spaced strokes which meet on the line. Line 2 may terminate in hori-

DISCUSSION This monument appears to have come from the Roman fort at Tomen y Mur. The fort is in a strategic location south-east of the Vale of Festiniog and is sited in an elevated position on a rounded spur of MynyddMaentwrog with wide views tot h e north, south and west (Gresham, 1938: 192). It is thought to have been built during the Flavian period and there is no evidence of

occupation after c.130 (Burnham and Davies, 2010: 284).

penultimate character could be a T indicating Caranti, as indicated by Westwood (LW: 157), but the threehorizontals to the right of the vertical line make a TE ligature

likely, also suggested by theRCAHMW (1921: 152) and

The letters were 2.5in. high. According to Westwood's drawing, the R's have shortened diagonal strokes which veer slightly towards the horizontal and the C's form

zontal I. In line 3, the penultimate charactermay be a TE

remain; it might simplybe aflaw inthe stone. Inline 3, the

284-5), but the monument is the only evidence suggesting later burial. A large rectangular structure has also been reported overlying the road south-east of the fort and interpreted as a possible post-Roman timber hall, but there is no dating evidence t o support this (Burnham and

Llanfor 1 (MR18).

DESCRIPT ION

413

THEC ATA L O G U E

BARRE C T CARANET.

Gresham (1938: 206). A man by the name of Carantvs is

also commemorated on the monument from Brox,

Liddesdale (Dumfries and Galloway) (CIIC: no. 514;

(pace Morris, 1977, i: 124 n. 124.2. There is nothing to

suggest that thefirst lineof theinscription wascarved ata

twohomorganic consonants (arbitrary >'arbitry' would be an instance in English). A possible early Brittonic

example si Catiherno < *Katu-tigernos in 509×521 (CIB: 281, 285); for Gaulish haplology see Schmidt (1957:

92-3). BARRECTI could be Irish or British, but the latter

is made likely by the following name which cannot be Irish inview of the preserved NT. Celtic Caranti)usi s well

attested, but CARANTEI may be hte genitiveof a per-

fectly plausible *Caranteiuswhich would probablygive W. *Carannwy. For names in -eio- see Holder (1896-1913, i:

1410; CIB: 191 n. 1173) (CIB: 18-19, 130, 178, 191, 273

differentt i m e from the other two.

(no. 397/285)). (PS-W)

most characteristicpagan Roman formula and, with some variations, is commonly found in Roman Britain as, for

recorded,b u t allt h e forms, particularly the R's with shortened diagonals which veer slightly upwards, are in keeping with those on early inscribed stones elsewhere in

D(is) Manibus) ('to the Spiritsof the Departed'), often set It si diffic ult ot tell how accurately the letters were above the rest of the epitaph as on Maentwrog 1, si the

example, at thelegionary fort of Chester (RIBIndex: 101-2; RIB: nos 488-92, 494-5, 497, 499-500, 503-6, 508, 510, 513, 517, 519, 521-3, 525-8, 532, 534, 536-7,539-40, 542, 549-51, 558-60, 563, 566-8). Funerary inscriptions are, however, rare in Britain int h e fourth century, thought h e y

are most commonly found in thewest and north (Handley, 2001: 181-3): the most common formula is dis manibus et memoriae. A couple of late examples from Carlisle and York which include D(is)Manibus)have recentlv beententatively identified as Christian (RIB: nos 955, 690; Petts, 2003: 150-1) and it has also been pointed out that dis manibus continued to be usedo n a considerable number of Christian epitaphs in Italy, Gaul and North Africa, some of which are fifth century (Handley. 2001: 183; ECMW: no. 285) as. for example, in southern Gaul at Grenoble, Vienne

and Marseilles (RICG, XV: 78-9, nos 71, 233; ICG: no.

Wales, thoughmany features, such as the possible TE lig ature, also have earlier origins in later Roman Britain (Tedeschi, 2001: 18). However, the likely horizontal I si a particularly characteristic feature oft h e early inscribed

stones in Wales, especially in the south-west (vol. II: 45),

whichthereforepointst o an earlymedieval date. Nash-Williams suggested that themonument was fifth century (ECMW: no. 285). This is broadly supported by

both the language and the letter-forms, though horizontal I si usually, but not always, interpreted as a later feature

(Tedeschi, 2001: 24). It therefore suggests continued occasional use of the D(is) Manibus) formula in Britain into

the post-Roman period, a practice also attested on the Continent and in North Africa.

DATE

Fifth centurv.

550). Therefore, the use ofD(is) M(anibus) onMaentwrog1

cannot be said to identify the monument as either paganor of Roman date. Indeed, there are no other indications as to

REFERENCES

LW:

156-7, pl.

78(4); Haverfield,

1908-9: 93 n. 35; RCAHMW, 1921: 152; Gresham, 1938:

whether it is pagan or Christian. Nevertheless, the use of

206: CIC: no. 397: ECMW: no. 285, pl. XIV: Hemp and

D(is)M(anibus)on a monument located on a Roman site

Gresham, 1961: 155; Laing, 1977: 58; Morris, 1977, i: 124 .n 124.2; RIB: 142; CISP no. MWROG/1;Edwards, 2001: 27; CIB: 18-19, 130, 178, 191, 273, 354, 369 (no.

might have been deliberately chosen to emphasize a con-

nection with romanitas, whether real or illusory, and the

manc o m m e m o r a t e d

MR21 Maentwrog I A(LW: p1.78(4)).

*ekto, However, ti si easier ot suppose that there was an

397/285): Knight, 2010: 287 n. 24.

414

THE CATALOGUE

THE CATALOGUE

T R AW S F Y N Y D D (Bryn GoleuF a r m ) SH 7142 3505 MR22

.1 Fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone PRESENT LOCATION Gwynedd Museum and Art Gallery, Bangor (acc. nos 22/52 and 1984/9.6H). EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Found in 1952 'on a

Interpretation: Rigella hi(c iacit) /filia Tvncc... Translation: 'Rigella lies here, the daughter ofTuncc...

The inscription is very lightly incised using a knife with

fieldwall,where it had presumably been placed with other stones turned up during ploughing the adjacent land'

o f the letters. T h e letters are small capitals with half-

400yds (365m) west-north-west of the farmhouse and

the L's curve backwards. Inline 1, the diagonal of R is

(Hemp and Gresham, 1961:

154). The location was

200yds (180m) south oft h e Afon Prysor. Donated to the Museum of Welsh Antiquities in Bangor in 1952.

DIMENSIONS h. 21cm (8.25in.) max. × w. 48cm (19in.)× d. 8.5 21.5 < 27cm(9.75> 8.5< 10.5in.) x d. 14.5 < 18cm (5.75 < 7in.). b. h. 30.5cm (12in.) × w. 24 < 26.5cm (9.5 < 10.25in.) x d. 8 < 14.5cm (3.25 < 5.75in).

which is very uncertain (CIB: 96, 115, 185, 215 (no.

DESCRIPTION A tall, irregular, quadrangular pillar made up of two almost adjoining pieces. The faces are uneven. The carving on all four si deeply incised using broad lines and the inscriptions are unevenly set out. The

MR25

Mostyn in March 1698 (Gunther, 1945: no. 208). Copies of drawings ofa l l fourfaces made by Lhuyd or his assistants have survived transcribed by an unknown hand (BL

Stowe 1023. fo. 160г: Illus. MR25.5). The pillar was standing at the west end of the churchyard. (It may have stood twenty-two paces due west of the church (Anon.,

is some damage tothe top of Aand the top angle of A/B. There are two gate-hanger holes in A , one near the top damaging the stem ofthe cross, the second towards the

bottom damaging the inscription. The pillar has been mounted on the wall with the aido f an iron clamp which obscures some of the lettering on A, B and D. The crosses are worn but clear. The inscriptions on both a. and b. are very weathered. Some letters are missing at the join, others damaged.

CIÚNBENCELEN

UN are ligatured. There are two curves beneath. C(broad): ( iO n the lower half of the face inscriptionI continues in two lines reading vertically upwards:

TRICET NITANAM

424 |

THE CATALOGUE

1425

THE CATALOGUE

MR25.3 Tywyn 2C (Crown copyright: RCAHMW). was originally sited beside the prehistoric s t a n d i n g stone

MR25.1 Tywyn 2A (Crown copyright:RCAHMW).

(i) At the bottom is inscription IV in three lines reading vertically upwards:

MOIRIT CIC(P)E TUAR

(1) A/D: Interpretation: Tengr(um)ui cimalted gu(reic) / Adgan / / anterunc du But Marciau Tr a n s l a t i o n : "Tengrumui wedded wife of Adgan (lies) fairly near (or very near) to But (and) Marciau (or But Marciau)'

MR25.2 Tywyn2 B(Crowncopyright: RCAHMW). (III) A : Interpretation: m(ortci)c / art r i ) Translation: 'The mortal remains of the three'

at Croes Faen (SH 5970 0155) (RCAHMW, 1921: no. 533), 1km (0.62 miles) north-east of Tywyn Church (Knight, 2001: 9). The inscriptions are commemorative and therefore the monument most likely acted as a focus within the cemetery for the graves of those named. They may have been members of the same family (see p. 103). The four inscriptions (I-IV) are of great significance as

the earliest examples of written Welsh. They are alsothe only earlymedieval inscriptions ni Old Welsh, other than

Therefore, antiquarian transcriptions (Illus. MR25.5-6),

made both before and after the pillar wasbroken ni two,

(I1) B/C: Interpretation: Cun ben Celen // tricet nitanam Translation: 'Cun woman (or wife) of Celyn, a mortal

nineteenth century their linguistic importance had been recognized (Westwood and Williams, 1850).

(IV) C:Interpretation: mort/cic pe/tuar

forms and orthography of the words, which have no spaces between them andinclude some abbreviations and contractions, as well as the letter-forms themselves,s o m e of which are poorly executed, have combined to make

can provide valuable information in addition to what is now visible ont h emonument andt h e cast (made in 1902 before the pillar was re-erected and some letters were obscuredb y the iron clamp). It is possible to trace a growing understanding oft h e inscriptions from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. The first substantial attempt to read the inscriptions was by Westwood and Williams(1850) and the accompanying illustration preserves some valuable evidence concerning

been aided by progressive damage to the monument.

They thought that thesequenceo f inscriptions began on B

wound remains'

Translation: 'The mortal remains of four' DISCUSSION Since Lhuyd first recorded the pillar in the churchyard in 1698, there is no reason to think that it

names. rather than Latin. Lhuvd was unable to identify

MR25.4 Twwwn 2D (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

the language of the inscriptions, but by the mid-

Thecurious layout of the inscriptions, together with the

obtaining readings exceptionally difficult. This has not

letter-formswhich are no longer visible (Illus. MR25.6).

4 2 6

THECATALOGUE

of Forr Chcur yadr I he IWEnd

1о

331

427

THE CATALOGUE

The final breakthrough was made by Ifor Williams (1949). He began the sequence with the main inscription (1)running down A and upD :

fied it as an R based on his comparison oft h e character with the form ofR (like aZ or 2) sometimes foundafter O which appears in Welsh manuscripts, such as the Cambridge Juvencus and the Corpus Martianus Capella

A : cengrui (or tengrui)cimalted gu(reic)/ adgan

(Williams, 1949: 171; Sims-Williams, 1991: 21-3)(see

D : a n t e r u n c d ub u t m a r c i o u

H M c K below).

Translation: 'Ceinrwy (or Tengrui) wife of Addian (lies

tation of (III) which appears to mirror .ti MC should be

here) close to Bud (and)M e i r c h i a w '

seen as thecontracted formm(ortci)c or mort)c(ic), though nocontraction mark is visible. The following letter is definitely A rather than E, followed by a fragmentary R, giving ar. T h eI oft r i )may havebeen lost.

( I ) : The correct reading of (IV) facilitates the interpre-

2 70LN2

TI C I N Z ENCELE

2ZOW

M hC

с л т а

324D MDIONDU200 M O J U A N

This was followed by (I1)running down Ba n d up C: B: cun ben celen C: tricet nitanam

Translation: 'Cun, wife of Celyn: grief and lossremain' He interpreted the short inscriptions (III) and (IV) as explanatory 'footnotes': A: mortci)c /e r (or ar)t r i

Translation: 'the memorialo ft h ethree' C: mort/cic peltuar

Translation: 'the memorialo ffour'

With minor amendments, Williams's readings stand

today. Sims-Williams (2002: 7) has demonstrated, with the aid of the drawings inBL Stowe 1023, fo. 160r, that

together and read + CUNGEN CELEN ARTERUNC DUBUT MARCIAU. Likewise, A and C should be taken together and read + TENGRUCIM ALTEDGUADGAN M AT H MOLT CLODE TUAR

T R I C E TN I T A N A M .

John Morris-Jones (1918) took the second majorstep

forward. He realized that there were two main inscriptions: one running down Band up C(II), the second down A and up D (I), but he also began the sequence on B:

CiNgeN celen / I C: tRicet nitanam ('Cinien's body / / lies

beneath'); A: Tengruin Malte(d) Guladgan / / D: anterunc DubutMarciau(n)('Egryn, Mallteg, Gwaddian // together

abbreviates in TENGRumUl and GU(reic). Presumably,

reading of Tengr(um)ui. Photographs and rubbings allow

TENGRumUI is a personal name with a suffix -UI (Mod. W. -wy) preceded by two elements: teng- or tyng-, . alternating with tang as in MW tegneved = Mod. W tangnefedd 'peace'; and -rum- as ni OW Rumceneu and Old

tion mark over it, a sshowni n BL Stowe 1023, fo. 160г, but is minuscule with an integral horizontal abbreviation mark at the top of thevertical stroke. (HI): Williams read the first word on B as cun. Though Westwood and Williams (Illus. MR25.6)show CIN, and thisi s supported by the cast, Lhuyd (Illus. MR25.5 shows aU N ligature (see below). The 'footnotes' to the main inscriptions remain more problematic; the interpretation of (III) depends on the correct understandingo f IV.

could not make sense of the former but suggested that the latter read: molt / c7c peltuar ( 'the tomb .

tion of the third character asa n R, giving mortic ('mortal remains'), requires some clarification. Both Westwood

no. 287).

should be abbreviated o n its first occurrence. Face A also

both mortic and gureic 'wife' were sufficiently well known

(IV): Williams's reading of the inscription on the bottom of C may be confirmed. However, his identifica-

four'). Morris-Jones's readings were followed by both Macalister (CIIC: no. 1033) a n d Nash-Williams (ECMW:

explanation,M CE R TRI 'mortal remainso f the three' on A refers to the three people named on A and D. (A personal name Erthri cognate with OI Artri and MW Erthir is unlikely.) Then, after a fourth name had been added on C, MORTCIC PETUAR 'mortal remains of four' had t o be added on the same face. While ti may seem odd that MC

as tos t a n d abbreviation.

with Dyfod and Marchiau'). He also thought that III

and IV in smaller letters were likely additions. He

remains'(cf. Irish moirtchenn), with -n > -ng (written -C)a s in Aricon(ium) > Ergyng, etc. According to Ifor Williams's

the first word of (I) on A definitely begins with T (not C)

(1): The first R si not a capital with a separate abbrevia-

and Williams suggested that B and D should be taken

To start with the 'footnotes', MORTCIC (abbreviated MC) si probably a loan from Latin morticinium 'mortal

a n d the a b b r e v i a t i o n mark over the first R indicates a some further clarifications and adiustments to be made.

MR25.5 Tywyn2 A-D, copies of drawings made by Lhuvd or his assistants (BL Stowe 1023. fo. 160r).

LanguageBrittonic Period 28. The use of the vernaculari s remarkable, as Latin remained de rigueur in Welsh epigraphy long after Old Welsh was in use in manuscripts. Perhapst h emother tongue was used on Tywyn 2because women were commemorated.

and Williams and Morris-Jones suggested an L; the character si smaller but otherwise comparable with the L ni

. Nevertheless. Ifor Williams correctly identiline 1 of A

Breton names like Rumuual. ADGAN corresponds to OB Adgan, presumably related to MW adyan 'lineage'. GUADGAN could be a pseudo-etymological spelling of the name GUADAN at Llanddeti (B10), but Williams's suggestion, GU(reic] ADGAN 'wife of Addian', is preferable. The word GU(reic) 'wife, woman' is compounded with CIMALTED, an early form of cyfalle(dd) 'bond, union, spouse', which presumably reinforces the legitimacy of their relationship, like 'wedded wife'rather than

'wife' in English. The LTrather than Il points to a date

earlier than most of the OW glosses.

Face D, continuing from Face A, can be divided

ANTERUNC DU BUT MARCIAU. UNC is MW wnc,

wng 'near', so that ANTER-UNC DU could be 'fairly near to', literally 'half (hanter, Mod. W. hanner) nearto' -

although loss of H is not typical of the inscriptions (CIB:

428 |

THE CATALOGUE

2 0 2

145 n. 860). Alternatively, Williams preferred ANT (a spelling of the yn (OW int) that turns adjectives into adverbs) plus ER-UNC 'very near' (cf. Sims-Williams, 2012), with intensive erplus DU 'to' (an odd spelling of MW (d)y, Mod. W. ,i cf. CIB: 148 n. 880). A barepossi-

bility is amiscopying of Latin anterunt 'they have gone before, predeceased' (anteeo). BUT and MARCIAU are

persons.Yet, perhapswe have oneperson with two names or BUT with a patronymic MARCIAU. In that case, .

originally named two persons, Faces A and TENGRumUl and BUTMARCIAU, and the 'footnote' could have been added later, after the death of ADGAN, to indicate that hisremainsh a dbeen added, now making three persons.

'holly', used as amale name; compareMAQVI COLINE

(Title,

nate with OI ben (cf. W. benyw 'female', etc.), hence 'Cun wife of Celyn', rather than theHebrew ben'son' affected

by British Latinpoets(cf.CIB:1 2 8 n. 725). Face Chas the poetic TRICET NITANAM, 'a mortal wound remains', referring to the sense ofloss after Cun's

Lettering Somewhat unevenly carved half-uncials. Three distinctive letters a r e 'o-c' A; open uncial E with a tongue generally slightly longer than the arms, and an unusual reversed form of Insular G. In addition, we may note two

forms of N: the round minuscule type, and the capital

MR25.6 Tywyn 2 A - D (WestwoodandWilliams, 1850: 91).

type (this last only appearsin Inscription II, Cun ben Celen, where it accounts for two out of three N's). Throughout, certain letters (B, I, L, M, N, R, U) have noticeable

a

128, 139, 141, 145 n. 860, 147-8, 152, 171-2, 176, 184, 188, 194-5, 199, 204, 213-15, 231-2, 254-5, 257-8, 2945 (no. 1033/287)). (PS-W)

The Staireof fit. Cadfan.

•

death. TRICET si a third singular absolute trigyd and NIT-ANAM seems to be a compound of *nid, cognate with OI nith 'fight(ing), anger', and *anam 'wound' (Mod. W. anaf, cf. OW pl. anamou). Williams mentions but rejects Morris-Jones's explanation of NITANAM as "underneath' (Sims-Williams, 2002: 6-9; CIB: 50, 72, 85 n. 426, 89and .n 449, 92, 93 n. 478, 94, 104, 110, 112,

TUDUDILLS

1210). (These are possibly related tot h e Caunusdiscussed under Pentrefoelas 1 (D9).) CELEN is not celein 'corpse' but either a derivative of Latin Col(1)inus or W. Celyn

3 9 9 1 4 9

(Holder, 1896-1913, i: 1150), feminine *Couna, or from Ceunus, feminine Cuna (Holder, 1896-1913, :i 1002-3; ii:

=

Following Williams, and the Stowe and Pennant drawings, I read the first three letters of B as CUN with ligatured UN. CUN can be derived regularly from Couns

SINGENGGENT

It is odd that there is no conjunction 'and' between them; Williams argues that the 'mortal remains of thethree' was added to clarify that BUTa n dMARCIAU were separate

CED 1E 5 0

M I CE T

two names, ni later spelling *Bud < Celtic Boutius (see Holder, 1896-1913, i: 499-500; it, 918-19; Vallejo Ruiz, 2005: 216-22) and Marchiaw orMeirchiaw(OWMerchiau).

=( OI Macc Cuilinn) on Wroxeter 1 (S2)i n vol. I. BEN is presumably an unattested word for 'woman' or 'wife' cog-

429

THE CATALOGUE

approach-strokes, suggesting that t h e stone-cutter wasfollowing the brush-lettered forms of an ordinator. Another clue to the work of the latter, who appears to have had scribal training, is the use of an abbreviation stroke for -um- in the middle of Tengrumui; the carver, however, has taken this as part of the R and joined it to that letter. Other abbreviated forms are mortic and gureic; in the latter,

G + U are conjoined in an echo ofa scribal ligature. In Cun the U+N are ligatured (a form taken from uncial script).

MR25.7 Tw y n 2 A-D, line-drawing o f

and in mortic we see O+R, a ligature derived from uncial

inscriptions(Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

THE CATALOGUE

430 (via Caroline minuscule)a n d found in Celtic manuscripts f r o m c8 5 0 o n w a r d s .

The wording of the four inscriptions suggests that they were not all made at the same time. There is no striking dissimilarity of carving, however. Although Ifor Williams was of the o p i n i o n that two different people were respon-

sible for the inscriptions (because I andI I Iwere somewhat more irregularly placed than II and IV), similar letterforms appear throughout, including a distinctive B with a

backward-leaning shaft in both But (I) and ben (I1). A

single exceptioni s the uncial N which onlyappears in Cun ben Celen, and which may have been chosen here in the first place because of the ligature with U. We might also note that only in I and III are words abbreviated

(Tengrumui, Gureic, mortic). However, these differences

may be attributed to the lapse in time between the two memorials, rather than a change in the ordinator. Some care has been takenw i t h the arrangement of the text: Adgan is extendedh o r i z o n t a l l y so that it occupies the

same spacea s Tengrumui, and after Cun ben Celen, twomirrored crescentshave been carved,probably as a decorative line-filler. The two 'postscripts' (mortic ar tri, mortic

petuar) are compressed at the foot of the pillar.

The inscription's closest parallels are with ninth-

THE CATALOGUE

431

Waunfawr 1 (CN42) further north. These crosses are examples of a type also found in the south-west, especially at Llanddewibrefi (CD10, 12-13) (vol. II: fig. 7.2).

DIMENSIONS

There are also occasional examples in the south-east;

STONE TYPE Crystal Tuff (Ordovician). Thelocation of this stone precludes detailed examination. Identified by NE as the same lithology as Tywyn 2 during recon-

Llanlleonfel 1 (B34)a n d Aberafan (The Croft) 1 (G1) havememorial inscriptions (see vol. I: fig. 61). Nash-Williams (ECMW: no. 284) dated the monument to the seventh toninth century; Jackson dated it to the seventh or eighth century or, more closely, to the late seventh or early eighth century (LHEB: 189, 386). Sims-Williams (CIB: 294-5)h a srecently dated it on linguisticevidencet o the ninth century. The lettering would be consistent with this as is the cross-form (cf. Llanddewibrefi 6, Aberafan

s t r u c t i o n w o r k o n t h e t o w e r .( T H I

PRESENT CONDITION

towardst h ebottom of the monument. The carving is very w o r n

DESCRIPTION

Nint h century.

b r o a d e r t h a n t h e h o r i z o n t a l a n d t h e h o r i z o n t a lc r o s s - a r m s

stretch from edge to edge.

DISCUSSION

century examples, especially Llanllwni 1 (CM30), which fig.; Anon., 1919: 591-2; RAHMW, 1921: 171-4, figs also has E with tongue longer than arms, and a form of N 141-3; Hughes, 1924: 53-4; CIC: no. 1033, 167-9, pl. XLVIII; Gunther, 1945: no. 208; Williams, 1949; ECMW:

no. 287, pl. XXIII, fig. 188; LHEB: 189, 386, 400, 570, 598, 610-11, 621, 631, 646, 668; Thomas, 1967: 253; Owen, 1972: 2; Jackson,1973-4: 19; Koch, 1985-6: 51-2, 66 n. 14; Sims-Williams, 1991: 21-3; CISP: no.

for an early example). There are also similarities with

Llanddeti (St Detti's Church) 1 (B10). The presence of

O+R, a 'Late Celtic' feature first attested in Celtic many. scripts c.850, is a significant clue to dating (cf. Sims-Williams, CIB: 294). (HMcK)

The linear crosses withright-angle bars atthe terminals of t h e c r o s s - a r m s s i g n a l t h e b e g i n n i n g s o ft h e m a i n i n s c r i p -

tions (I and II)o n A and B. Variations are also found on

Bardsey Island 1 (CN11), Llangybi 1 (CN27) and

TWYN1/2; Knight, 2001: 9; Sims-Williams, 2002: 6-9,

figs 1-2; CIB: 50, 72, 85 n. 426, 89 and n. 449, 92, 93 n. 478, 94, 104, 110, 112, 128, 139, 141, 145 п. 860, 147-8, 152, 171-2, 176, 184, 188, 194-5, 199, 204, 213-15, 2312, 254-5, 257-8, 294-5,365, 382 (no. 1033/287). Cast: acc. no. NMW02.190.

function. It is still located on the road north-east (A493)

of Tywyn (SH 5968 0154) but no carving is visible (RCAHMW, 1921: no. 533, fig. 73). The stone typesuggests that the monument, likeTywyn

2, si a pillar not a slab. Though Nash-Williams had doubts

(ECMW: no. 288), the form and linear cross-type, though MR26 Tywyn 3 A(Crowncopyright: RCAHMW).

seventh- to ninth-century date.

DATE

in 1884 (Thomas, 1967).

no. 539. 174; ECMW: no. 288.

Pugh, vicar of Tywyn, 1940). Built into the church tower

Seventh to ninth century.

REFERENCES LW: 160, p.l 77(8); RCAHMW, 1921:

T Y W Y N (TOWYN) (Yny smae ngwy n)

Area of SH 590 005

PRESENT LOCATION Built high up into the south wall of the tower ofSt Cadfan's Church, below and tot h e left of the belfry window (SH 5882 0094).

extremely simple, strongly suggest that the monument is early medieval and the linear cross-form may indicate a

St Cadfan's Church first comes into view. According to local knowledge it was found buried at Bryn Paderau, near theentrance gate to thehospital(notes by Revd D. P.

T Y W Y N (TOWYN) (Bryn Paderau)

3. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e E C M W no. 288

fI the first recorded location is the ori-

ginal one, this monument might have marked the extent of sanctuary and church land and/or a pilgrim route. Westwood (LW: 161) also noted a pillar known as Croes Faen ('Cross Stone') which could have fulfilled a similar

18746: 243; Rhys, 1897: 142-6, fig;. Morris-Jones, 1918:

upright halfway down: see also Stackpole Elidir 1 (P137)

A tall pillar or slab.

A : Near the top of themonument is alightly incisedlinear Latin cross (h. 36cm/14.25in.). The vertical bar is cut

L Stowe 1023, fo. 160r; Pennant, REFERENCES B : i 103, supp. pl. V(3); Gough, 1789, i: 541, pl. 1778-83, XIX(1-5); Mervinius, 1820-1: 121 n.; Jones, 1846: 167; Anon., 1848: 364, 365; Wakeman, 1850; Westwood and Williams, 1850: fig.; Stephens, 1851: 58-65; Anon., 1866b: 536; IBC: no. 126, fig.; LW: 158-61, pl. 75; Rhys,

similar to that in Cun (the obliquejoining the right hand

Weathered. There is some

recent d a m a g e to the present top edge o f the stone

(TheC r o f t ) 1).

DATE

h. 244cm (96in.) × w. 29 < 32cm (11.5

< 12.5in.) x d. not known.

SH 5990 0235

MR26

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First mentioned by Westwood (LW: 160) as coming from Bryn Paderau ('Pater Noster Hill'), approximately 0.5km (0.25 mile) south, south-east of the town at the point where

MR27

4. Incomp lete sundia l

PRESENT LOCATION In St Tywyn, at the west end, near no.2 .

Cadfan's Church,

EVIDENCE FORDISCOVERY First noted in 1986 by Thomas Lloyd after demolition of the mansion of

THE CATALOGUE

432

STONE TYPE Crystal tuff (Ordovician). T h is lithology is hard and compact and shows an extensive

cream weathering crustwhich extends toa depth of 5mm.

When fresh the tuff is grey (GLEY2 4/5PB dark bluish grey), with conspicuous crystals of twinned, altered feldspar (up to 1mm) and quartz. Iron staining around small pits indicates the presence and weathering of pyrite crystals. The stoneshows littlemodification in form, with

the carvedface being defined by a weak fabricand theside bounded by joint surfaces. This lithology, which shows

similarities to the acid tuff of the Offrwm Volcanic

Formation, Aaran Volcanic Group (Pratt etal., 1995: 39), is the same as that used for Tywyn 2 and 3. (JH) PRESENT CONDITION

The top of the stone is

missing, thereby damaging the top of the sundial on A.

There is a round hole filled with lead at the bottom oft h e central sundial ray and a second gate-hanger?) hole halfway down C. The monument has been reused as a milestone with the addition of a still clearly legible four-line inscription incised below the sundial reading:

From / Town / 1 / Mile. The early medieval carving si e x t r e m e l vw o r n .

DESCRIPTION

An unshaped, roughly quadrangularsection pillar carved on A only. A (broad): (i) Sundial: At the top of the pillar in the centre is thelower halfo f the gnomon hole. Emanating from this

are the damaged remains of the vertical dial, consisting of the lower half of a circle incised and divided into six

slightly unequal sections byfivelines (1. 15 < 18cm/6 < Zin.) which each have an arc at the end which meets the

curve oft h e dial,forming a trifid terminal. (ii) Immediately below to the left and right are two shallow incised circles(diam. 9cm/3.5in.). DISCUSSION

The elegantly incisedsecondary inscrip-

tion indicates t h a t in the eighteenth c e n t u r y the m o n u -

MR27 Tvwyn 4A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

ment was reused as amilestone and in alllikelihood stood on the road (A493) which passes Ynysmaengwyn,

approximately 1 mile north-east of Tywyn, before being incorporated into a n o u t h o u s e near the m a n s i o n .

Ynysmaengwyn, 1.75km (1 mile) north-east ofTywyn. It had been built into one of the outhouses (Thomas, 1989: 111). Erected outside Canolfan Hamden Bro Dysynni (leisure centre), High Street, Tywyn (SH 5846 0073). Moved to itspresentlocation in April 2010(pers. comm., Meryl Gover).

At some point it had probably also been reuseda sa gatepost. Although not found in situ, it may be argued to have originated from the early medieval ecclesiastical site at Tywyn since sundials have been identified as important symbols of the liturgical life of early medieval

DIMENSIONS h. 260cm (89in.) × w. 34cm (13.5in.) top x d. 23cm (9in.)max.

closely compared with Clynnog 1 (CN14), which in turn

monasteries.

The free-standing form of this vertical sundial may be may be c o m p a r e d with similar m o n u m e n t s in Ireland.

433

THEC ATA L O G U E

However, unlike Clynnog 1, where the dial si separated into four sections by three divisions at 45°, 90° and 135

through the bottom of the left circle. The purpose of the circles is unclear but they may have been intended as

(divisionsrepresenting the octaval tide system commonly

simple decorativeroundels which would originally have

noon, but the significance of the others is less clear, though they may relate to a form of the duodecimal system where the daylight time on the dial is divided into approximate two-hourly intervals. Where the duodecimal division appears on other early dials it is usually in addition tot h e octaval tide system. One exception, however,i s the lost sundial from Saul (Co. Down), the antiquarian drawingo f which shows six sections but the anglesa r e not

Closer dating is difficult because ofthe lack of diagnostic ornamental features, though the fact that the carving is incised rather than in relief may be significant. Hamlin (1987: 39-40) suggested tentatively that the form in Ireland could span the eighth to twelfth century. Clynnog 1 is, however, probably eighth or ninth and Tywyn 4 might beo f a similar date.

the same (Hamlin, 1987: 32, fig. 1:3; Thomas, 1989: 112).

DATE

found on other pre-Romanesque sundials), on Tywyn 4 stood out slightly in false relief. The carving as a whole there are six sections with five slightly uneven divisions at may also originally have been enhanced with paint. Thomas (1989: 113) suggested a 'pre-Norman' date. 25°, 55°, 90°, 125° and 155°. The 90° division indicates

Eighth or ninth century.

The two circles beneath the dial are original features

since they are incised in the same technique, possibly usinga punch, and the F ofthe secondary inscription cuts

REFERENCES Thomas, 1989:fig. 1, pl. XIVa.

435

THE CATALOGUE

A (broad): Near the top of the face is incised a roughly pecked, equal-arm ring-cross (diam. 33cm/13in. max.).

M O N T G O M E RY S H I R E

There is a second, smaller circle linking the cross-arms near the centre. Eachcross-arm has a large trifid terminal; those of the horizontal cross-arms also meet the central

CARNO

circle.

SN 95769 7 3 1 MTI

1. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e

DISCUSSION The primary location of the pillar si unknown. Although Spurgeon (1961b: 156) suggested t h a t its find-spot was close to the line of a R o m a n road

which ran between the forts of Caersws and Pennal, this PRESENT LOCATION

In the church of St John the

DESCRIPTION

An upright, rectangular-section pillar

Baptist (SN 9632 9647), set against the south wall n e a r the

with a r o u n d e d top which tapers towards the bottom of

west end.

the broad faces where it was set into the floor. Only A is carved.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

First noted in March

1960 reused as a gatepost beside the house known as

may probably be discounted since the existence of a

fortlet at Carno has now been dismissed and the line of

the road seems less certain (Burnham and Davies, 2010: 14, 327, 330). A morepromising line of enquiry is that in the thirteenth century or earlier, the Knights Hospitaller established a grange in the village located in a field north possible that this was on an earlier site, as with the Margam Abbey granges (Glam.), which werefounded on

D I M E N S I O N S h. 187cm (73in.) above M G S × w. 36 < 46 > 33cm (14 < 18 > 13in.)× d. 23 >1 7 c m (9 > 6.75in.).

roundel, and an outline cross set on the diagonal with a

central roundel. It is similar though not identical in form to the incised cross on Llanwnda 4 (P40). Radford suggested that the pecked technique of carving indicated a

seventh- or eighth-century date(Spurgeon, 1961: 156), but a slightly broader date range is put forward here on the basis ofthe cross-forms. DATE

Seventh to ninth century.

REFERENCES Spurgeon, 1961a; Spurgeon, 1961b: fig., pl. VI; Lewis, 1964: 168.

LLANDRINIO

(Church of SS Trinio,Peter and Paul)

sandstone (Silurian).

Area of SJ 2955 1705

Medium-grained, grey sandstone, weathering a slightly

darker grey (10YR 6/1). This is a moderately sorted,

MT2

1. Fragmentary cross-shaft ECMW no. 293

clast-supported sandstone showing well-developed thin

bedding (10-40mm). The coarser beds stand proudo fthe

finer-grained beds. The base to some beds is convoluted, consistentwith soft sediment deformation. The front and left sides oft h e stone are formed by natural fracture surfaces. Iron staining in places on the stone has been produced by ametal spike inserted into it. The nature of the sandstone and the convoluted bedding suggest that this lithology is a turbiditic sandstone. Carno lies to the west of the Penstrowed Grit Formation outcrop, and it is in this area that turbiditic sandstone unitsa r e most

PRESENT LOCATION

Standing inside the church

porch onthe east side (SJ 2955 1707). EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

First noted in 1893.

Found prior to 1879 in the churchyard on the south side of the churchjust below the surface during construction

of a path (Thomas, 1893: 25; 1894: 179). Moved first to the vestry, but by 1911 it was in the church porch (RCAHMW, 1911: no. 364).

common. It ist h e r e f o r e possible that this stone is derived from the Penstrowed Grits Formation. (JH and H J

DIMENSIONS h. 84cm (33in.) × w. 32 > 30cm (12.5 >

The monument has been

STONE TYPE Pale-pink, fine-grained quartz arenite (Triassic). This mature sandstone is very well sorted, con-

PRESENT CONDITION

medieval sculpture (vol. I: 577; Evans, 2009: 96). The monument may therefore have stood as a focus within an early medieval cemetery, possibly a chapel, which later became the site o ft h e grange. The incised lines may be interpreted to show threedifferent types o f equal-arm cross set within a circle: a plain linear cross; one with triangular arms and a central

o f the church k n o w n as Caer Noddfa ( C - PAT HCS). It is

Glanyrafon on the east side of the road, south of the bridge over the Afon Clean, near its confluence with the Carno. Moved to its present location before 1964 (Spurgeon, 1961b: 155; Lewis, 1964: 168).

STONE TYPE Greywacke

earlier sites identifiable through the presence of early

12in.) x d. 10 > 9cm (4 > 3.5in.).

partially re-shaped for use as a gatepostby cutting down B . There are three gate-hanger holes ni A, including and D

taining only occasional larger (0.25-0.5mm) quartz

one in the centre of the cross. The stone was broken into two horizontally below themiddle gate-hanger hole with a third small fragment on the right edge of A during removal to the church, but has been well repaired. The carving is damaged, especially the left cross-arm, but c l e a r.

MTI Carno 1 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

grains. In thin section (acc. no. NMW 78.58G.R.939) the hand specimen observations are upheld. The quartz grains are dominantly mono-crystalline quartz, with minor polycrystalline grains. A small componento f lithic grains is present; these contain secondary mica and possible altered volcanic fragments. Some of t h e grains are rimmed by iron oxide cement. This stone shows a compo-

sition and texture characteristic of Triassic sandstones in

the region. The find site is close to outcrops of 'Ruyton Sandstone' (now formally

known

as

the

Helsby

Sandstone Formation). This ranges in colour from dull. red to yellow, and in some cases may be white, resulting from the leaching of the iron content. It is therefore concluded that this stoneh a s a local derivation. (JH and HS) PRESENT CONDITION

Cut away at the top. Carving

survives on Band Donly. It si ni good condition butthere

is some damage to the edges and face of B. A has been chamfereda t the top and the face cut away and dressedt o enable the names of the two churchwardens in 1729, Robart Richards and Richard Edwards, tob e inscribed on

it. C is also chamfered at the top and on the sides and the

face has beenchiselled away. DESCRIPTION A fragmentary rectangular-sectioned slab carved incrisp mediumrelief. B I n a r r o w ) : T h e r e a r et r a c e s o f a n a n g l e r o l l m o u l d i n g at

the top on the right. The length of the shaft is carved with

436

THE CATALOGUE

THE CATALOGUE

437 DATE

Ninth or early tenth century.

REFERENCES Thomas, 1893: 25, fig.;Thomas, 1894: 178-9, 181-2, fig.; Allen, 1899: 4, 51, 66, fig.; Thomas, 1906-13,ii: 154, fig.; RCAHMW, 1911: no. 364; ECMW:

no. 293, pl. LIX.

MT2. 1 Llandrinio 1 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

MT2.2 Llandrinio I B (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

a vertical band of four-strand plait using a double-beaded strand. The parts between the strands have been quite deeply cut.

It has a large churchyard (0.76ha; 1.87 acres). but formerly this included further land to the east and probably to the north, as much as 2.5ha (6.4 acres)i n all (Silvester

MT2.3 Llandrinio 1 D (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

LLANDRINIO

(Church of SS Trinio, Peter and Paul) SJ 2956 1708

and Evans, 2009: 28, figs 2.2, 2.3; C-PAT HCS). D(narrow): Thelength of the shafti s carved witha vertical border of interlocking diagonal and triangular frets (N2) with triangularshapes cut awaya t the angles. DISCUSSION

LIandrinio,

in

the

commote

Although badly damagedb yreworking,t h e dimensions of the slab suggest that this is the fragmentary shaft of a free-standingcross. The surviving ornamentindicatest h a t it was of high quality. The diagonal and triangular frets

М Т 3

2. Fragment

(N2) o n D a r e alsof o u n do nn o . 2b u t it is unclear whether

Built horizontally into the

both are part of thesame monument. The use of plait and

PRESENT LOCATION

east of Offa's Dyke. It was originally dedicated to the

internal north wall of the church iust west o f the sanc-

Celtic saint Trinio. It has recently been identified as a

fret borders may be compared with the cross-slab Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 (D7) and the fret-pattern is

mother church with dependent chapels pointing to a parochia whichn o w straddles the English border (Silvester

in all likelihood the same as that on Llanrhaeadr-ymMochnant 2 (D8). which is also carved from the same

Deuddwr. is located on the west bank o f the Severn but

and Evans, 2009: 28). It was portionary in 1291 (Astle, Ayscough and Cayley, 1802: 285) and is credited with rights ofsanctuary (Thomas, 1906-13, i: 153). The only definite early medieval evidence for the church is the sculpture. However, the remains of a substantial Romanesque church testifyt oitsimportance by thattime.

stone, suggesting a close association between the two

sites. Nash-Williams dated the monument to the late ninth or tenth century (ECMW: no. 293). The surviving patterns show no signs of Viking influence so a ninth- or early tenth-century date seems most likely.

tuary, 2m (80in.) above MGS. EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First mentioned in 1911 in the porch (RCAHMW, 1911: no. 364), but this must be incorrect. Recorded ini t s present location in 1913 (Thomas, 1906-13, in: 154).

DIMENSIONS h. 23.5cm (9.25in.) × w. 7.5cm (3in.) max. x d.n o t known.

STONE TYPE

Since this stone is covered by l i m e w a s h

no petrological interpretation is possible. (JHa n d HJ)

PRESENT CONDITION Only A is visible. The fragment has been trimmed along the current top edge for reuse as masonry; there is also damage to the lower edge. The carving is damaged in places and covered in limewash.

DESCRIPTION Asmall fragment.

438

THEC ATA L O G U E

THE CATALOGUE

439

A: The face is carved in medium relief. At the broader end is afragmentary border of interlocking diagonal and triangular frets N 2 ) . At t h e narrow end the pattern seems to change andt oi n c l u d ea spiral tendril.

DISCUSSION It is unclear whether this fragment is part of thesame cross-shaft as no. .1 Though the edge has been trimmed, its width is in keeping with the depth of no. .1 Thefret-pattern alsoappears to be the same, but it doesnot face the sameway, soi t is possible that it is a fragment of another cross-shaft. The spiral tendril is intriguing since it might suggest that therei s a change in the pattern to a plant-scroll similar to the leaf curlicues on

the acanthus on Penally 2 B(i) (P83). The presence of

plant-scroll would in turn suggest Anglo-Saxon influence.

There is a plant-scroll with leaf curlicues on the ninthcentury Mercian cross-shaft at Wroxeter (Shrops.) less than 50km (30 miles) to the south-east (Kendrick, 1938: 186, pl. LXXX(2)). Like Llandrinio 1, the ornament on Llandrinio 2 shows no sign of Viking stylistic influence and has parallelswhich suggest a datei n the ninth or early tenth century. It is certainly not a Romanesque impost as Thurlby (2006: 265)suggests.

DATE

Ninth or early tenth century.

REFERENCES RAHMW, 1911: no. 364; Thomas, 1906-13, iii: 154;Thurlby, 2006:265, fig. 388.

MT3 Llandrinio 2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

LLANERFYL (St Erfyl's Church)

MT4. 1 Llanerfyl I A(Crown copyright: RCAHMW). MT4.2 Llanerfyl 1A, line-drawing ofinscription (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

SJ 0338 0975 1. R o m a n - l e t t e r inscribed s t o n e E C M W no. 294; CIICn o . 421 PRESENT LOCATION Inside the church at the west end of the nave (SJ 0339 0976).

MTA

bounded by bedding and fracture surfaces, and shows a vertical spaced cleavage on acentimetre scale, which cuts the inscribedface. Both sides of the stone are formed by

fracture surfaces, possibly cleavage planes. The inscribed

DIMENSIONS h. 150cm (60in.). 120cm (47in.) above MGS × w. 53 >4 6 c m (21 > 18in.) × d. 28 > 23cm (11 > 9in.).

(CTIC: no. 421) records this stone as being made from

Greywacke sandstone (Silurian). In the

'hard basaltic stone'. From the petrological description given above, this clearly is not the case. Wenlock sedi-

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First mentioned as in the churchyard in a letter dated 23 March 1698/9 from

STONE TYPE

Edward Lhuyd to Bishop Humphrey Humphreys of Bangor (BU Penrhos V, no. 237; Jones, 1957: 111). Recorded and illustrated c. 1741 by Lewis Morris (BL

hand specimen this lithology is a moderately sorted, matrix supported, coarse- to very coarse-grained sandstone. It is grey when fresh (10YR 6/1), but weathers a

surface is a bedding plane and remains of the adjacent coarser bed are still visible on this surface. Macalister

ments form the bedrock geology but there si no geological

(Cummins, 1957), which outcropsa few kilometres to the south o f t h e stone's currentl o c a t i o n . (JH a n dH J

PRESENT CONDITION The stone is seriously damaged at the top with further damage to the angles and numerous vertical cracks and fissures in the surface. One large fissure on A has destroyed part of the firstthree lines

ofthe inscription. The remaining letters, though obscured

monument stood under the large yew tree south of the

M W 78.58G.R.940) the composition is seen to be

map o r memoir of theLlanerfyl areas o specific details are not known at present.I t isclear that this stone isvery similar ingrain composition and texture toLlangernyw1 (D4) and 2 (D5), both of which are Silurian greywackes. Thus,

dominated by quartz with feldspar, minor lithicsand large

it must be surmised that this m o n u m e n t is worked from

church. A stone block on the south side of the yew still marksits former position (Thomas, 1918: 132).

white mica flakes, set in a matrix, thus making this rock a

Silurian greywacke, possibly the Penstrowed Grits

A (broad): On the upper part of the face si a horizontal

greywacke with a secondary quartz cement. T h e stone is

F o r m a t i o n o f m u d s t o n e s and turbiditic

roman-letter, Latin inscriptioni n sevenl i n e s :

872.L.25: BL Add MS 14927, fo. 18b; Owen, 1896a: 135-

6). Before being moved to its present location in 1915, the

slightly darker grey (10YR5/1). In thin section (acc. no.

sandstones

by cracks, are legible butworn.

DESCRIPTION A rough, quadrangular pillar which tapers slightly from bottom to top.

440

THE CATALOGUE

Thise,

hcus B sithere W

si

r. eSn, net20 гetm in l u f r e n a V o f y e s a Home

1 (CM7)). Further parallels are provided by Trawsfynydd (CD14) and Vaynor (Abercar) 2 (B47). Paterninus is a Roman nameusing a diminutiveform in the genitive case.

Inclusiono f the age of the deceased is normal in pagan

affection ni Rustica > *Rusteca. PATERNINI si a classical

HIC I N '

Roman inscriptionsi n north-west Britain which are prob-

form, showing neither the British Latin development to

ably Christian (RIB: nos 787, 862-3; Forsyth, 2009: 33-4). Though there areregional variations, it is also commonly

arn (cf. Patarnianus at Bath, CIB: 99 n. 516) nor the Welsh raising to in seen, for example, in TIGIRNACI on

CIT R E S T E

including Rome, elsewhere in Italy, Gaul and Spain, as

C E F iL I A PA TERNINI

ANIXIN

IN

PA

found in early Christian inscriptions on the Continent,

The presence of punctus is unusual but is paralleled elsewhere in Wales on Llansadwrn 1 (AN45) and Llywel

the former than in the latter (Handley, 2003: 74-5, 87).

(Aberhydfer) 1 (B40). In this inscription they are used to

However, the inclusion of age on early medieval inscribed

indicate both phrase breaks, for example after Hic [in) /

stones in Britain si rare. Apart from Llanerfyl, the only

tm/vlo ia/cit, and to highlight the name of the deceased and her relationship with her father: R//stelce • filia. Paternini, which might have a bearing on the genitive, nominative, genitive case switches. The capital letter-

other examples are at Hayle (Cornwall) (seebelow) and

the age of Rustica on LIanerfyl, shown int h e ablative case with ani for an(n)i(s) reflecting British Latin loss of the final s, may be comparedwith the age of the daughter on Whithorn (anni) (Forsyth, 2009: 28). The inscription ends with i n pa, an abbreviation of in pace ('in peace'), which may be compared with a likely

forms are characteristic Romano-British forms which persist into the post-Roman period with conjoined FI showing cursive tendencies, possibly, though not necessarily, alaterfeature. Thomas (1998: 14-21) suggested LIanerfyl 1 was a prime example of a small group of inscriptions which, when analysed using mathematical devices, revealed furtherhidden information and that the placing of theletters

variationo n Llansadwrn 1 (AN45). Though rare ni Britain, formulae incorporating in pace and variations of this are very common indeed amongst early Christian

on the stone could indicate an image of a cross, but this may be discounted(McKee and McKee, 2002). The formulae on Llanerfyl 1 draw upon a range of

daughter and is regarded as fifth century (CIC: no. 520;

(L Add. M S 14927, of. 186)(Reproduced by permission of hte British Library). MT4.3 Llanerfyl 1A, drawingbyLewis Morris B

There was also a holy well dedicated to her nearby

(Thomas, 1906-11, i: 469-71; C-PAT HCS). The monu-

menti s unlikely tohave been insitu when first noted under the yew, but its presence suggests burial on the site in the fifth century.

• Palternini • / an(n)i(s) XIII• in / pa(ce) Translation: 'Here in the tomb she lies, of R[.]stece, the

daughter of Paterninus, 13 years(old), in peace'

The inscription is quite deeply incised ni capitals (average

h. 7.5cm/3in.) with punctus between some words and

phrases. In line 2, the strokes ofM are widely spaced and meet on the line, the horizontal bar of L slopes downwards.I nline 3, R has a closed loop and the diagonal bar veerstowards the horizontal; S is slightly angular. In line

4, F is cursive and conjoined with I, L is as line 1 with the

following I tucked above. Inline 5, TE are conjoined. P's

have an open loopwhichprojectst ot h e left att h e top. DISCUSSION

counted (Toller, 1999). The church, which is dedicatedt o

a Celticfemale saint, Erfyl, standsin a sub-oval enclosure.

Llanerfyl C h u r c h isl o c a t e do nt h es o u t h

bank of the River Banwy. The site lies on a modern east-

west route following the river valley, thoughthe view that this was once theline of a Roman road has now been dis-

The inscription is one ofa small group of more elaborate Latin inscriptions innorth Wales. Though the top of

the stone is badly damaged, the inscription can be confidently reconstructed apart from the second letter of the

name of the deceased. Both Lhuyd and Morris, who may have seen the stone in a less damaged state (Illus. MT4.3),

suggest that line 1 should read HIC IN, the most logical reading, thereby completing the formula hic in tvm/vlo iacit (here in the tomb lies'). In north Wales thesame for-

mula is found on Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23)(see p. 420). The monument commemorates a young girl, R[.]STE (E}CE. The second letter, now missing, wascer-

tainly avowel and A, E, O and U have all been suggested

(CIIC: no. 421; Thomas, 1906-13, :i 10). The second (E),

more lightly incised than the rest of the inscription in a

rough pecked technique, was first noted by Macalister

(1922: 215)a n d seems to be arecent addition. The name

is most likely to be a version of the Latin Rustica (see

below). She si described as the daughter of Paterninus, a variation of the'X son of Y' formula (cf. Eglwys Gymyn

Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20) (CIB: 39 andn .104, 42, 98-9, 182n . 1108, 185 (no. 421/294). (PS-W)

well as North Africa (Handley, 2003: 65-100). In Gaul and Spain, the recorded age at death was often an estimate; that of children was much morelikely tob e noted in

the Latinus stone, Whithorn (Galloway), which commemorates a man of thirty-five years and his 5-year-old

Interpretation: Hic /in] / tvm/vlo ia/cit • R/./stelce •filia

sumably has genitive E- (-ae), as so frequently in the inscriptions ('[the body/name off R.'?), and FILIA may start a new clause('[she was the] daughter of P.'). -ECE rather than - ICE may be Vulgar Latin or due to British -a

ni RIB, and si also included on a few examples of late

I TIMSLO A

ANIXIN •I N PA

LanguageBrittonic Period 1-7 (if lack ofE R N > IRN in

1 (MR22), Llanymawddwy I (MR20), Llandysul 1 PATERNINI si significant) or (if not) ?. R[ISTECE pre-

Roman inscriptions (e.g. themany examplesfrom Chester

HICI-] TVMIJLOIA CIT • R[.ISTE {E}CE • FILIA• PA TERNINI•

[441

THEC ATA L O G U E

Tedeschi, 2005:no. S-8; Forsyth, 2009). The formula for

inscriptions on the Continent and ni North Africa and

there are distinct regional variations (Handley, 2003: 8, 15, 16, 17). These include both hci acet and hci acit ni pace as, for example, at Trier (e.g. RICG, I: 37, nos 1,18, 1,38, 1,45, 1,99-1,104, 1,109 (dated c.480-600) 1,110-11, 1,123, 1,160). An example ofhic iacit atthe beginningo f

the inscription combined with in pace at the end has been noted in Gaul at Vienne (Saint Gervais)b y Knight (1992: fig. 6.4; RICG, XV: 51). In pace is also commonly found at

the ends ofinscriptionsin Rome(e.g. ILCV: no. 2297). Theformulae on Llanerfyl 1 may be closely compared with those on the stone at Hayle. This inscription si now in very poor condition, but possibly begins with hic (in) pace/m?] requievit ('here in peace rested') with the name of the deceased, a woman; then hic [in]tvmvlo iacit, followed by age at death, here combined with vixit ('lived')

(Thomas, 1994: 191-3, fig. 11.4; CIIC: no. 479; Okasha,

1993: no. 16: Tedeschi. 2005: 234-5. no. C-8). Hic requievit is a common formula in Spain but is rarely found inG a u l (Handley. 2003: 8).

phrases available for Christian commemoration ni the late

antique world, notablyin Gaul. Linguistically it cannot be closely dated, though the combination of a Latin name and a Latin patronymic has been noted as an early feature and as reflecting a greater sense of romanitas (Sims-

Williams,2002: 16).Nash-Williams dated the monument to the late fifth or early sixth century (ECMW: 178). Te d e s c h i (2005: 196) ascribed a fifth-century d a t e and

argued that it was amongst the earliest post-Roman inscribed stones in Britainsince the lettering was directly

descended from late Roman forms and Knight (2010: 289) has recently suggested that it 'need not be much later than theearly tomid-fifth century'. On balance, and with the comparisons made with Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23).

Whithorn and Hayle, it may be regarded as early in the post-Roman series and a fifth-century date is therefore appropriate.

DATE

Fifth century.

THECATALOGUE

442 REFERENCES

BU Penrhos V, no. 237; BL 872.L.25;

BL Add MS 14927, fo. 18b; Owen, 1791: 13, pl. III(3),

opp. p. 25; Rhys, 1874c: 333-4; Thomas, 1874: 749; IBC: no. 125; LW: 153, pl. 72(4); Rhys, 1879: 373-4; Edwards, 1883: 88-92, figs; Owen, 1896a: 135-6; Rhys, 1905: 8992; Thomas, 1906-13, :i 10-11, 471, pl.; RCAHMW, 1911: no. 398, 80; Jones and Thomas, 1915: 440-2, pl.; Thomas, 1918: 129-32, pl.; Macalister, 1922: 214-16;

Anon., 1932: 457-8, figs 15-16; CIIC: no. 421, 398-9, fig.; ECMW: no. 294, pl. XIV, fig. 190; LHEB: 168 .n 1, 191-2; Jones, 1957: 111; Alcock, 1971: 240-1, pl. 25a; Thomas, 1998: 14-21, 41, 74-6, 88, figs 1-2, 4; CISP: no. LNFYL/1; Sims-Williams, 2002: 10, 16; CIB: 93 and n. 104, 42, 98-9, 182 n. 1108, 185, 359, 374 (no. 421/294): Tedeschi, 2005: 194 6 , pl. LXXXVIII (no. Gn-

443

THE CATALOGUE

The original form of the monument cannot be satisfac-

Llantwit Major 1 (G63)datable tot h e later ninth century.

torily d e t e r m i n e d b e c a u s e o f the small size o f t h e

T h e use o f relief a n d the freto r n a m e n t suggests a date in

fragment and the limited extent of the carving. Part of a

the ninth or early tenth century.

cross-slab or ap i e c e of church furniture, or even an archi-

tectural fragment, are all possibilities. The fret-pattern is

DATE

Ninth or early tenth century.

also found o n the cross-base Llangyfelach (St Cyfelach's

Church) 3 A (G51), with a more complex version on

REFERENCES

20); Forsyth, 2009: 22, 23, 27, 28; Knight, 2010: 289.

Evans, 1994: fig., pl.

MEIFOD

LLANWYDDELAN

(Church of SS Tysilio and Mary) SJ 1554 1318

(St Gwyddelan's Church) SJ 0825 0119 1. C r o s s - s l a b E C M Wno. 295

.1 Fragment

PRESENT LOCATION PRESENT LOCATION

Built low down into the

external south-eastbuttress oft h e church.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Built into its present location when the church was rebuilt in 1865. First noted

in 1994 (Evans, 1994: 341). DIMENSIONS

h. 34cm (13.5in.) × w. 48cm (19in.) ×

A (broad): Part way across the centre of the face are two small panels of ornament defined by narrow perimeter

STONE TYPE Greywacke (Silurian). This stone is dark grey (2.5YN 3/0), weathering slightly lighter grey (2.5 YRN/0),medium-grained sandstone. The quartz cement somewhatmasks the texture of the rock, but sub-rounded to sub-angular milky quartz grains and a minor mica component can be discerned.The rock contains a high matrix content, classifying it as a greywacke. The stone

The slab has fractured diag-

together. Missing parts have also been filled with cement. On A parts oft h e upper half are worn and the lower part is in poor condition having been rubbed smooth and the carving below the cross is fragmentary. C is not visible.

(ii) (centre) Frets: a square unit with diagonal elements (U2/Y1).

present location c.1837 (Thomas, 1874: 780; WynneEdwards, 1877: 168).

DESCRIPTION

DISCUSSION Llanwyddelan Church is located in the valley of the river Rhiw which flows eastwards into the

DIMENSIONS

which tapers from top to bottom. The upper part of Ai s carved in a mixture of medium and high relief together with some incised ornament. B and D have been dressed

(i) (left) An incomplete horizontal band of four-strand

h. 149cm (58.5in.) × w . 36 < 54cm (14

18.5cm (17.75 > 7.25in.) × d. 22cm (8.75in.).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Noted by Owen (1886: 21)a s having been found in thechurchyard. d. n o t know n.

very coarse-grained, moderately well-sorted sandstone composed of angular to sub-angular white and pink quartz grains and subordinate lithic fragments (which

STONE TYPE

DESCRIPTION

date likely but, since it is also sometimes found in Romanesque contexts, it couldb e later.

Not known.

PRESENT CONDITION

may berhyolite). No cleavage or bedding is visible,

although it is possible that Face A is defined by a bedding plane. This lithology is similar tomaterial observed in the surrounding roadside walls (although those sandstones are coarser and contain quartz veins). The bedrock at the find site comprises laminated siltstone. thin tuff, tuffite and sandstone beds of the Fachwen Formation. This sandstone is from a lithology within the local Cambrian sequence, possibly theBronllwyd GritFormation. ( H J PRESENT CONDITION

as masonry), and the plaitwork is three strandrather than four. The original formi s unclearb u t the layout with a vertical band ofornament bears some similarity to Bangor 3-6(CN6-9),possible architectural fragments. The use of

plaitwork with a double-beaded strand carved ni relief, DIMENSIONS h. 25cm (9.75in.) × w. 19cm (7.5in.) × common acrossWales,makes aninth- toeleventh-century

STONE TYPE Sandstone (Cambrian). Green-grey,

Lost.

A rectangular fragment. Carving was

o n l v n o t e d o n o n e face

DATE

Ninth to twelfth century?

REFERENCES

Owen, 1886: 21, illus.

A: The face is carved in relief anddivided intot w o by a horizontal moulding(?).

(i)T h e upperface is undecorated. (ii) A band of three-strand plait using adouble-beaded stand

Somewhat overgrown with

ivy. The stone may have a recent break onthe right side, B. Only A is visible. The carvingi s weathered.

Lost.

CN23 Llandygái 2 A (Crown copvright: RCAHMW).

DISCUSSION The only record of this fragment is Owen's sketch. Although it has very similar dimensions, unlesst h e drawing is very inaccurate, it appears to be adifferent f r a m e n t to n o 4 (MR6):

t h e s h a n e is m o r e c l e a r l v

rectangular (suggesting that it has been brokenu p for reuse

MR5 Corwen 3(Owen, 1886: 21)

4 6 4

APPENDICES

APPENDICES

CORWEN

(Church of St Mael and St Sulien) SJ 0787 4340

4. Fragm ent E C M Wno. 275 PRESENT LOCATI ON

MR6

Lost.

E V I D E N C E F O R D I S C O V E RY

F o u n d buried in the

e a r t h fl o o r i n t h e b o t t o m o f t h e t o w e r d u r i n g r e p a i r s i n

1907 but lost before 1920 (RCAHMW, 1921: 20). DIMENSIONS

h. 25.5cm (10in.)× w. 17.75cm (7in.) x

d. not known.

STONE TYPE

Not known.

PRESENT CONDIT ION

Lost.

DESCRIPTION A roughly rectangular fragment. Carving was noted on oneface only.

MRI6 Llandrillo I A(Crowncopyright: RCAHMW.

A : The face appears to be divided into twob y a horizontal m o u l d i n g a n d carved in relief.

strand.

DIMENSIONS h. 47cm (18.5in.) × w. 66 > 61cm (26 > 24in.) × d. 53> 41cm (21 > 16in.).

MR6 Corwen 4(Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

though iti sunclear whether there wasoncedecoration on

A(i).A similar date si likely. DISCUSSION

The only record of this fragment is a

drawing of a rubbing taken by the RCAHMW, making

DATE

REFERENCES

n . 3 (MR5) and may have fulfilled a similar function,

ECMW: no. 275.

RCAHMW,

Sandstone (Silurian). This stone is a

coarse-grained, grey, quartz-dominated sandstone. A brown patina on the stone precludes determination of an

accurate Munsell colour.Grains vary in size (1500-

Ninth to twelfth century?

analysis difficult. Its size suggests that it has been broken up for reuse as masonry. It is similar but not identical to

STONE TYPE

750um) but are mainly sub-angular, spheroidal, pink and

1921: 20, fig. 49(2);

white quartz grains, moderately sorted, with a quartz cement. The pitted surface weathering of this stone obscures more detailed observation of the textures. This

lithology closely resembles the Silurian sandstone of the

area. The most likely local source lies within the sandstones of the Denbigh Grits, which outcrops on the hills to the west of the church. (JH andH J

LLANDRILLO

(Blaen-y-cwm Farm)

PRESENT

Area of SJ 0218 3259

PRESENT LOCATION In St Trillo's Church, Llandrillo, lying on the floor at the west end on the north side of the arch into the tower(SJ 0344 3707).

MR16

the garden in front of the farmhouse (dated 1728). Before that it had served as a mounting block a few yards to the east (Drinkwater, 1884: 302). Moved to its present location 1956×1964 (Lewis. 1964:

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First recorded in 1883. At that time it was built intot h eangle of thewall of

CONDITION

There are some rough

incised lines on the top of the stone, probably made by

1. Inscribed stone CIC no. 1030

168).

I

(i)The upperfaceappears badly damaged. (il) Aband of four-strand plait using a double-beaded

sharpeningblades. The inscription is extremely worna n d has beend e f a c e d o nt h e left side.

DESCRIPTION A large, uneven quadrangular block whicht a p e r s from bottom tot o p . C a r v e d on A only.

A(broad): The upper two-thirds of the face si incised with a frame along the top, bottom and right side which is divided by five horizontal incised lines. These are setting out lines for a six-line horizontal incised inscription.

[-LINNOMINE

[-NIT[ITI-]

Interpretation: .../ . . /... /... / ... in nomine/ ...

Translation:.. in the name ...

DISCUSSION The farmhouse at Blaen-y-Cwm is located at the head ofC m Pennant, along, steep-sided narrow valley south ofLlandrillo. If the monument originated from here it is possible that it functioned either as aboundary marker or to indicate land ownership. It is unclear whether the form o ft h e m o n u m e n t is ori.

ginal. The left side of Am a y have beentrimmed forreuse as a mounting block and the left side of the inscription lost. There have been various attempts to decipher the

inscription, which is mostly now illegible. Therefore,

there has b e e n considerable doubt as to whether the m o n -

ument is early medieval or later. Drinkwater (1884: 2002)

thought itbegan in Welsh and then turnedt o Latin and that line 6 included the date MCCCIII, which si certainly misleading. This probably influenced Nash-Williams

(1936a: 173), since he did not include thestone ni ECMW because he thought it was later medieval. However,

466

Macalister did include it(CIIC: no. 1030). He suggested that only about half the inscription was extant - the begin-

ning of each line had been lost - and attempted a substantial reconstruction of the whole which may be largely dismissed as unreliable. Radford's unpublished notes ont h einscription also survive (RCAHMW: NMR). Both Macalister and Radford suggested that the end of line 5 reads in nominea n d this is certainly legible. Radford also suggested that the final line read trinitatis, giving 'in the name of the Trinity', but this cannot be confirmed. Theremay bea n initial cross at the end of the inscription. The words in nomine appear in inscriptions on several

crosses in Glamorganwhich together span the later eighth

APP END ICES

APPENDICES

467

M O N T G O M E RY S H I R E

Lettering Several of the (few) decipherableletters appear geometric: A, 'gate' N, 'gate' M, and lozenge-shaped O. T

isb y contrast small and round, a form that hassixth- and seventh-century parallels - Cantref 1 (B1), Llanfihangel

MEIFOD

Cwm Du (Cae Gwynlliw) 1(B21), Ystradgynlais2 (B53)

(Church of SS Tysilio and Mary)

- although Llandrillo's looks rounder than these three. Interestingly, the second of these Breconshire inscriptions (B21) features in additiona geometric A with a 'wigwam' top, much like Llandrillo's. The form is also seen on St Davids 10 (P99), from theeighth orearly ninth century. The six-sided Oi s a geometric form ofa n unusual type, and i s reminiscent of a Gothicversal. However, alozenge-

SJ 1554 1318

2. Fragment with crosses P R E S E N T L O C AT I O N

MT7

Built h o r i z o n t a l l y into the

shaped O not too dissimilar to thishexagonal one may be

f a b r i c a t t h e e a s t e n d o f t h e e x t e r i o r s o u t h w a l l o ft h e

to eleventh centuries as part, usually, but not always, of a n

seen o n St Cuthbert's altar a n d the Kilmalkedara l p h a b e t

of the sixth century (cf. Charles-Edwards, 2002: 40).

church, about 4m (13ft) aboveMGS.

opening invocation such as [In inomine Di Patris et

[SIperetus Santdi... ('In the nameo fG o d theFather and the Holy Spirit...') onLlantwit Major 1 (G63),datable to the

later ninthcentury, and In nomine Di Patris et Fili Speritus Santi... ('In the name of God the Father and of the Son

and of the Holy Spirit...') on Merthyr Maw 2 (G99), which is eleventh century. Unusually on Margam (Cwrty-Defaid)2 (G85), which has been dated to the late tenth or eleventh century, the phrase appears (as on Llandrillo

(HMcK)

Therefore, the legible words on Llandrillo 1 suggest an

early medieval date is possible, as do many of the surviving letter-forms, but the inscription is too fragmentary

God most high'). Initial crosses are also occasionally

found at the end of inscriptions, for example Llantwit Major4 (G66). Therefore, the legible words on Llandrillo 1suggest an earlymedieval date ispossible but the inscription si too fragmentary to confirm this.

DIMENSIONS

m e n t i o n e d i n its

h. 74cm (29in.) × w. 10cm (4in.) × d.

not known.

t oc o n fi r m t h i s .

STONE TYPE DATE

REFERENCES

Sandstone/siltstone

(?Ordovician).

Light grey weathering (7.5YR N 7/1), fine-grained,

Uncertain.

1) towards the end o f the inscription: Ilci fecit h a n c crucem

in nomine Di summi(Ilci made this cross in thename of

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY F i r s t present location by Westwood (LW: 154).

Drinkwater,

1884:

300-2,

fig.; Drinkwater, 1889: 88; R A H M W, 1921: no. 230,fig. 147;

Nash-Williams, 1936a: 173; CIIC: no. 1030, pl. LIV; Lewis, 1964: 168; CIB: 41, 79, 232, 365.

laminated siltstone/sandstone, containing nodular concretions. The position of the stone does not facilitate examination. An orange lichen coating to the stone sug. gests that it has a calcareous component to itscomposition.

The rock si less cleaved than blocks used in the construction of the church, although this may be a product of a slightly coarser grain size. The church is located at the boundary ofOrdovician and Silurian strata (see no. 1). The

Caradocian sequence includes fine-grained calcareous sandstones and Silurian blue-grey sandstones which

weather brown. It is likelyt h a t the stone has alocal provenance, with a closer match to the Caradocian rockst h a n the Silurian. ( J H and HJ)

PRESENT CONDITION The surface of the stone is very rough but the carving is clear. DESCRIPTION

An

approximately

rectangular

fragment.

: Theface is lightly incised with a series of small linear A crosses. T h e cross types consist of e q u a l - a r m crosses, Latin crosses, four crosses set in lozenges, both straight-

sided andslightly curved, and twoLatin ring-crosses. DISCUSSION The incised crosses on this fragment have the appearance ofgraffiti. Westwood (LW:154) suggested

that

they

might

be

masons'

marks

but

the

cross-forms, particularly the linear Latinring-crosses, are

MT7 Meifod 2 A (Crown copyright: RCAHMW).

468

APPENDICES

consistent with early medieval types. Small graffiti crosses

ciated with early medieval monuments and, while an

h a v e a l s o b e e n n o t e d o n e a r l m e d i e v a l m o n u m e n t s else.

early medieval date i spossible, it remains uncertain

where in Wales, for example, Llawhaden 1 (P55), where it was argued that they had been added by pilgrims (vol. I:

DATE

373-4). There are also some close parallels with graffiti crosses carved on the Neolithic tomb known as Ty Illtud

REFERENCES LW: 154, pl. 72(1); Petts, 2009: 155,

(Brecs.) which may also have been carved by pilgrims (Grinsell, 1981), but in neither case are these crosses asso-

APPENDIX B LOST M O N U M E N T S FOR W H I C H N O

Uncertain.

ILLUSTRATION HAS SURVIVED

illus. 81.

CAERNARFONSHIRE C LY N N O G

(near Ty'n-y-coed) Area of SH 4200 5055 CN16

3. Cross-carved stone PRESENT LOCATION

DISCUSSION

Lost.

The only description of this lost cross-

c a r v e d s t o n e is F e n t o n ' s q u o t e d a b o v e . T h o u g h t h e r e is n o

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

Noted by Fenton in

1810 on the road between Clynnog Fawr and Ty'n-y-coed (Fenton, 1917:231).

detail, the ring-cross described is an early medieval type

and may have been similar to Clynnog 2 (CN15) and

therefore of a similar date. Fenton did notrecord itspre-

cise location but its roadside position is also similar to that

DIMENSIONS STONE TYPE

Not known.

monument. It might have marked an ecclesiastical land

boundary associated with Clynnog and/or the pilgrim route to Bardsey Island (see also Caerhun 1 (CN13)).

Not known.

PRESENT CONDITION

Lost.

DATE

' long stone o f a curious grit, with a DESCRIPTION A

cross in a Circle on the end, which appears to have been a tomb, or shaft of a cross' (Fenton, 1917: 231).

Uncertain.

REFERENCES Fenton, 1917:231.

NEFYN (NEVIN) (Near the Vicarage) Area of SH 308 406

2. Cross-carved stone ECMW no. 100 PRESENT LOCATION

Lost.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Reported in 1896 as standing 'until lately 'on the south side of Nefyn, near the

Vicarage, at a corner of the road which leads to the sea'. It

CN34

DIMENSIONS

Not known.

STONE TYPE

Not known.

PRESENT CONDITION Lost.

w a s a p p a r e n t l y b r o k e n u p for r e u s e a s gate-posts but n o n e

with a cross could be located (Owen, 1896b: 171).

DESCRIPTION

A monument with a cross.

470

APPENDICES

DISCUSSION No illustration or detailed description of the stone survives. However, Owen (1896b: 171) reports that before ti was removed ti had until recently been used as a wayside praying station, possibly on the route to Bardsey Island, and may therefore have been a

DATE

APPENDIX C

Uncertain.

REFERENCES

S T O N E S W R O N G LY I D E N T I F I E D AS E A R LY M E D I E VA L

Owen, 1896b: 171; ECMW: no. 100

O R POSSIBLY E A R LY M E D I E VA L

s i m p l e c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e o f s o m e a n t i q u i t y , p e r h a p s sim1-

lar to Nefyn 1(CN33) or Pistyll 2(CN40) nearby.

ANGLESEY

FLINTSHIRE L L A N F I H A N G E L Y S G E I F I O G ( L L A N F I H A N G E L ESGEIFIOG) (St Michael's Church)

FLINT

SH 4788 7342

(Pentre Ffwrndan) SJ 2 5 3 3 7 2 0 7

Incomplete cross-carved stone

1. Cross (known as 'Atiscros' or 'Croes Ati') PRESENT LOCATION

Lost. It formerly stood 'about

F4 PRESENT CONDITION

Lost.

a mile f r o m the town, o n the lower r o a d to Chester ... a n d

the land around is still called Croes-ati' (Pennant, 1778-83,

i: 52). The location is marked on the first edition of the Ordnance Survey map in a field (no. 147) south-west of

the road and north of Croes Ati Mill. The area si now a

DESCRIPTION There is no description of the cross or the 'pedestal' (cross-base).

DISCUSSION

Although next to nothing is known

h o u s i n g estate.

about this cross, it is included here since by the time of Domesday Book (1086) the hundredof Atiscros is named

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY First mentioned in Domesday Book (1086) (Morgan, 1978: 269b). The earliest antiquarian reference is by John Dee, who toured the borders ni 1574: 'On the east side of Flint, after the river of Dee, si a small river, and an old cross, which place si called Adecross' (BL Harleian MS 473, fo. 3.) In 1773, Pennant (1778-83, i: 52) recalled seeing the 'pedestal' of the cross. Its supposed location was excavated in 1932 but

after the monument (Morgan, 1978: 269) andtherefore it almost certainly pre-dates the Norman Conquest of the area. Thefact that ti gave its name to the hundred suggests that it marked the place of assembly for that district. It si likely to have been a cross of Viking Age type, perhaps similar to Whitford 2(F12) andMeliden 1 (F8).

nothing was found (Petch, 1936: 74-5).1 DIMENSIONS

Not known.

STONE TYPE

Not known.

DATE

PRESENT LOCATION Lost. Noted reused as a lintel over one of the doorways of the church (Jones, 1846: 299, fi g . ) .

Jones's

drawing shows

the

upper

part

in

two

adjoining pieces; the bottom is missing.

DISCUSSION The RCAHMW (1937: 84(c)) recorded the monument as of uncertain date. It was not included in E C M W . It a p p e a r s t o b e t h e u p p e r p a r t of a r e c u m b e n t

slab with an angled perimeter and a cross-form, on

DESCRIPTION The upper part of arectangular pillar or slab. The carved face has a perimeter angle moulding

analogy with Cumbrian examples (Ryder, 2005: e.g St Mungo, Bromfield 4, 9, 20), probably datable to the second half of the twelfth century or later.

within a circle which passes across the ends of the crossarms and through the narrow shaft. The armpits are

REFERENCES Jones, 1846: 299, fig.; LW: 187, pl. 83(5); RCAHMW, 1937:84(c).

and is carved with an outline Latincross. The head is set curved, the cross-arm terminals expand (Jones, 1846:

fig.).

CAERNARFONSHIRE LLANAELHAEARN (LLANAELHAIARN) (St Aelhaearn's Church)

Terminusante quem of 1086.

L Harleian MS 473, fo. 3; Pennant, REFERENCES B 1778-83, i: 52; RCAHMW, 1912: 30, no. 94; Petch, 1936:

(SH 3869 4482)

74-5; Morgan, 1978: 2696.

' C r o s s - c a r v e d ' s t o n e E C M W no. 88 PRESENT LOCATION In the churchyard, built into the wall opposite the south-west corner of the church near

DIMENSIONS h. 109cm (43in.) above MGS × w. 46 > 30.5cm (18 > 12in.) × d. 27cm (10.5in.).

t h e w e s t d o o r.

PRESENT CONDITION

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

First noted in 1896 as

Only A is completely visible.

The stone has quite a lot of lichen cover.

s t a n d i n g i n the c h u r c h v a r d 'built i n t o the wall o n the 1 I a m grateful to W. J. Britnell for a s s i s t a n c e in c o m p i l i n g t h eevi. d e n c ef o r t h i s m o n u m e n t .

south side of the church opposite the south door' (Owen, 1896b: 169).

DESCRIPTION An approximately quadrangular pillar. No carving is visible.

472

APPENDICES

DISCUSSION

T h e r e is little d o u b t from its location

wall and e x a m i n i n g all four faces since it might h a v eb e e n

yard o n which O w e n 1896b:

upended and turned and then reset in the same location, making the cross invisible.

169) r e c o r d e d a linear

15cm/6in. approx.) with slightly O w e n ' s

In conclusion. since n o cross c a n b e found, this m o n u -

drawing looks rather well carved to be early medieval but

ment should be rejected, though this would have to be

e x p a n d e d

c r o s s - a r m

t e r m i n a l s .

T h e

c r o s s

i n

this could merely be a poor representation. The general

MERIONETH

only be finally resolved by removing the stone from the

and dimensions that this is the stone block in the churchequal-arm cross (h.

| 473

APPENDICES

DOLGELLAU

(Near Pont Helygog) SH 794 198

r e a s s e s s e d s h o u l d t h e c r o s sh e l o c a t e d

type is found elsewhere in west Caernarfonshire on

Llangybi 2 (CN28). However, no cross is now visible and o n l y O w e n h a s r e p o r t e d its e x i s t e n c e s o t h e r e h a s b e e n

considerable doubt as to whether this si an early medieval

cross-carved stone. The back was also checked by Radford and Hemp (1961: 153). Whether there is a cross or not can

REFERENCES Owen, 1896b: 169, fig.; Anon., 1926: 434; ECMW: no. 88, fig. 73; RCAHMW, 1960: no. 1031 misc. (iv), 98; Radford and Hemp, 1961: 153; R . T. .J

Evans, 2004: 28.

SH 4554 6068

of the opening ni the porch on the north side of the

DISCUSSION Both monuments are later medieval

recumbent grave-slabs carved with compass-drawn cross-

heads set within a circle and have long stems. The second is also carved with a boat with high prow and stern which

may represent a cog. Nash-Williams (1935: 73) originally identified them as medieval rather than early Christian but later included them in ECMW. However, they are thir-

Not known.

p a r t o f a p e r s o n a l n a m e . H e c o m m e n t s t h a t t h e l e t t e r.

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Reported in 1956 during a survey of the line of the Roman road between the fort at Caer Gai and the fortlet at Brithdir (Jones, 1959:

'with evenly splayed strokes o f equal length', were compa-

rable with those on fifth- or early sixth-century inscribed stones noted in ECMW but that no definite identification

2 1 0 - 1 1 n . 1). I t w a s l o c a t e d b e t w e e n P o n t H e l y g o g a n d

was possible b e c a u s e o f the fragmentary n a t u r e o f the

c o n t K h v d - v - c w a i r

m o n u m e n t .

t o t h e n o r t h - w e s t o f

t h e l i n e o f

t h e

road on top of a hill and was found in a pile of wall rubble. DISCUSSION The only record of this stone is that of G. D. B. Jones (1959: 210-11 n. 1) and there is no known illustration. He describes it as fractured at one end and

Two cross-carved grave-slabs ECMW nos 90, 91 Built into the top and bottom

PRESENT LOCATION

forms (h. 8.25cm/3.25in. approx.), particularly the M

L L A N FA G L A N (St Baglan's Church)

PRESENT LOCATION

1. Fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone

with a roman-letter inscription reading MEDI..., possibly

S i n c e t h e s t o n e h a s n o t b e e n s e e n s i n c e a n d

MEDI is also a modern Welsh girl's name, unless it is relo cated or more evidence comes to light, it cannot be included as early medieval. DATE

Not known.

REFERENCES

Jones, 1959: 210-11 n. 1, 218.

teenth or, more probably, early fourteenth century i ndate

(RAHMW, 1960: no. 1242(i, in), 199; Gresham, 1968:

nos 59-60, 102-4).

L L A N F I H A N G E L - Y- T R A E T H A U (St Michael's Church)

REFERENCES LW: 174, p.l 81(2-3); Nash-Williams,

1935: 73; ECMW: nos 90-1, pl. LXII; RAHMW, 1960:

SH 5952 3546

no. 1242(i, in), 199, p.l 31; Gresham, 1968: nos 59-60, 102-4, fig. 43.

1. Pillar with Latin inscription ECMW no. 281

Cast of ECMW no. 91: acc. no. NMW 02.181. PRESENT LOCATION Standing in the churchyard w e s t o f t h e c h u r c h .

DESCRIPTION A tall, thin, quadrangular-section pillar (h. 185cm/73in. above MGS) carved on all four faces with a roman-letter, Latin inscription which reads vertically downwards: Hi(c) est sewvicrv(m) Wleder mat(r)is

1 Odelev g(v)i p(r)imv(m) edificav(it) // hanc ecl(esi)a(m) / / ni te(m)p(o)r(e) Ewini reg(is). 'Here si the tomb of Wleder, the mother of Odelev, who first built this church in the

L e t t e r i n g T h e d a t e is to s o m e extent s u p p o r t e d by the

letter-forms which are n o tclosely datable, but are characteristic of the late eleventh or twelfth century. They are a mixture of capital, geometric and uncial forms, including E (in tempore) of the 'versal' type found from c. 1200 onwards. The occurrence of W also indicates a postConquestdate.(H. McK)

The King Owain named in the inscription may be identified as Owain Gwynedd (1137-70) and the monument

time of Owain the king.'

t h e r e f o r ed a t e s t o t h e m i d - t w e l f t h c e n t u r y.

DISCUSSION

REFERENCES B L Stowe MS 1023, fo. 157; Jones Parry and Westwood, 1848b: figs; LW: 162-5, pl. 76(1-2); RCAHMW, 1921: no. 518, fig.; CIC: no. 1032, pl. LIlI;

This monument functioned as a grave-

marker and commemorates the founder of the church at Llanfihangel-y-traethau. While of considerable interest, not least because the inscription is approximately datable.

it has been rejected here because it is considered t o o late for inclusion.

ECMW: no. 182, fig. 184, pl. LX; CIB: 32 n. 58, 51 and n. 183. 104, 112, 116, 144, 145 n. 860, 184 n. 1116, 189, 197, 212, 217-18, 226 n. 1418, 229, 232, 279 (no. 1032/281).

ADDENDA T O PEMBROKESHIRE

PEMBROKESHIRE LLANYCHAER (Clyn Farm) SN 0053 3430

3. C r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e

P50

PRESENT LOCATION Missing, but last seen in the late 1980s, south of the farm sheds, lying in the hedgei n the north-westc o r n e r of the adjacent fi e l d k n o w n as Parc-

уг-Eglwys(pers. comm., Averill Lukic). EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY

700m (765 yds) to the north-west, and Llanychlwydog Church. the same distance to the east.

Sincet h epublication of volumeI I , it has emerged that the monument was still lying close to its first recorded

First reported in 1954

. C. Nye ni use as a gatepost (the carved face set by A

against the hedge bank)o n the east side of the lane, 250m (270yds) south, south-east of Clyn Farm (Ordnance Survey card). Prior to 1982 it was removed during widening o f the entrance t ofarm sheds (Stenger, 1983). DIMENSIONS

(after Nye, Ordnance Survey card): h.

167cm (66in.) × w. 76cm (30in.) × d. Not known. STONE TYPE

Not known.

PRESENT CONDITION Missing. Face C had been partially recut for adaptation as a gatepost. There were two gate-hanger holes on the left side o f A, at the t o p and bottom of the face and the end of the left cross-arm appears to havebeen trimmed. DESCRIPTION

A rough slab which tapers from

bott om t otop.

A: The toptwo-thirds of the face is incised with an outline cross using broad lines. It has triangular armpits and splayed cross-arms.T h e shaft is alsosplayed. DISCUSSION The locationo f the stone could point to the former existence of a further cemetery/chapel in t h e Gwaun Valley. Alternatively, it could have marked ecclesiasticalland. The adjacent field isknown as Parc yrEglwys ('Church Field') (Ludlow. 2003). It was sited between

Parc y Fynwent (see Llanychaer 2, P49), approximately

P50 Llanychaer 3 A(photo. AverillLukic).

478

ADDENDA

ADDENDA

1479

taken at that time, enabling its better assessment.! The

relief, the cross-type si closely comparable with that on

form a partial, slightly curved lozenge which almost

unique formo fring, halfround andhalflozenge shaped.

St D a v i d s 8 C (P97), datable by inscription to the late

The best parallel is Llanllawer 3 (P34), also in the Gwaun

hedgerows of Parc yr Eglwys havebeen checked twice in 2010 but are now extremely overgrown, making redis-

eleventh or early twelfth century, and also withLlangaffo 6-7 (AN32-3) a n d Llangeinwen 1 (AN41) in north-west

meets the stem near its base. It is incised using a broad shallow line and apunch.

position in the late 1980s. Photographs of the cross were

covery of the monument almost impossible at the present

Wales, suggesting a broadly similar date.

time.

Nye (OrdnanceSurvey card) notes that each cross-arm was about 12in. long to the centre of the cross-head. Therefore, the cross was originally approximately 107cm (42in.) in height. Though incised rather than carved in

DATE

Later eleventh orearliertwelfth century.

REFERENCES vol. I: 527-8.

Lewis, 1976: 181; Stenger, 1983: 64;

NEVER N (NANH YFER)

(St Mary's Church, Cilgwyn) SN0 7 7 03 5 0 6 P140

11. Cros s-car ved stone PRESENTLOCATION Standing upright, set into the ground in the wall of the garden at Cilfair, near the south door of the former church (SN 0771 3596).

EVIDENCE FOR DISCOVERY Found in February 2009i n an archaeological watching brief, during conversion of the redundant church into a private dwelling. When the west wall of the church was demolished, the monument was discovered face down in the foundations at the south-west corner (Taylor and Milford, 2009: 17). DIMENSIONS h. 155cm (6lin.), h. 126cm (49.5in.) above MGS × w. 46cm (18in.)max. × d. 40cm (15.75in.) m a x .

STONE TYPE

No description available.

PRESENT CONDITION Only A is visible. The carving is worn but apart from a recent diagonal scratch across the left two g u a d r a n t s o f the c r o s s . the m o n u m e n t

isi n good condition. DESCRIPTION A rough, quadrangular-section pillar which tapers toa slightly pointed top. Carved on Aonly. A : Towardst h e top of the face is a linear Latin cross (h.

4 6 c m / 1 8 i n . ) with a ring. the u n n e r half of which forms

two arcs of a circle while the lower half is extended to Tam grateful to Averill Lukicf o r bringing this information tom y

P140 Never 1 A (Crown copyright:RCAHMW).

Valley, whichhas a slightly curved, lozenge-shaped ring. Further comparisons may be made with Llanfyrnach 1

DISCUSSION Thisis the second cross-carved stone to be found on this site (see vol. II, Nevern 5 (P74)) and the

(phase 2) and 3 (P30, P32), Silian(?) 3 (CD31), Llandanwg 5 and Llandecwyn .1 Dating si difficult but

latest addition to the large g r o u p of cross-carved stones

the linear forms u g g e s t s a seventh- to n i n t h - c e n t u r y date.

recorded from the Gwaun Valley and its environs (vol. II: 90, fig. 6.2. The shape of the monument indicates that it

DATE

functioned as a grave-marker. The linear Latin cross has a

REFERENCES

would have been set upright ni the ground. It probably

Seventh to ninth century.

Unpublished.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

483

BIBLIOGRAPHY

M A N U S C R I P T A N D DATABASE SOURCES

RCAHMWNMR Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales, National Monum e n t s R e c o r d .

Aberystwyth: National Library of Wales (NLW)

S E C O N D A RY SOURCES

MSS 39B, 472B, 821C, 1558C, 1713C, 5262A, 13.22 2C Add. MS 67a

Crosswood MSS 1744E, 1796D Peniarth MS 232 Llanstephan 185

Bangor: Bangor University (BU) Mostyn MSS 3124, 3126, 9085(5). Penrhos MS V, nos 237, 872.

Dolgellau: Meirionnydd Record Office Richard Williams, Traethawd Wmffre Dafydd

London: British Library (BL)

872.L.25, Lewis Morris's MS additions to Britanie utriusque regum principum origo et gesta insignia ab Galfrido M o n e m u t e n s i ex a n t i q u i s s i m i s B r i t a n n i c i s e r m o n i s m o n u .

mentis ni latinum sermonem traducta, ed. .I Cavellatus,

2nd edn, Paris, 1517.

L B Add. MSS 14907, 14927, 14934, 21,010, 33636,

36397

Harleian MSS 473, 3780 Stowe MSS 1023. 1024 Society of Antiquaries of London (SAL) Minutes, 18 November 1724, 20 May 1773 Oxford: Bodleian Library MSS Ashmole 1816, 1829, 1830 MSS Rawlinson B.464, C.920 CISP Christian Inscribed Stones Project online database, http://www.uck.ac.uk/archaeology/cisp/database

C-PAT HCS Clwyd-Powys Historic Churches Survey database http://www.cpat.demon.co.uk/projects/longer/ churches/idxall. htm

C-PAT HER Clwyd-Powys Historic Environment database. Archwilio www.cofiadurcahcymru.org.uk/arch/cpat/ english/ c p a tinterface.html

GAT HER Gwynedd Historic Environment database,

Archwiliowww.cofiadurcahcymru.org.uk/arch/gat/english /gatinterface. html PAS Portable Antiquities Scheme, http://finds.org.uk

Anon. (1819-20). 'Miscellaneous intelligence', The Cambro-Briton, 1, 359-60. - (1820a). 'Antiquarian and philosophical researches', Gent's Mag., 90, 443.

- (1820b). 'Hanesiaeth cartrefol a thramor', Goleuad Gwynedd, August 1820, 350-1.

- (1820-1). 'Inscription at Pentrefoelas', The Cambro-

Briton, 2, 410-11. (1846a). ' S a x o n c o i n s f o u n d a t B a n g o r . Caernavonshire',Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 1, 276. - (1846b). 'On the Roman roads in Caernarvonshire and Merionethshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 1, 418-24.

- (1847). 'Miscellaneous antiquarian notices', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 1, 2, 94-5. (1848). 'Report on second annual meeting, Caernarvon', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 3, 344-68. (1850).

'Fourth

annual

meeting,

Dolgellau'.

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 2, 1, 315-34. - (1854). 'Report on the eighth annual meeting held at Ruthin', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 2, 5, 231-56. (1855). 'Miscellaneous notices', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 1, 281-4. - (1856a). 'Report on the tenth annual meeting,

Welshpool', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, ,2 343-65. (1856b). 'Bodedeyrn', YTraethodydd, 12, 399-408. - (1858). 'Report on the twelfthannual meeting at Rhyl, 1858', Archacol. Cambrensis, ser. ,3 ,4 439-63. (1859a). 'LIannor inscribed stones', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 5, 234.

- (1859b).

'Cardigan meeting report', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 3, 5, 320-52. (1860). 'Fourteenth annual meeting, Bangor', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 6, 343-81.

' day's ramble about the Rivals', Archaeol. - (1865). A Cambrensis, ser. 3, 11, 85-8. (1866a). 'Caelixtus stone - Llanaber, Merioneth', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 12, 368-9. (1866b). 'Report on twentieth annual meeting, Machynlleth', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 12, 527-51. (1874a). 'Llanfor, Merionethshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5, 339. -

(1874b).

'Report

on

the

twenty-ninth

annual

meeting at Wrexham', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5,

340-60.

484 |

BIBLIOGRAPHY

(1876).

'Llannor inscribed stones', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 4, 7, 313.

Cambrensis, 119, 156-60.

(1877). 'Report on the thirty-second annual meeting at Carnarvon', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 8, 322-39. (1880).

notices',

'Miscellaneous

Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 4, 11, 78-80. - (1882). 'Report on the thirty-seventh annual meeting at Llanrwst', Archaeol. Cambrensis, sex. 4, 13, 321-33. - (1884). 'Report on the thirty-ninth annual meeting

held at Bala', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 1, 323-51.

- (1887). 'Report on the forty-second annual meeting

held at D e n b i g h ' , Archaeol. 328-69.

5, 4,

Cambrensis, ser.

( 1 8 9 1 ) . ' R e p o r t o n t h e f o r t y - fi t t h a n n u a l m e e t i n g

held at Holywell', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 8, 51-76, 102-45.

- (1894). 'Report of the Oswestry meeting', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 5, 11, 131-54, 2 1 444.

- (1895). 'Report of the Carnarvon meeting', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 5, 12, 134-58. (1903). ' I n s c r i b e d s t o n e

at

Llysdingwyn,

Carnarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 3, 288. - (1908a). 'Report on Anglesey meeting', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 6, 8 , 64-109. - (1908b). 'The safe-keeping of local antiquities', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 8, 228.

- (1912). 'Report on the sixty-fifth annual meeting

held at Abergele', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 19,

109-67. - (1919). 'Report on the seventy-third annual meeting held at Dolgelley', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 19,

543-97.

- (1921). 'Report on the seventy-fifth annual meeting

held at Ruthin', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 76, 309-443. - (1923).

'Report on

annual meeting in the Vale of Conway', Archaeol.

the seventv-seventh

annual

meeting held at Oswestry', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 78,

339-467. - (1926). 'Report of the eightieth annual meeting held

at PwIlheli', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 81,421-75. - (1928). 'Graves near Llechcynfarwy Church', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 96.

- (1930). 'Report of the eighty-fourth annual meeting

held at Menai Bridge', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 85,

438-84.

- (1932). 'Report of the eighty-sixth annual meeting held at Newtown', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 87, 425-71. (1933). 'Report on the eighty-seventh annual meeting held at Cardiff', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 88, 361-411.

- (1947). 'Report on the annual meeting held at Rhyl', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 99, 305-59. (1970). 'Report of the one hundred and sixteenth

A.B. (1865). 'Additional notes on Eglwyseg', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 11, 369-70. A Visitor (1857). 'Inscribed slabs, Rhuddlan Church',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 3, 63 4-. Acta Sanctorum (1887). Acta Sanctorum, Novembris, Tomus 1, Paris. Adams, J. N. (2007). The Regional Diversification of Latin

BIBLIOGRAPHY

485

archaeoleg Enlli', ni R. G. Jones and C. .J Arnold (eds),

Enlli, Cardiff, 77-145.

(1996b). 'Moving the stones', Bardsey Island Trust

Ltd., Newsletter, 28 (Spring), 24.

- (1998). 'Excavation of "Ty Newydd", Ynys Enlli (Bardsey Island), Gwynedd', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 147,

96-132. - and Davies, J. L. (2000). Roman and Early Medieval Wales, Stroud.

Baynes, E. N . (1920). 'The old monasteries, abbeys and chapels of Anglesey', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 33-43. - (1935). 'Some stone-lined graves at Llanrhuddlad', Trans. Anglesey Antig. Soc., 189-91.

Beckwith, J. (1972). Ivory Carvings ni Early Medieval England, London. Beresford, M. a n d Hurst, J. (1990). EnglishHeritage Book of Wharram Percy Deserted Medieval Village, London. Best, R . .I and Lawlor, H. .J (eds) (1931). The Martyrology of Tallaght, Henry Bradshaw Society 68. Bevan-Jones, R . (2002). The Ancient Yew, Macclesfield.

200BC-AD 600, Cambridge.

Astle, T., Ayscough, S . and Cayley, .J (eds) (1802). Taxatio

types ni Anglian sculpture', ni Lang (1978), 33-45.

circaA.D. 1291, London. Atsma, H. (1976). 'Die Christlicehn Inschriften Galliens

Bieler, .L (ed.) (1979). The Patrician Texts ni the Book of

als quelle für Klöster und Klosterbewohner bis zum

Bischoff, B . (1990). Latin Palaeography, Antiquity and the

Adcock, G. (1978). 'Theory of interlace and interlace

Aitchison, N. (2006). Forteviot, a Pictish and Scottish Royal Centre, Stroud. Alcock, L. (1971). Arthur's Britain, Harmondsworth. Alexander, .J .J G. (1978). Insular Manuscripts, 6th to 9th Century, London. Allen, .J R . (1887). Early Christian Symbolism in Great

Britain and Ireland before the Thirteenth Century, London. - (1888a). 'Early inscribed stones visited during the Llanrwst meeting', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 5, 176-8.

ecclesiastica Angliae et Walliae auctoritate P. Nicholai IV.

end 6. Jahrhundert', Francia, 4, 1-58. . (forthcoming). 'St Cybi's well', ni R . Avent, R. Avent, R Suggett and D . Longley, Criccieth Castle, Penarth Fawr

Hall-house, St Cybi's Well, Cardiff. Bachellery, E. (ed.) (1950). L'Euvre Poétique de Gutun Owain, Paris.

Roman stonemason ni Britain', Britannia, ,7 152-72.

sub-Roman Britain', Nottingham Mediaeval Studs, 32, 126-40.

-Bailey, R . N . (1977). 'The meaning of the Viking-age shaft at Dacre', Trans. Cumberland Westmorland Antiq. Archaeol. Soc., ser. ,2 77, 61-74.

- (1899). 'Early Christian art ni Wales', Archaeol.

- (1996). "What mean these stones?" Some aspects of

Cambrensis, ser. 5, 16, 1-69.

- (1905). 'The discovery of an early Christian inscribed stone at Treflys, Carnarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 5, 70-2. • and Anderson, J. (1903). The Early Christian Monuments of Scotland, 3 pts, Edinburgh, repr. 1993 with introduction by .I Henderson, Balgavies.

- and Cox, E. W . (1893). 'The early Christian monu-

ments of Lancashire and Cheshire', Trans. Hist. Soc. Lancs. Cheshire, 45, 1-32a.

. and Jackson, A. A. (1985). Geology of the Allen, P. M

Country around Harlech, British GeologicalSurvey Memoir

for Sheet 135 with Part of Sheet 149, London.

Bagnall, R. L., Cameron, A., Schwartz, S. R. and Warp, K . A. (1987). Consuls of the Roman Empire, Atlanta.

- (1980). Viking Age Sculpture in Northern England, London.

- (2002). Anglo-Saxon Sculpturesat Deerhurst, Deerhurst lecture, 2002. - (2010). Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture Vol. IX, Lancashire and Cheshire, Oxford. - and Cramp, R. (1988). Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone

Sculpture

Vol.

II, Cumberland,

We s t m o r l a n d

and

Lancashire North-of-the Sands, Oxford.

' miniature Viking-Age - and Whalley, .J (2006.) A

hogback from the Wirral', AntiquariesJ., 86, 345-56. Baring-Gould. S. and Fisher. .J (1907-13). The Lives of the British Saints, 4 vols, London.

Barnwell, E. L. (1861). 'Celtic monuments', Archaeol.

Alumnus Ruthinensis (1883). 'Pool Park, Ruthin',

Barrow, J. (2001). 'Chester's earliest regatta? Edgar's Deerowing revisited', Early Medieval Europe, 10, pt 1,

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 14,251-2. Anwyl, E. (1906). 'The Llandewyn inscribed stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 6, 121-4.

Arnaldi, M. (2000). The Ancient Sundials of Ireland, L o n d o n

Arnold, C. .J (1996a). 'Seintiau, eneidiau ac ysgolheigion:

(2010). 'The prehistory of English fonts', in

M . Henig and N. Ramsey (eds), Intersections: The

Archaeology and History of Christianity ni England, 4001200, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., Brit. ser. 505, Oxford, 149-77

- and Pyrah, C. (eds) (1996). Church Archaeology, Research Directions for the Future, CBA res. rep. 104,

York Bloxam, M. H. (1883). 'On the Pillarof Eliseg, near Valle

Crucis, Co. Denbigh', .J Brit. Archaeol. Ass., 39, 371-5.

ture ni 78,Cheshi and Lancashire, Bonde, N. and Christensen, pre-NJohn ormRylands an sculpLibrary, 21-46. pt 1,re Bull.

Allen, W . B . (1920). 'Notes on the Penmon cross', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 20, 193-4.

Middle Ages, D. O Croinin and D. Ganz (trans.). Cambridge. Björkman, E. (1910). Nordische Personennamen inEngland, Halle. Blagg, T. F. C. (1976). 'Tools and techniques of the

Bachrach, B. S. (1988). 'Vortigern and constitutionality ni Blair,J.(2005). TheChurchinAnglo-SaxonSociety,Oxford.

- (1888b). 'On the antiquity of fonts inGreat Britain', J. Brit. Archaeol. Ass., 44, 164-73. (1889a). 'Early sculptured cross-head, locality unknown', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 6, 269-70. - (1889). 'The cylindrical pillarat Llantwit Major, Glamorganshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 6, 317-26.

Armagh, Dublin.

Cambrensis, ser. 3, 7, 46-71.

81-93.

Bartrum, P. C. (ed.) (1966). Early Welsh Genealogical Tracts, Cardiff.

Bates, S. E. B. (1972). 'The stratigraphy of Ordovician rocks on Anglesey', Geological J., 9, 39-60.

A.

E.

(1993).

'Dendrochronologicaldating of the Viking-age ship burials at Oseberg, Gokstad and Tune, Norway',

Antiquity, 67, 575-83. Boon, G. C. (1986). Welsh Hoards, 1979-81, Cardiff. Boston, Lord (1864). 'Early inscribed stone, Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 10, 105-6.

Bourke, C. (1993). 'The chronology of Irish Crucifixion plaques', ni Spearman and Higgitt (1993), 175-81. -(ed.) (1995). From the Isles of theNorth, Early Medieval Art in Britain and Ireland, Belfast. - (2009). "The shrine of St Gwenfrewi

from

Gwytherin, Denbighshire: an alternative interpreta-

tion', in Edwards (2009c), 375-88. Bowen, E. G. (ed.) (1957). Wales, a Physical, Historical and

Regional Geography, London.

-a n d Gresham, C. A. (1967). History of Merioneth, Vol. 1, from the Earliest Times to the Age of the Native Princes, Dolgellau. Bowman, A. K. and Thomas, J. D. (1983). The Vindolanda Writing-tablets, London.

486

BIBLIOGRAPHY

• a n d (1994). The Vindolanda Writing-tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses II), London.

Bu'lock, .J D . (1958), 'Pre-Norman crosses of west Cheshire and the Norse settlement around the Irish

Caernarfon, 1952-1985', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 38,

Sea', Trans. Ches. Lancs. Antiq. Soc.,68, 1-11. - (1960). 'Vortigern and the Pillar of Eliseg', Antiquity,

' n an inscribed stone at Penrhos Brash, R. R. (1871). O

Burnham, B . .C and Davies, .J L . (eds) (2010). Roman

Bovle.

S.

D.

(1991).

'Excavations

at

Hen

Wa l i a u .

191-212.

Llugwy, Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 2, 266-70.

(1873).

'Inscribed stones of

Wales', Archaeol.

C a m b r e n s i s , s e r. 4 , 4 , 2 8 5 - 1 .

(1874).

" T h e

i n s c r i b e d

s t o n e s

Clydai,

Pembrokeshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5, 277-84.

. G. and Britnell, W . J. (1991). Brassil, K. S., Owen, W

'Prehistoric and early medieval cemeteries Tandderwen, near Denbigh, Clwyd', Archaeol. J., 148, 46-97.

34. 49-53

Frontiers in Wales and the Marches, Aberystwyth. Burnham, H . (1995). A Guide to Ancient and Historic Wales. Clwyd and Powys, London. Butler, L. and Graham-Campbell, .J (1990). 'A lost reliquary

casket

from

Gwytherin,

north

Wa l e s ' ,

Antiquaries J., 70, 40-8.

Camden, W . (1594). Britannia siue Florentissimorum reg. norum,

Angliae,

scotiae,

Hibernae,

et

insularum

adiacentiumex intima antiquitate chorographica descriptio, L o n d o n

Breese, C. E. (1905). 'Llandecwyn inscribed stone', Cameron,N. (1996). T ' he church ni Scotland ni the later -

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 5, 237-41. (1925). 'Meini hirion on the Tir Gwyn Farm in the parish

ot

Llannor,

Carnarvonshire,

Archaeol.

Cambrensis, 80, 385-7. . (1877). 'Rees' lives of the Welsh saints' Breese, E Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 8, 72.

Brennan, B. (1985). *"Episcopae": bishops' wives viewed in sixth-century Gaul', Church Hist., 54, 311-23. Brett, M . (2004). 'David (d. 1137-9)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn (http://0www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/article/ 720

7, accessed 14 October 2009).

11th and 12th centuries', ni Blair and Pyrah (1996),

42-6.

Campbell, E . (1988). 'The imported pottery', ni Edwards and Lane (1988), 124-36. 2007).

C o n t i n e n t a l a n d M e d i t e r r a n e a n I m p o r t s to

Atlantic Britain and Ireland, AD 400-800, CBA res. rep. 157. York.

Campbell, J. L. and Thomson, D. (1963). Edward Lhuyd ni the Scottish Highlands 1699-1700, Oxford. Carr, A . D. (1982). Medieval Anglesey, Llangefni Carver, M. (2008). Portmahomack. Monastery of the Picts, Edinburgh.

(1986). ofCotherpusRoman Signorum Imperii Roman,i Casev, P.J. and Davies, .J.L (1993). Excavations at BreCorpus wer, R.ofJ.Sculpture World, Great Britain, Vol. ,I Fascicule 5, Wales, Oxford.

Briggs, C. S. (2006). 'Edward Lhuyd's expedition through Ulster, 1699 and 1700', in Meek (2006), 384-93. Britnell, W. J. (1994.) 'Excavation and recording at Pennant Melangell Church', Montgomeryshire Collections, 82, 41-102.

- and Watson, K. (1994). 'Saint Melangell's Shrine, Pennant Melangell', Montgomeryshire Collections, 82, 147-66

Bromwich, R. (1959). 'The character of the early Welsh tradition', in Chadwick et al. (1959), 83-136.

- (1968). 'William Camden and Trioedd YnysPrydain', Bul. Board Celtic Studs, 23, pt 1, 14-17.

Segontium (Caernarfon) Roman Fort, 1975 - 1979, CBA res. rep. 90, London. Cavill, P., Harding, S. E.and Jesch, .J (2000). Wirral and its Viking Heritage, Nottingham.

Chadwick,H. M. (1959a). 'The end of Roman Britain', in Chadwick et al. (1959), 9-20. (1959b). 'Vortigern', in Chadwick et al. (1959), 21-33.

, Chadwick, N. K., Jackson, K., Bromwich, R., Hunter Blair, P. and Chadwick, O. (1959). Studies in

EarlyBritish History, repr., Cambridge. Chadwick, N. K. (1958). 'Early culture and learning in north Wales', ni N . Chadwick, .K Hughes, C. Brooke and K. Jackson (eds), Studies ni the Early British Church, Cambridge, 29-120.

Charles-Edwards, D. G. (2000). 'The epigraphy of Wales

Studies in H o n o u r of R o s e m a r y C r a m p ,

interchange between written a n d inscribed letters

139-61.

unpublished M.Phil. thesis, University College of

Wales, Newport.

- (2002). "The Springmount bog tablets: theirimplications for Insular epigraphy and palaeography', Studia

Roman

Inscrintions

of

Britain.

M o n u m e n t u m

R. Moss (ed.), Making and Meaning in Insular Art, Dublin, 228-41.

Conrad, L. I., Neve, M., Nutton, V . and Wear, A. (1995).

of Dyfed', Bul. Board Celtic Studs, 24, pt 2, 247-62.

Craig, D. .J (1991). 'Pre-Norman sculpture ni Galloway: some territorial implications', in R . D. Oram and G. P. Stell (eds), Galloway: Land and Lordship, Edinburgh,

. (1971). 'The seven bishop-houses . M Charles-Edwards. T

- (1976). 'Boundaries in Irish law', in P. H. Sawyer

(ed.), Medieval Settlement, London, 83-7. - (1980). 'Nau kynywedi teithiauc', ni D. Jenkins and M . E . Owen (eds), The Welsh Law of Women, Cardiff,

-

A

n

a

The Western Medical Tradition 800 BC to AD 1800, Cambridge.

45-62. - (1992). 'The distribution o fpre-Norman sculpture in

23-39.

south-west

- (1995). 'Language and society among the Insular . .J Green (ed.), The Celtic World, Celts 400-1000', ni M

regional groups', unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University

(2001). 'Wales and Mercia, 613-918', in Brown and

Cramp, R. (1984). Corpuso f Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture,

London, 703-36. - (2000).Early ChristianIreland, Cambridge. Farr (2001), 89-105.

- (2003). 'Nations and kingdoms: a view from above', ni .T M . Charles-Edwards (ed.), After Rome, Oxford,

23-58.

- (2004a). 'Cadwallon ap Cadfan (d. 634)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn

http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/

Scotland:

provenance.

ornament

and

o f Durham.

- (1997). 'The provenance of the early Christian inscriptions ofGalloway', in Hill (1997), 614-23. Vol.

1, County Durham and Northumberland, 2 pts,

Oxford.

- (1986). 'The furnishing and sculptural decoration of . S . Butler and R . K. Anglo-Saxon churches', ni .L A Morris (eds), The Anglo-Saxon Church. Papers on History, Architecture and Archaeology ni Honour of Dr H. M. Taylor, CBA res. rep. 60, 101-4.

article/4322, accessed 4November 2007).

- (2004b). 'Gorsedd, dadl, and Ilys: assemblies and

- (1991). Grammar of Anglo-Saxon Ornament, a General Introduction to the Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Sculpture,

courts in medieval Wales', in A . Pantos and S. Semple

Oxford.

(eds), Assembly Places and Practices in Medieval Europe, Dublin, 95-105. - (trans.) (2006). The Chronicle of Ireland, 2 vols, Liverpool.

(2006). Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture, Vol. VII, South-west England, Oxford. Craster, O. E. (1953). Ancient Monuments of Anglesey,

Charles-Edwards and R. J. W. Evans (eds), Wales and the Wider World. Welsh History in an International Context, Donington, 9-27.

- (1983). 'Antiquarian references to burial cairns and long cists in Snowdonia', Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 44,

(2010). 'Rome and the Britons, 440-664', ni T. M.

Anglo-Saxon Kingdom ni Europe, London and New

Charles, B . G. (1992). The Place-names of Pembrokeshire,

- (2008b). 'Design in the past: metalwork and textile

2 vols, Aberystwyth.

Colgrave, B . and Mynors, R . A . B . (eds) (1969). Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, Oxford. Collingwood, R . G. and Wright, R . P. (1990-5). The Domesticum, Stroud. - (1995). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, I, Inscriptions on Stone, 2nd edn, Stroud. Collingwood, W. G. (1927). Northumbrian Crosses of the Pre-Norman Age, London, repr. 1989, Llanerch.

Coatsworth. E. (2008a). Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone

York.

Kalamazoo,

Celtica, 36, 27-45. - (2006). 'The origins and development of Insular geometric letters', unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, Bangor. - (2007). 'Insular display capitals and their origins', in

(1959), 189-263. Challinor, J. and Bates, D. E. B. (1973). Geology Explained in North Wales,Newton Abbot.

Gaul ni the fifth century', ni Chadwick et al. (eds)

C. E. Karkov and H . Damiko (eds), Aedifica Nova.

5 5 0 - 1 0 0 0 e x a m i n e d in a wider Insular context: the

- (ed.) (1978). Trioedd Ynys Prydein, The Welsh Triads, 2 n dedn, Cardiff. Broun, D. (2003). 'The origin of the Stone of Scone as a national icon', in R. Welander, D. J. Breeze and T. O. Clancy (eds), The Stone of Destiny, Artefact and Icon, Edinburgh, 183-97. Brown, M. P. and Farr, C. A. (eds) (2001). Mercia, an

- (1959). 'Intellectual contacts between Britain and

487

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Chibnall, M . (ed. and trans.) (1969-80). The Ecclesiastical History of Ordericus Vitalis, 6 vols, Oxford. Chidlow, C. (1880). 'Llanrhaiadr yn Mochnant sculptured stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 11, 78-9. Sculpture, Volume VIII, Western Yorkshire, Oxford.

influences on pre-Conquest sculpture ni England', in

L o n d o n

Crew, P. (1981). 'Cunogusi stone', Archaeol. Wales, 21, 20. 153-62.

- and Crew, S . (1997). 'Geophysical survey at Llanfor, Merionethshire', Archaeol. Wales, 37, 13-20.

Crouch, D. (1989).'Urban: first bishopof Llandaff, 1107-

34', .J Welsh Ecclesiastical Hist., 6, 1-15.

Cummins, W. A. (1957). 'The Denbigh Grits: Wenlock

greywackes inWales', Geological Mag., 94, 437-51.

Cuppage, .J (1986). Archaeological Survey of the Dingle Peninsula, Ballyferriter.

488

BIBLIOGRAPHY

D.T. (1796). 'Monasteries, abbeys, and chapels, demol-

ished on the Isle of Anglesey', Cambrian Register, 2,

286-8

Daniel, C. St .J (2004). Risborough.

Sundials, 2nd edn, Princes

Darby, H. C. and Maxwell, I. S. (eds) (1962). The Domesday Geography of Northern England, Cambridge. Dark, K. R . (1992). 'Epigraphic, art-historical, and historical approaches to the chronology of Class I inscribed stones', ni Edwards and Lane (1992), 51-60. - (1994). Civitas ot Kingdom. British Political Continuity 300-800, Leicester. Davidson, A. (2000). 'Historic churches of Gwynedd,

gazetteer of churches, diocese of Bangor', Gwynedd Archaeological Trust unpub. rep. no. 390.

(2001). 'Parish churches', ni Smith and Smith

(2001), 326-85.

- (2008). "Two new early medieval stones from Llandanwg', Archaeol. Wales, 48, 73-5. - (2009a). 'The early medieval church in north-west

Wales', ni Edwards (2009c), 41-60. -(2009b). 'Exacavations at Tywyn y Capel, Treaddur Bay, Anglesey, 1997 and 2002-3', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 158, 167-223.

-,Hopewell, D., Kenney, .J and Longley, D. (2002).

"Early medieval burial

and

ecclesiastical

sites,

2001-2002', Gwynedd Archaeol. Trust unpub. rep. no.

451. Davies, E. (1923). 'Inscribed stone' Archaeol. Cambrensis, 78, 159-60. (1929). The Prehistoric & Roman Remains of Denbighshire, Cardiff.

(1935). 'Llystyn Gwyn inscribed stone', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, 90, 307-9. - (1949). The Prehistoric & Roman Remains of Flintshire, Cardiff. (1952-3). 'Whitford Church (St Beuno and

St Mary)', Flints. Hist. Soc. Pubs, 13, 34-52. - (1959a). 'Hughes, Henry Harold (1864-1940)', ni Lloyd and Jenkins (1959), 375. - (1959b). 'Owen, Elias (1833-99)', ni Lloyd and

Jenkins (1959), 701-2.

Davies, .J R., Wilson, D. and Williamson, .I .T (2004). Geology of the Country around Flint, Memoir for

1:50,000 Geological Sheet 108 (England and Wales). Davies, John R. (2003). The Book of Llandaf and the NormanChurch in Wales, Woodbridge.

(2009). 'Bishop Kentigern among the Britons', in S. Boardman, J. R. Davies and E. Williamson (eds), Saints' Cults ni the Celtic World, Woodbridge, 66-90. Davies, M. (2002). 'Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, king of Wales', Welsh Hist. Rev., 21, pt 2,207-48.

954: Texts A-C in Parallel, Basic Texts in Brittonic History 1, Cambridge.

Davies, R . R . (1987). Conquest, Coexistence and Change.

Wales 1063-1415, Oxford. Davies, W. (1978). A nEarly Welsh Microcosm, London. - (1982a). Wales in theEarly Middle Ages, Leicester. - (1982b). 'The Latin charter-tradition in western Britain, Brittany and Ireland in the early medieval period', in D. Whitelock, R. McKitterick and

489

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Edwards, G. (1883). 'History of the parish of Llanerfyl', Montgomeryshire Collections, 16, 71-92.

Edwards, N. (1985a). 'The origins of the free-standing

cross in Ireland: imitation or innovation?', Bull. Board

Celtic Studs, 32, 393-410. - (1985b). A ' possible Viking grave from Benllech, Anglesey', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 19-24. - (1986). 'Anglesey in the early Middle Ages: the

D. Dumville (eds), Ireland in Early Medieval Europe, Cambridge, 258-80. - (1990). Patterns of Power ni Early Wales, Oxford. (1998). 'Charter-writing and its uses in early medieval Celtic societies', in H. Pryce (ed.), Literacy in Medieval Celtic Societies, Cambridge, 99-112. -,Graham-Campbell, J., Handley, M., Kershaw, P., . (2000). The Koch, J. T., Le Duc, G. and Lockyer, K Inscriptions of Early Medieval Brittany, Oakville, Connecticut and Aberystwyth.

archaeological evidence', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 19_41.

- (1987). 'Bryn Gwylan, LIangernyw', Archaeol. Wales, 27,58. (1993).

'St Michael's Church,

Llanfihangel

Ysgeifiog', Archaeol. Wales, 33, 65.

- (1995). '11th-century Welsh illuminated manuscripts: the nature of the Irish connection', in Bourke

Decombes, F. (1985). Recueil des Inscriptions Chrétiennes de

(1995), 147-55.

la Gaule antérieures à la Renaissance Carolingienne, XV

- (2011). 'Viking-age sculpture in north-west Wales: wealth, power, patronage and the Christian landscape', in F. Edmonds and P. Russell (eds), Tome: Studies in Medieval Celtic History and Law in Honour of Thomas Charles-Edwards, Woodbridge, 73-87.

' fragment of a reliquary - and Hulse, T. G. (1992). A

casket from Gwytherin, Denbighshire', Antiquaries J.,

72, 91-101.

(1997). 'Gwytherin (Denbs). A second fragment of the shrine of Gwenfrewi', Archaeol. Wales, - and

37, 87-8.

- and Lane. A. (eds) (1988). Early Medieval Settlements in Wales AD 400-1100, Bangor and Cardiff. - a n d - (1992a). 'The archaeology of the early church in Wales: an introduction', in Edwards and Lane (eds) (1992b), 1-11. - a n d - (eds) (1992b), The Early Church in Wales

and the West, Oxbow Monograph 16, Oxford. -, Robinson, G., Williams, H . . and Evans, D . M (2010-11). 'The Pillar of Eliseg, Llantysilio', Archaeo!.

Viennoise du Nord, Paris. Delamarre, X . (2007). Nomina Celtica Antiqua Selecta Inscriptionum, Paris.

- (1996). 'Identifying the archaeology of the early church in Wales and Cornwall', in Blair and Pyrah (1996). 49-62.

Denison, S. (2000). 'Gemstone evidence for late Roman survival', British Archaeol., 52 (April), 4. Derecki, P. (2005). 'Superbus Tyrannus Vortigernus', Quaestiones Medi Aevi Nova, 199-227. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften (1863-). Corpus

'wo carved stone pilars from Trefolwyn, Emery.R. V. 19581. Edward Lawya and the 1695 -(1997a). T Anglesey', Archaeol. J., 154, 108-17.

- (ed.) (1997b). Landscape and Settlement in Medieval Wales, Oxbow Monograph 81, Oxford. - (1997c). 'Landscape and settlement in medieval

Inscriptionum Latinarum consilio et auctoritate A c a d e m i a

Litterarum Regiae Borussicae, 15 vols, Berlin. Diehl, E. (1925-31). Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres, 3 vols, Berlin. Drake, C. .S (2002). The Romanesque Fonts of Northern

Europe and Scandinavia, Woodbridge. Drinkwater, C. H. (1884). 'Inscribed stone

near

Llandrillo, Merionethshire, etc.', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 5, 1, 300-3.

- (1889). 'Levelinus stone at Pentre Voelas', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 5, 6, 88.

- (1893). 'Llandanwg Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 10, 188-9. Duffy, S.(1995). 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh ni the eleventh century', Peritia, 9, 378-96. Dumville, D . N . (1977). 'Sub-Roman Britain: history and legend', History, newser., 62, 173-92. - (1982). 'The "six" sons of Rhodri Maw: a problem in Asser's Life of King Alfred', Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studs, 4 (Winter). 5-18.

- (1984). 'Gildas and Maelgwn: problems of dating',

in Lapidge and Dumville (1984), 51-9. - (1986). 'The historical value of the Historia

Brittonum', Arthurian Literature, 6, 1-26.

(ed. and trans.) (2002). Annales Cambriae A.D. 682-

-

Wales: an introduction', ni Edwards (1997b), 1-12.

(1999). 'Viking-influenced sculpture in north Wales,

its ornament and context', Church Archaeol., ,3 5-16.

- (2001). 'Early medieval inscribed stones and stone

sculpture in Wales: context and function', Medieval Archaeol., 45, 15-39. - (2002). 'Celtic saints and early medieval archae-

ology', ni A. Thacker and R . Sharpe (eds), Local Saints

and Local Churches, Oxford, 225-65. - (2006). 'The early medieval sculpture of Bangor Fawr yn Arfon', ni Meek (2006), 105-11. - (2007a). A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones

and Stone Sculpture ni Wales, Vol. I, South-west Wales,

Wales, 50. 57-9.

Effros, B. (2002). Caring for Body and Soul. Burial and the Afterlife in theMerovingian World, Pennsylvania.

Britannia',Antiquity, 32, 179-82. - (1971). Edward Lhuyd1660-1709, Cardiff. Etchingham, C. (2001). 'North Wales, Ireland and the isles: theInsular Viking zone', Peritia, 15, 145-87. - (2007). 'Viking-age Gwynedd and Ireland: political relations', in Jankulak andWooding (2007), 149-67. . J. (1888). 'On a coin of a second Carausius, Evans, A Caesar in Britain ni the fifth century', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 5, 138-63.

Evans, D. E. (1967). Gaulish Personal Names, Oxford. Evans, D. H . (2008). Valle Crucis Abbey, Cardiff.

Evans, D. H. and Loveluck, .C (2009). Life and Economy at

Early Medieval Flixborough c.AD 600-1000. The Artefact Evidence, Oxford. Evans, D. M. (1994). 'An early Christian monument from

Llanwyddelan, Montgomeryshire', Antiquaries J,. 74, 340-3.

Cardiff. - (2007). 'Edward Lhuvd and the origins of early

Evans, D. S. (ed.) (1977). Historia Gruffud vab Kenan,

medieval Celtic archaeology', Antiquaries J., 87,

- (ed. and trans.) (1990). A Mediaeval Prince of Wales. The Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan, Llanerch.

165-96.

- (2008). 'The Pillar of Eliseg', ni Evans (2008), 52-6.

(2009a). 'Rethinking the Pillar of Eliseg', Antiquaries J., 89, 143-77.

Cardiff.

Evans, D. W . and Roberts, B . .F (eds) (2009). Edward Lhwyd Archeologia Britannica Texts and Translations, Aberystwyth.

- (20096). 'The archaeology of the early medieval

Evans, E. (2009). 'Continuity and renewal of monastic

Celtic churches: an introduction', in Edwards (2009c),

landholding in Wales before and after the AngloNorman conquest'. in Edwards (2009c). 85-103

1-18.

- (ed.) (2009c). The Archaeology of the Early Medieval Celtic Churches, Leeds.

Evans, .J G. and Rhys, .J (eds) (1893). The Book of Llan Dav, Oxford.

490

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Evans, .J W . (1986). 'The early church in Denbighshire', Trans. Denbs. Hist. Soc., 35, 61-81.

Evans, M. D. (2004). 'Vaughan, Robert Powell (1591/2-

1667)', in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,

Oxford, online edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat. bangor.ac.uk/view/article/ 28141, accessed 9November 2007).

' sketch of the life of Thomas Evans, R. P. (1988). A Pennant, theliterary squire of Downing', in T. Pennant,

The History of the Parishes of Whiteford and Holywell, facsimile edn, Mold, no pagination. - (1991). 'Thomas Pennant (1726-1798) "The Father of Cambrian tourists", in T. Pennant, A Tour i n Wales, facsimile edn, Wrexham, no pagination.

Evans.

R.

T.

J

(2004).

'The

inscribed

stones

of

Llanaelhaearn Church, Gwynedd, and the significance of their places of discovery', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 153. 23-35.

Ford, P. (ed. and trans.)(1974). The Poetry of Llywarch Hen, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London. Förstemann, E. (1900). Altdeutsches Namenbuch.

Personennamen, 2nd edn, Bonn. . (1995). 'The inscriptions on the Dupplin Forsyth, K Cross', in Bourke (1995), 237-44.

- (2005). 'Hic memoria perpetua: the early inscribed

BIBLIOGRAPHY

491

and Howe, .E (2008). 'The ninth-century polychrome decoration at St Mary's Church, Deerhurst' Antiquaries J., 88, 109-64. . (1992). Venantius Fortunatus. ALatin Poet ni George, .J W

Griffiths, D. (2001). 'The north-west frontier', ni Higham

Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru (1950-2002). Cardiff. Gibbons, W. and Young, T. P. (1999). 'Mid-Caradocian

Grinsell, L. (1981). 'The later history of Ty Illtud',

the evolution of the Snowdon Volcanic corridor in NW

Gwynedd: reflections on the story of Cunedda', Studia

Merovingian Gaul, Oxford.

Scotland's Early Medieval Sculpture in the 21st Century,

Wales', .J Geological Soc., 156, 301-16.

Soc. Medieval Archaeol. Mon. 23, 113-34.

- (2009). 'The Latinus stone: Whithorn's earliest Christian monument', in J. Murray (ed.), St Ninian and

the Earliest Christianity in Scotland, Brit. Archaeol. Rep.,

Brit. ser. 483, 19-41. Foster, I. LI. (1967). 'Sir Ifor Williams 1881-1965', Proc. Brit. Acad., 53, 361-78.

Fowles, J. (ed.) (1980-2). Monumenta Britannica, John

Gilchrist, R. and Sloane, B . (2005). Requiem. The Medieval Monastic Cemetery in Britain, London. Gillies, W. (2004). 'Jackson, Kenneth Hurlestone (1909-

1991)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford,

online edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat. bangor.

ac.uk/view/article / 28141,49835, accessed 8 August

2008). Glynne, S. R . (1884). 'Notes on the older churches in the

Welsh dioceses', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 27,

bangor.ac.uk/view/article/57475, accessed 6 August

Fox, C. (1928). 'Offa's Dyke:a field survey. Third report',

- (1901). 'Notes on the older churches in the four Welsh dioceses', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 1, 133-47. Gondek, M . (2006). 'Early historic sculpture and land-

2009

-,Gohil, A . E. and Ward, N . (2010). Dictionary of

Continental Celtic Place-names, Aberystwyth.

Fasham, P. J., Kelly, R . . S., Mason, M. A . andWhite, R. B (1998). The Graeanog Ridge, the Evolution of a Farming Landscape

and

its

Settlements

in

North-west

Wa l e s .

Aberystwyth.

Aubrey (1626-97), 3 pts, facsimile, annotated by

R. Legg, 2 vols, Sherborne. Cambrensis, 94, 30-41.

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 83, 33-110.

- (1940). 'An Irish bronze pin from Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 95,248. - (1955). Offa's Dyke, Oxford. Fraser, .J and Williams, M . A . (2004). 'Rhÿs (formerly Rees), Sir John (1840-1915)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn, (http://0www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/article/357 34, accessed 3August 2008).

Feilitzen,O. von (1937). The Pre-Conquest Personal Names Fulford, M.(2002).'Wroxeter: legionary fortress, baths,

of Domesday Book, Uppsala. Fellows Jensen, G. (1968). Scandinavian Personal Names in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, Copenhagen.

Fenton, R . (1917).

Tours ni Wales (1804-1813), ed.

J. Fisher, Archaeol. Cambrensis supp., London. Ferguson, S. (1872-3). 'Inscribed cromlechs in Ireland', J.

Roy. Soc. Antiq. Ire., 12, 523-30. Fernie, E. (1986). 'Early church architecture in Scotland', Proc. Soc. Antig. Scotl., 116, 393-411. Fisher, Canon (1926). 'The Welsh Celtic bells', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 81, 324-34.

Fisher, .I (2001). Early Medieval Sculoture ni the West Highlands and Islands, Edinburgh. Follett, W. (2006). Céli Dé in Ireland. Monastic Writing and

Identity in the Early MiddleAges, Woodbridge.

Foote,Y.(2004). 'Westwood,John Obadiah(1805-1893)',

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/ view/article / 29140, accessed 26 November2007).

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 130, 131-9.

magmatism in central Lign; rhyolite petrogenisis and Gruffydd, .R G . (1989-90). 'From Gododdin ot

and M. Cross (eds), Able Minds and Practised Hands.

Fox, A . (1939). 'The siting of some inscribed stones of the Dark Ages in Glamorgan and Breconshire', Archaeol.

2008). Falileyev, A. (2009). Celtic Dacia, 2nd edn, Aberystwyth,

- (ZU06). ' M a e n A c h w y t a n a n d t h e c o n t e x t o f Vi k i n g

settlement in north-east Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 155, 143-62.

stones of southern Scotland in context', in S . M. Foster

Ewart, G., Gallagher, D. and Ritchie, A . (2007). 'The Dupplin Cross: recent investigations', Proc. Soc. Antig. Scotl., 137, 319-36. . (2004). 'Macalister, Robert Alexander Stewart Fagan, B (1870-1950)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.

and Hill (2001), 167-87.

and the "great rebuilding" of c. AD 450-550', .J Roman Archaeol., 15, pt 2, 639-45. -, Handley, M. and Clark, A. (2000). 'An early date for

ogham: the Silchester ogham stone rehabilitated',

MedievalArchaeol., 44, 1-24. G.M. [Gwallter Mechain] (1829). 'Parish of Meivod,

Montgomeryshire', Cambrian Quarterly Mag., 1,

318-31.

Gardner, W . (1906-7). 'Presidential address', Proc. Llandudno and District Field Club, 1, 17-27.

Gauthier, N . (1975). Recueildes InscriptionsChrétiennes dela Gaule antérieures à la Renaissance Carolingienne, Première Belgique, Paris. Gelling, M. (1992). The West Midlands in the Earl Middle Ages, Leicester.

Gem, R . (2009). 'Gruffudd ap Cynan and the Romanesque

church at Penmon, Anglesey', ni Edwards (2009c),

301-12.

Celtica, 24-5, 1-14.

• (1994). 'In search of Elmet', Studia Celtica, 28,

63-79

- (1996). 'Why Cors Fochno?', Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 2, 5-19. Gunther, R. T. (1945). Early Science ni Oxford, Vol. XIV Life and Letters of Edward Lhwyd. Oxford.

H.M. (1803). 'Letter, 20 February 1803', Gent's Mag., 73, pt 1, 412-19.

four Welsh dioceses', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 1, Hague, D.B. (1960). A ' medieval church on the island of 81-104, 249-72.

- (1900). 'Notes on the older churches in the four

311-20.

scape; a case study

of Cladh a'Bhile, Ellary,

Mid-Argyll', Proc. Soc. Antig. Scot., 136, 237-58 Goodburn, R . and Waugh, H . (comps.) (1983). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain by the Late R . G.

Collingwood and R. P. Wright, I, Inscriptions on Stone, Epigraphic Indexes, Gloucester. . (ed.) (1789). William Camden. Britannia; or, A Gough, R

Chorographical Description ofthe Flourishing Kingdoms of

England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Islands adjacent; from the earliest Antiquity. Translated from theedition published by the author in MDCCVII. Enlarged by the latest discoveries, London.

Graham-Campbell, .J and Ryan, M. (eds) (2009), Anglo-

Saxon/ Irish Relations before the Vikings, Proc. Brit. Acad., 157.

Gray, T. E. and Ferguson, L. M. (1997). Photographing Carved Stones. A Practical Guide to Recording Scotland's Past, Balgavies.

Gresham, C. A. (1938). 'The Roman fort at Tomen-yMur', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 93, pt 2, 192-211. (1968). Medieval Stone Carving ni North Wales, Cardiff.

(1985) 'Bedd Porius', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 32,

386-92.

- (2009) 'Hemp, Wilfred James (1882-1962)', ni Welsh

Biography Online (http://vba.llgc.org.uk/en/index. html, accessed 31 September2011).

St Tudwall', Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 21, 6-13.

Halhed, W. B. (1908). 'The Brohomagli inscribed stone at

Voelas Hall', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 8, 234-5. . (2008). Weapons and Warfare in Viking and Halpin, A Medieval Dublin, National Museum of Ireland, Medieval Dublin Excavations 1962-81, ser. B, 9.

Hamlin, A. (1972). A ' chi-rho-carved stone at Drumaqueran, Co. Antrim', Ulster J. Archaeol., 35, 22-8. - (1987). 'Some northern sundials and time-keeping in the early Irish church', ni .E Rynne (ed.), 29-42. - (2008). The Archaeology of Early Christianity ni the . Kerr (ed.), Brit. Archaeol. Rep., North of Ireland, .T R Brit. ser., 460, Oxford.

. (1851). 'Beddau Gwyr Ardudwy', Hancock, .T W Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 2, 2, 41-4. Handley, M. A . (1998). 'The early mediaeval inscriptions

of Britain, G a u l and Spain. Studies in function and culture', unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Cambridge University. - (2000). 'Inscribing time and identity in the kingdom of Burgundy', in S. Mitchell and G. Greaterex (eds), Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity, London and Swansea, 83-102. -(2001). 'The origins ofChristian commemoration in late antique Britain', Early Medieval Europe, 10, pt 2, 177-99. - (2003). Death. Society and Culture: Inscriptions and

Epitaphsin Gaul and Spain, AD 300-750, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., int. ser. 1135, Oxford. Hankinson, R . and Caseldine, A . (2006). 'Short dykes in Powys and their origins', Archaeol. J., 163, 264-9. Harbison, P. (1991). Pilgrimage ni Ireland, the Monuments andthe People, London. - (1992). The High Crosses ofIreland, 3 vols,Bonn

BIBLIOGRAPHY

492 - (1999). 'Regal (and other) patronage in Irish inscrip. tions of the pre-Norman period', Ulster J. Archaeol., 58, 43-54.

Harrison, S. (2007). 'Separated from the maelstrom: landscapes of Insular "Viking" burial', Anglo-Saxon Studs Archaeol. Hist., 14, 173-82 . (2009). The Haslam, R., Orbach, .J and Voelcker, A

Buildings of Wales. Gwvedd, New Haven and London. Hassall, M. W. C. and Tomlin, R. S. O. (1981). 'Roman

Britain ni 1980: inscriptions', Britannia, 12, 369-96 -

a n d

-

(1988). 'Roman Britain in 1987: inscrip-

Wales', Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 53-187. Hawkes, J. (2009). 'The church triumphant: the figural of

early

ninth-century

2vols, Balgavies, thirteen-forty.

- (1996). 'The Dupplin Cross: a preliminary consideration of its art-historical context', in .J Hawkes and S. Mills (eds), Northumbria's Golden Age, Stroud, 161-77.

- (2004). 'Allen, John Romilly (1847-1907)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn

http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/ article / 30388, accessed 23 September 2004).

- and Okasha, E. (1992). 'The early Christian

tions', Britannia, 19, 485-508.

Haverfield, F. (1908-9). 'Military aspects of Roman

columns

Early Christian Monuments of Scotland', ni .J R . Allen and .J Anderson, The Early Christian Monuments of Scotland with an Introduction by Isabel Henderson, 3 pts,

Anglo-Saxon

England', in S. Crawford and H . Hamerow with L. Webster (eds), Form and Order in the Anglo-Saxon World, Anglo-Saxon Studs Archaeol. Hist., 16, 31-44.

Haycock, M . (2004). 'Williams, Sir Ifor (1881-1965)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online

inscribed and carved stones of Tullylease, Co. Cork',

Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studs, 24 (Winter), 1-36. Henry, F. (1970). Irish Art ni the Romanesque Period (10201170 A.D.). L o n d o n .

Hepple, L. W . (2002). 'John Dee, Harleain MS 473, and the early recording of Roman inscriptions', Britannia, 33, 177-81

Herendeen, W . H . (2004). 'Camden, William (15511623)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford,

Healy, P. (2009). Pre-Norman Grave-slabs and Cross-inscribed Stones in the Dublin Region, ed. K. Swords, Tallaght.

online edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat. bangor. ac.uk/view/article/4431, accessed 21 July 2008). (2007). William Camden. A Life in Context, Woodbridge.

Hedges, J. D. (forthcoming). AMiddle Bronze Age Enclosed

Herity, M . (1990). 'Carpet pages and chi-rhos: some

e d n h t t s : / / 0 _ w w w. o x f o r d d n h . c o m . u n i c a t . h a n s o r. a c . u k /

view /article/ 55457, accessed 5 August 2008).

Settlement and an Early Medieval Cemetery at Arfryn, Bodedern, Anglesey.

and White, R. B. (1971). 'Bodedern', Archaeol. Wales, 11, 22. Heitz, C. M. (1992). 'Fouilles et datation de l'ancienne

d e p i c t i o n s in e a r l y I r i s h m a n u s c r i p t s a n d s t o n e c a r v -

ings', Celtica, 21, 208-22. Higgins, .J G. (1987). The Early Christian Cross Slabs, Pillar Stones and Related Monuments of County Galway, Ireland, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., int. ser. 375, 2 vols, Oxford.

abbatiale Saint-Martin de Ligugé', Comptes-rendus des Higgitt, .J (1983). 'The Thornton el Moors inscription', J.

Séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 136, pt 4, 857-68. Hemp, W . .J (1923). A ' newly discovered inscribed stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 78, 318-19. (1924). 'The St Tecwyn inscribed stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 79, 413. - (1949). 'Llandanwg Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 100, 306-7.

- (1956). 'Llangwnadl Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

105, 147-9. - (1958). 'The Cross of Gwgan at LIanrhaiadr ym Mochnant', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 107, 125. - and Gresham, C. A . (1961). A ' new early Christian stone from Trawsfynydd', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 110, 154-5.

. R . (1953). 'The Llanelltd and Radford. C. A

inscribed stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 102, pt 2, 164-8. Henderson. G. a n d Henderson. I. (2004). The A r tof the

Picts, London.

Henderson, .I (1993). 'Introduction. The making of The

Chester Archaeol. Soc., 66, 26-30.

- (1986). 'Words and crosses: the inscribed stone cross

ni early medieval Britain and Ireland', in .J Higgitt

(ed.), Early Medieval Sculpture in Britain andIreland, Brit.

Archaeol. Rep., Brit. ser. 152, Oxford, 125-52.

- (1988). 'The stone-cutter and the scriptorium, early

medieval inscriptions in Britain and Ireland',

Epigraphik, 213, 149-62. - (1997). 'Early medieval inscriptions in Britain and

Ireland and their audiences', in D. Henry (ed.), The

Worm, the Germ and the Thorn, Pictish and Related Studies

Presented to IsabelHenderson, Belgavies, 67-78. (2003). 'Design and meaning in early medieval inscriptions in Britain and Ireland', in M. Carver (ed.),

BIBLIOGRAPHY

493

(ed.) (2007). Woodbridge.

Britons in Anglo-Saxon England,

77-8.

- and Hill, D. (eds) (2001). Edward the Elder 899-924,

London and New York.

Hill, D. (1981). An Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England, Oxford. (2000). 'Offa's Dyke: pattern and purpose', Antiquaries J., 80, 195-206.

-(2001). 'Mercians: the dwellers on theboundary', in Brown and Farr (2001), 173-82. - and Worthington, M . (2003). Offa's Dyke, History and Guide, Stroud. Hill, P. (1997). Whithorn and St Ninian, the Excavation of a Monastic Town 1984-91, Stroud.

' Roman milestone from Aber', Hogg, A. H. A. (1961). A Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 22, 6-8. - (1968)

P e n

Penmon, Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 14,

Llvstun:

a

Roman

fort

and

other

remains', Archaeol. J., 125, 101-91. Holder, A . (1896-1913). Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz,

Leipzig. Hopewell, D. (2005). 'Roman fort environs in north-west

Wales', Britannia, 36, 225-69. (2006). 'Roman roads in north-west Wales',

Gwynedd Archaeological Trust unpub. rep. no. 636. - and Burman, J. (2007). 'Geophysical survey at Caer

Gai and Cefn Caer Roman forts', Archaeol. Wales, 47,

91-3. Hornblower, S. and Spawforth, A . (eds) (1996). The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd edn,Oxford.

Howells, M . F., Francis, E. H., Leveridge, B . E . and . R . (1978). Capel Curig and Betws-y-Coed: Evans, C. D Description of 1:25 000 sheet SH75. London.

. (1998). Cambro-Latin Compositions, their Howlett, D Competence and Craftsmanship, Dublin. - (2005). Insular Inscriptions. Dublin.

Hubbard, E . (1986).

The Buildings of Wales, Clwyd,

Harmondsworth and Cardiff. Hübner, A. (ed.) (1876). Inscriptiones

Britanniae

Christianae, Berlin and London

Hudson, J. D. and Sutherland, D. S. (1990). 'The geolog. ical description and identification of building stone

from Northamptonshire', in D. Parsons (ed.), Stone

Quarrying and Building in Chichester, 16-22.

England AD43-1525,

Hughes, A. L. (2009). 'Gresham, Colin Alastair' (1913-

(1901). 'The architectural history of the cathedral

church of St. Deiniol, Bangor', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 6. 1. 179-204.

- (1904). 'Ancient stone found at Bangor', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 6, 4, 152-3.

- (1906). 'Treflys Church, Carnarvonshire', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 6, 6, 311-14.

- (1919). 'Early Christian decorative art on Anglesey',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 19, 477-98.

- (1920). 'Early Christian decorative art on Anglesey',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 20, 1-30. - (1921). 'Early Christian decorative art on Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 76, 84-114. - (1922). 'Early Christian decorative art on Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 77, 61-79.

- (1923). 'Early Christian decorative art on Anglesey',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 78, 53-69.

- (1924). 'Early Christian decorative art on Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 79, 39-58. - (1925). 'Pre-Norman cross and cross-base in Diserth Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 80, 149-56. - (1926). 'The carving on Maen Achwyfan', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 81, 36-47. - (1928). 'Capel Eithin', Trans. Anglesey Antig. Soc., 94. (1930a). 'The ancient churches of Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 85, 237-66. - (1930b). 'Early carved stone at Bangor', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 85, 426.

- (1931). 'An ancient sun-dial at Clynnog', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, 86, 181-3.

- (1932). 'An early crucifix-head at Llanfachreth,

Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 87, 397-9.

- (19326). 'Notes on Llanbabo Church; Llanol; Llanfechell Church', Trans. AngleseyAntiq. Soc., 57-60. - (1936). 'Pre-Norman stone at Rhuddlan', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 91, 140-2. - (1938). 'Discovery of burials at Bangor', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 93, 262-4. - and North, H. L. (1924).

The Old Churches of

Snowdonia, Bangor, repr. 1984, Capel Curig.

. (1980). 'The Welsh Latin chronicles: Annales Hughes, K

Cambriae and related texts', ni K . Hughes, Celtic Britain

The Cross Goes North, Processes of Conversion in Northern

1989)', in Welsh Biography Online http://yba.llgc.org.uk/ en/ index. html, accessed 31 September 2011). Hughes, G. H. (1959). 'Dwnn, Lewys (c. 1550-c.1616)', i n

in the Early Middle Ages, ed. D. N. Dumville, Woodbridge, 67-85. Hughes, W. (1885). 'Llanuwchllyn', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

Europe, AD 300-1300, York and Woodbridge, 327-38. . N . (eds)(2001). Roman, - , Forsyth, .K and Parsons, D

Lloyd and Jenkins (1959), 175-6. . H . (1896). 'Report on the removal of an Hughes, H

ser. 5, 2, 183-91. Hunt, R. W. (ed.) (1961). Saint Dunstan's Classbookfrom

Runes and Ogham. Medieval Inscriptions in the Insular

a n c i e n t cross from t h e wall o f the refectory at

Worldand on the Continent. Donington.

Penmon', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 13, 62-3. (1897). 'Report on the erection of an ancient cross at

Higham, N. .J (1993). The Origins of Cheshire, Manchester.

Glastonbury: Codex Biblioth. Bodleianae Oxon. Auct.

F4.32, facs., Amsterdam. Hutton, W . (1803). Remarks upon North Wales being the

BIBLIOGRAPHY

494 Result of Sixteen Tours through that Part of the Principality, Birmingham

Insley, J. (1994). Scandinavian Personal Names i nNorfolk: A survey

based on

Medieval

Records a n d

Place-names,

Uppsala. and Rollason, D. (2007a). 'English dithematic

names', ni Rollason and Rollason (2007), 81-165. a n d - (2007b). 'Scandinavian names', in

Rollason and Rollason (2007), 213-43. Irvine, F. (1935). 'Corwen Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 90. 345-8.

Jackson, .K (1950). 'Notes on the ogam inscriptions of . Dickins (eds), The southern Britain', ni .C Fox and B Early Cultures of North-west Europe, Cambridge. 197-213. (1953).

Language

and

History

in

Early

Britain,

Edinburgh. - (1973-4). 'Some questions in dispute about early

Welsh literature and language', Studia Celtica, 8-9, 1-32.

Jankulak, K. and Wooding, J. M. (eds) (2007), Ireland and Wales in the Middle Ages, Dublin. Jarrett, M. G. (1983). 'Magnus Maximus and the end of Roman Britain', Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 22-35. - and Mann, .J C. (1968). 'The tribes of Wales', Welsh Hist. Rev., 4, pt 2, 161-74. Jenkins, D. and Owen, M . E. (1983). 'The Welsh margin-

alia in the Lichfield Gospels: part I', Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studs, 5 (Summer), 37-66. Jenkins, D. E. (1899). Bedd Gelert. Its Facts, Fairies and Folklore, Porthmadog.

Jenkins, R. .T (1959). 'Thomas. David Richard (1833-

1916)', ni Lloyd and Jenkins (1959), 943. . (1998). 'Irish crucifixion plaques', .J Roy. Soc. Johnson, R Antiq. Ire., 128, 95-106.

Johnstone, N. (1997). 'An investigation intothe locations of the royalcourts of thirteenth-century Gwynedd', in Edwards (1997b), 55-70. - (1999). 'Cae Llys, Rhosyr: a court of the princes of Gwynedd', Studia Celtica, 33,251-95.

- (2000). 'Llys and maerdref. the royal courts of the princes of Gwynedd', Studia Celtica, 34, 167-210.

Jones, B. L. (1966). 'Bedd Branwen - the literary evidence', Trans. AngleseyAntiq. Soc., 32-7. and Roberts. T. (1980). "Osmund's

Air:

a

S c a n d i n a v i a n p l a c e - n a m e in A n g l e s e y ' , Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 28, pt 4, 602-3.

Jones, E. D. (1955). 'Camden,Vaughan, and Lhwyd, and 209_27.

495

- (ed.) (1975). A ' Survey of the Ancient and Present State of the County of Caernarfon by William Williams of Llandygai, Part III', Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 36,

- (ed. and trans.) (1971). Brenhinedd y Saesson or the Kings of the Saxons, Cardiff. Jones, T. D. and Thomas, D. R . (1915). 'Llanerfyl reliquary', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 15, 438-42.

Higgitt et al. (2001), 8-15. - (2010). 'An inscription from Bavai and the fifth-

. (1961). 'Hen ddyddiadur o Enlli', Nat. Lib. Jones, E. W Wales J., 12, pt 2, 177-97.

Jones, W. (1861). 'Plwyf Beddgelert', Y Brython, ,4

century Christian epigraphy of Britain', Britannia, 41,

Jones Parry, .T .L D. and Westwood, .J O. (1847).

Koch, J. T. (1985-6). 'When was Welsh first written

194-231

Jones, F .(1954). The Holy Wells of Wales, Cardiff.

Jones, G. D. B. (1959). 'Roman Merionethshire: the Roman road west of Caer Gai', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 18, pt 2, 208-20.

Jones, G . P . (1930). 'Notes on the political history of early Powys', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 85, 131-43.

Jones, G . .T and Roberts, .T (1996). The Place-names of Anglesey, Bangor. Jones, H. L. (1844). 'Remarks on some of the churches of

Anglesey', Archaeol. J., 1, 118-30. (1846). 'Mona Mediaeva', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 1, 61-70, 155-69, 297-305, 425-36. (1847). 'Mona Mediaeva', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser.

1, 2, 41-50, 166-77, 257-60.

(1849). 'Mona Mediaeva', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser.

1, 4 , 44-8, 198-204. - (1855). 'Mona Mediaeva', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 1, 36-42. (1859). 'Mona Mediaeva', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser.

3, 5, 169-76. - (1860). 'Incised stones', Gent's Mag., 209, 497-8. - (1861). 'Mona Mediaeva', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 7, 294-300.

(1868). 'On some water-stoups in Wales and

Cornwall', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 14, 166-8. . and Edwards, N. (2001). 'St Jones, N., Silvester, B Cyngar's Church, Hope', Archaeol. Wales, 41, 42-50.

Jones, N. A. (1999). "The Mynydd Carn "Prophesy": a

reassessment', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs, 38

(Winter), 73-92. - and Owen, M. E. (2003). 'Twelfth-century Welsh hagiography: the Gogynfeirdd poems to saints', in J. Cartright (ed.), Celtic Hagiography and Saints' Cults, Cardiff. 45-76.

- and Parry Owen, A. (eds) (1991). Gwaith Cynddelw

Brudvdd Mawr I. Cardiff.

Jones, O. (2009). 'HereditasPouoisi: the Pillar of Eliseg and the history of early Powys', Welsh Hist. Rev., 24, pt 4. 41_80

Jones, R . O. (1898). 'The Pool Park inscribed stone',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 15, 373-7.

Merionethshire', .J Merioneth Hist. Rec. Soc., 2, pt 3, Jones, T. (ed. and trans.) (1952).Brut yTywysogyon or The

Jones, E. G. (1957). 'The family papers of Owen and Stanley of Penrhos, Holyhead', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 17, pt 2, 99-115.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Chronicle of the Princes Penarth MS. 20 Version, Cardiff. - (ed. and trans.) (1955). Bruty Tywysogyon or The Chronicle of the Princes, Red Book of Hergest Version,

Cardiff.

369-72.

'Inscribed stones, Llannor, Caernarvonshire', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 1, 2, 201-4. - a n d - (1848a). 'Inscribed stone at Llangian,

Caernarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 3, 105-7. a

n

- (1848b). 'Inscribed stone at Llanfihangel y

d

traethau, Merionethshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1,

3.224-8. Kajanto, .I (1965). TheLatin Cognomina, Helsinki.

Kendrick, T. D. (1938). Anglo-Saxon Art to A.D. 900, L o n d o n

- (1949). Late Anglo-Saxon and Viking Art, London.

Kermode, P. M. C. (1907). Manx Crosses, London, repr.

with additions 1994, Balgavies.

King, H.

A. (1998).

'The pre-1700 memorials in

St Patrick's Cathedral', in C. Manning (ed.), Dublin and Beyond the Pale, Studiesin Honour of Patrick Healy, Bray, 75-104. - (2004). 'Excavation at the North Cross, Ballymore

- (2001). 'Basilicas and barrows: the Latin memorial

stones of Wales and their archaeological context', in

283-91.

down?', Studia Celtica, 20-1, 43-66.

- (2006). 'Elfed/Elmet', in J. T. Koch (ed.), Celtic

Culture. A Historical Encyclopedia, 5 vols, Santa Barbara,

Denver and Oxford, ii, 670-1. Kopár, .L (2013). Gods and Settlers, the Iconography of Norse Mythology in Anglo-Scandinavian Sculpture, Turnhout.

Laing, L. R . (1977). 'Segontium and the post-Roman . Laing (ed.), Studies ni occupation of Wales', in .L R Celtic Survival, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., Brit. ser. 37, 57-60. Lang, J. (ed.) (1978). Anglo-Saxon and Viking Age Sculpture, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., Brit. ser. 69, Oxford. - (1984). 'The hogback: a Viking colonial monument', Anglo-Saxon Studs Archaeol. Hist., 3, 85-176. - (1991). Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture, Vol. III, York and Eastern Yorkshire, Oxford.

- (1993). 'Survival and revival in Insular art', ni Spearman and Higgitt (1993), 261-7. •(2001). Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture, Vol. VI, Northern Yorkshire, Oxford.

Eustace, Co. Kildare', ni C. Hourihane (ed.), Irish Art

Langdon, A . G. (1896). Old Cornish Crosses, Truro, repr.

and Dublin, 165-74.

L'Année Epigraphique (1977). 'List of inscriptions'.

Historical Studies in Honour o fPeter Harbison, Princeton

. P . (1968). 'Vortigern', Bul. Board Celtic Studs, 23, Kirby, D

1988, Exeter.

LA .' nnée Épigraphique (1979). 'List of inscriptions'.

pt 1, 37-59.

L'Année Epigraphique (1984). 'List of inscriptions'.

- (1976). 'Hywel Dda: Anglophil?', Welsh Hist. Rev., 8,

L'Année Epigraphique (1987). 'List of inscriptions'. L'Année Épigraphique (1998). 'List of inscriptions'. L'Année Épigraphique (2001). 'List of inscriptions'. L'Année Épigraphique (2002). 'List of inscriptions'. L'Année Épigraphique (2006). 'List of inscriptions'. Lapidge, M . and Dumville, D. M. (eds) (1984). Gildas New

pt 1, 1-13.

. (1969a). 'Llangefni', Archaeol. Wales, 9, 23. Knight, .J K

- (1969b). 'Bodafon inscription', Archaeol. Wales, 9,

23.

- (1981). 'In tempore Iustini consulis: contacts between the British and Gaulishchurches before Augustine', ni

A. Detsicas (ed.), Collectanea Historica: Essays in Memory of Stuart Rigold, Maidstone, 54 62. - (1992). 'The early Christian Latin inscriptions of Britain and Gaul: chronology a n dcontext', in Edwards and Lane (19926), 45-50. - (1995). 'Penmachno revisited: the consular inscription and its context', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs, 29 (Summer). 1-10.

- (1997). 'Seasoned with salt: Insular-Gallic contacts in the early memorial stones and cross slabs', in K. R.

Dark (ed.), External Contacts and the Economy of Late Roman and Post-Roman Britain, Woodbridge, 109-20. - (1999). The End of Antiquity. Archaeology, Society and Religion A D 235-700, Stroud.

Approaches, Woodbridge.

- and Keynes, S. (trans.) (1983). Alfred the Great. Asser's Life of King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources,

Harmondsworth.

Lawlor, H. .J (ed.) (1914). The Psalter and Martyrology of Ricemarch, facs., 2vols, London.

Le Blant, E. (1856-65). InscriptionesChrétiennes de l aGaule antérieures au VIIIsiècle, 2 vols, Paris. Le Bohec, Y. (2003). Inscriptions de la cité des Lingons, Paris.

Lewis, C. P. (1996). 'Gruffudd ap Cynan and the Normans', in Maund (1996), 61-77. - (2007). 'Welshterritories and Welsh identities in late Anglo-Saxon England', ni Higham (2007), 130-43. Lewis, C. T. and Short, C. (1879). A Latin Dictionary, Oxford, rep. 1996.

496

Lewis, .J M . (1964). 'Early Christian stones ni Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 113, 166-8. - (1976). 'A survey o f the early Christian m o n u m e n t s

of Dyfed, west of the Taf,' in G. C. Boon and J. M. Lewis (eds), Welsh Antiquity, Cardiff, 177-92. Lewis, S. (1833). Topographical Dictionary of Wales, 2 vols, e n d o n

Lhuyd, .E (1695). 'Additions', ni W . Camden, Camden's Britannia, newly translated into English: with large addi-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Longley, D. (1991). 'The excavation of Castell, Porth Trefadog, a coastal promontory fort ni north Wales', Medieval Archaeol., 35, 64-85.

- (1995). 'Excavations at Bangor, Gwynedd 19811989', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 114, 52-70. - (1996). 'Archaeological survey and excavation near Ffestiniog and Gellilydan', .J Merioneth Hist. Rec. Soc.,

12, pt ,3 211-20. (1997). 'The royal courts of the Welsh princes in Gwynedd, A D 400-1283', in Edwards (1997b), 41-

tions and improvements. Published by E d m u n d Gibson, London.

54

- (1700-1). A ' n account of some Roman, French, and Irish inscriptions and antiquities', Philosophical Trans., 22, 790-2.

Llanfaelog', Gwynedd Archaeol. Trust Friends' Newsletter,

- (1707). Archaeologia Britannica, giving some account

additional ot what has been hitherto publish'd, of the lan-

guages, histories and customs ofthe original inhabitants of

Great Britain, Vol. ,1 Glossography, Oxford.

(1722). 'Additions', in W. Camden, Camden's Britannia, 2nd edn, printed by Mary Matthews for Awnsham Churchill, and sold by William Taylor, London. Lind, E. H. (1905-15). Norsk-Isländska Dopnamn ock Fingerade Namn frän Medeltiden, Uppsala.

Lindsay, W. M. (1915). Notae Latinae: An Account of

(2001).

'The Malisi stone from Pen Sieri,

20 (Autumn), 14 - (2009). 'Early medieval burial in Wales', in Edwards (2009c), 105-32. - (2012). 'The Afon Alaw, the sixth-century Ty'n Rhosydd stone and Bivatisus', in W. .J Britnell and R . .J Silvester (eds), Reflections on the Past, Essays in Honour of Frances Lynch, Cambrian Archaeol. Soc. Monograph, Welshpool, 406-16. - (forthcoming). 'Early medieval burial on Anglesey', in Hedges (forthcoming).

-, Johnstone, N. and Evans, J. (1998). 'Excavation at

Abbreviation in Latin MSS of the Early Minuscule Period (c.

two farms of the Romano-British period at Bryn Ervr

700-850), Cambridge, repr. 1971 with a supplement by

and Bush Farm, Gwynedd', Britannia, 29, 185-246.

D. Bains, Hildesheim.

Lionard, P. (1961). 'Early Irish grave-slabs', Proc. Roy. Ir. Acad., 61C, 95-169. Lloyd, H. W. (1878). 'The Llan Elltyd stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 9, 76. Lloyd, .J E. (1937). 'Presidential address', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 92, 193-207. - (1939). History of Walesfrom the Earliest Times to the Edwardian Conquest, 2 vols, 3rd edn, London.

- and Jenkins, R. T. (eds) (1959). The Dictionary of

Welsh Biography down to 1940, London.

Lloyd, J. Y . W.(1875). 'History of the lordship of Maelor Gymraeg or Bromfield, the lordship of Ial or Yale, and Chirkland', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 6, 32-53. - (1877). 'History of the lordship of Maelor Gymraeg

or Bromfield, the lordship of Ial or Yale, and Chirkland ni the principality of Powys Fadog', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 8, 193-205.

Lloyd, N. (1971-2). 'The correspondence of Edward

Lhuyd and Richard Mostyn', Flintshire Hist. Soc. J., 25,

31-61. Lloyd-Jones, J. (1931-63). Geirfa Barddoniaeth Gynnar Gumraeg, 2 vols, Cardiff. Llwyd, A. (1833). A History of the Island of Mona, Ruthin and London, repr. 2007 with introduction, Llansadwrn.

Lord, P. (2003). The Visual Culture of Wales: Medieval Vision, Cardiff.

Lorincz, B. and Redo, F. (eds) (1994-2002). Onomasticon Provinciarum Europae Latinarum, 4 vols, Budapest, vol.

1, Vienna, vols 2-4. Lowe, C. (2008). Inchmarnock. An Early Historic Island

Monastery and its Landscape, Edinburgh. Loyn, H. (1976). The Vikings in Wales, London. Ludlow, N. (2003). 'Cadw: Welsh Historic Monuments, early medieval ecclesiastical sites project. Stage 2: A s s e s s m e n t a n d fi e l d w o r k

Pembrokeshire, part

2a:

Gazetteer of sites', Cambria Archaeology unpublished report no. 2003/39. Lynch, .F (1973). 'Rowen', Archaeol. Wales, 13, 44. - (1977). 'Cross-incised stone near Maen y Bardd, Rowen, Caernarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 126, 70-3.

-(1991). Prehistoric Anglesey, 2nd edn, Llangefni.

- (comp.) (1986). Museum of Welsh Antiquities Bangor

Catalogue ofArchaeological Material, Bangor.

Macalister, R. A. S. (1909). The Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois. Dublin.

- (1922). 'Notes on some of the early Welsh inscriptions', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 77, 198-219. - (1928). 'The ancient inscriptions of Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 83,285-315.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

497

- (1935a). 'Eliseg Pillar', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 90,

330-3.

Mawer, F. (1995). Evidence for Christianity in Roman Britain, the Small Finds, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., Brit. ser. 243,

- (1935b). 'Note on the cross-shaft ni the churchyard',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 90, 348-9. - (1945). Corpus InscriptionumInsularumCelticarum, vol. I, Dublin, repr. 1996 with a preface by D. McManus. - (1949). Corpus Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum, vol. II. Dublin.

Macdonald, G. (1935-6). 'On two inscribed stones of the early Christian period from the border district', Proc.

Soc. Antiq. Scotl., 70, 33-9. McErlean, T. (2007). 'The mills in their monastic context, the archaeology of Nendrum reassessed', in McErlean

and Crothers (2007), 323-96 - and Crothers, N. (2007). Harnessing the Tides: The Early Medieval Tide Mills at Nendrum Monastery, Strangford Lough, Northern Ireland Archaeological

Monographs no. 7, Belfast.

Oxford.

. (1999). Maynard, D., Hughes, G. and Davidson, A 'Archaeological operations on the new A55 Llandegai to Holyhead route', Archaeol. Wales, 39, 51-61.

Meek, M. (ed.) (2006). The Modern Traveller to our Past. Festschrift in Honourof Ann Hamlin, Dublin.

Mervinius (1820-1). 'Walks around Dolgellau', CambroBriton, 2, 114-21. Meyrick, S. R . (ed.) (1846). Heraldic Visitations of Wales and Part of the Marches, between theyears 1586 and 1613, under the authority of Clarencieux and Norroy, two kings at arms, by Lewys Dwnn, deputy herald at arms; transcribed t r o m

t h e orioinal manuscrints.

a n d ed..

w i t h

n u m e r o u s

explanatory notes, 2vols, Llandovery.

Mighall, T. M. and Chambers, F. M. (1997). 'Early ironworking

and

its

impact

on

the

e n v i r o n m e n t :

McIlroy, D. and Horák, J. M. (2006). 'The Neoproterozoic

palacoecological evidence from Bryn y Castell hillfort,

of England and Wales', ni P . .J Brenchley and P . .F

Snowdonia, north Wales', Proc. Prehist. Soc., 63,

McKee, H. and McKee, J. (2002). 'Counter arguments

Miller, M. (1978). 'The foundation-legendof Gwynedd in the Latin texts', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 27, pt 4,

Rawson (eds), The Geology of England and Wales, London, 2nd edn, 9-24.

and numerical patterns in early Celtic inscriptions: a

re-examination of Celtic Messages and Images', Medieval Archaeol., 46, 29-40. and (2006). 'Chance or design? David

Howlett's Insular Inscriptions and the problem ofcoinci-

dence', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs, 51 (Summer), 83-102.

McManus, D. (1991). A Guide ot Ogam, Maynooth Monographs 4, Maynooth.

199-219.

515-32.

- (1979). The Saints of Gwynedd, Woodbridge. Ministry of Works (1950-1). 'Report on work in Wales

during year ended June 30th, 1950', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 101, 77-82. Mitchell, R . (2004). 'Skinner, John (1769-1841)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/

article /25680, accessed 30 July 2008).

Malim, T. and Hayes, L. (2008). 'The date and nature of Wat's Dyke: a reassessment in the light of recent inves-

Mócsy, A. et al. (1983). Nomenclator provinciarum Europe

tigations at Gobowen, Shropshire', Anglo-Saxon Studs

Budapest. Moon, R. (1978). 'Viking runic inscriptions in Wales',

Archaeol. Hist., 15, 147-79. Margeson, S. (1983). 'On the iconography of the Manx

crosses', i n C. Fell, P. Foote, J. Graham-Campbell and R. Thomason (eds), The Viking Age ni theIsle of Man, London. 95-106.

Márkus, G. (1996). 'Where were Patrick's alphabets?', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs, 31 (Summer), 1-16. Matley, C. A . (1938). 'The geology of the country around Pwllheli, Llanbedrog and Madryn, southwest Carnarvonshire', Quarterly .J Geological Soc. London, 94, 555-606. Matthews, J.

F.

(1983).

'Macsen,

Maximus and

Constantine', Welsh Hist. Rev., 11, pt 4, 431-48.

Maund, K. L. (1991). Ireland, Wales andEngland in the

Eleventh Century, Woodbridge.

- (ed.) (1996). Gruffudd ap Cynan, a Collaborative Biography, Woodbridge.

Latinarum et Galliae Cisalpine cum indice inverso,

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 127, 124-6. Moore, David (1996). 'Gruffudd ap Cynan and the mediaeval Welsh polity', in Maund (1996), 1-59.

Moore, Donald (1998). 'Cambrian meetings 1847-1997', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 147, 3-55.

Moore, F. (1998). 'Munster ogham stones: siting, context and function', in M . A . Monk and .J Sheehan (eds), Early Medieval Munster, Archaeology, History andSociety, Cork, 23-32.

MoPBW (1966). "Trescawen, Llantrisant', Archaeol.

Wales, 6, 12, no. 41. Morgan, P. (ed.) (1978). Domesday Book, Vol. 26, Cheshire, Chichester. Morgan, R. (1980). 'Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt (1592-1667)', J. Merioneth. Hist. Record Soc., 8, pt 4, 397-408.

498

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Morgan, T. .J and Morgan, P . (1985). Welsh Surnames, Cardiff

O Floinn, R . (1987). 'Irish Romanesque crucifix figures', in E . Rynne (ed.), 168-88.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Owen, J. T. (1959). 'Davies, Walter (Gwallter Mechain; 1761-1849)', in Lloyd and Jenkins(1959), 157.

499

groups in Wales and western England', ni Edwards

(2009c), 281-99.

Morris, .J (1977). The Age of Arthur, 3vols, London and

ÖRiain, P. (1990). T ' he Tallaght Martyrologies, redated',

Owen, W. (1791). 'Morrisian miscellany', Gents' Mag., 61,

-(ed. and trans.) (1980). Nennius, British History and the

O'Brien, E. (2009). 'Pagan or Christian? Burial in Ireland

. .I (1999). An Introduction to English Runes, 2nd Page, R

Phillimore, E. (1920). '"Homo Planus" and leprosy ni Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 20, 224-50. Pierce, G. O. (1968). The Place-names of Dinas Powys

. N . (1889). 'Notice of the discovery of sepulPalmer, A

Pollock, K. J. (2006). The Evolution and Role of Burial

Chichester.

WelshAnnals, London and Chichester. Morris, L. (1791). 'Morrisian miscellany. Answers to the queries of the Society of Antiquaries of London by Lewis Morris of the p a r i s h of L l a n b a d a r n Fawr'.

Gent's. Mag., 61, 12-13. Morris, R. H. (ed.) (1909-11). Parochialia; being asummary

of answers ot "Parochial Queries" issued by Edward Liwyd,

Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studs, 20, 21-38.

during the 5th to8 t h centuries AD',i n Edwards (2009c), 135-54.

O'Meadhra, U. (1979). Early Christian, Viking and Romanesque Art, Motif Pieces from Ireland, Theses and Papers in North-European Archaeology 7, Stockholm

and New Jersey. O'Neil, B. H. St J. (1932). 'A new inscribed stone found at

Barmouth', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 87, 105-7. Morris-Jones, J. (1918).'The stone of Cingen', Y O'Sullivan, A. and Sheehan, J. (1996). The Iveragh Peninsula, an Archaeological Survey of County Kerry, Cymmrodor, 28, 260-7. Archaeol. Cambrensis supps, 3 vols, London.

- (1925). Sir John Rhys, British Academy. Sir John Rhys memorial inaugural lecture, London. Motta, F. (1993). 'Gall. Ackavrev, Pitt. Askavrat, Ant. Irl.

-De(i)chet', ni B . Brogyanyi and R . Lipp (eds), Comparative-historical

Linguistics.

Indo-Buropean

and

Finno-Ugric. Papers in Honour of Oswald Szemerénvi III,

Amsterdam and Philadelphia, 293-303.

Nash-Williams, V. E. (1935). 'An inventory of the early C h r i s t i a n s t o n e m o n u m e n t s o f Wa l e s . w i t h a bibliog.

raphy of the principal notices', Bull. Board Celtic Studs,

8, pt 1, 62-84.

- (1936a). 'An inventory of the early Christian stone

monuments of Wales, with a bibliography of the prin-

cipal notices', Bul. Board Celtic Studs, 8, pt2, 161-88.

- (1936b). 'Three Welsh pre-Norman monuments', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 8, pt 3 , 278-80.

- (1938). 'Some dated monuments of the "Dark Ages" ni Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 93, 31-56

(1938b). 'Note on the pattern of the early Christian stone from Bangor', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 93, 264. - (1950). The Early Christian Monuments of Wales, Cardiff. Nees, L. (2002). Early MedievalArt, Oxford.

-

Newman, C. (2009). 'The sword in the stone: previously unrecognised archaeological evidence o f ceremonies

of the late Iron Age and early medieval period', in

G . Cooney, K. Becker, J. Coles, M. Ryan and S. Sievers (eds), Relics of Old Decency: Archaeological Studies in

Later Prehistory. Festschrift forBarry Raftery, Bray, 4273 6 .

Nutton, V . (1995a). 'Roman medicine, 250 BC to AD 200°,

in Conrad et al. (1995), 39-70. - (1995). 'Medicine in late antiquity and the early

Middle Ages', in Conrad et al. (1995), 71-88 Ó Carragain, E. (2005). Ritual and the Rood, London, Toronto a n d Buffalo.

Ó Carragáin, T. (2010). Churches in Early Medieval Ireland, New Haven and London.

Cork. O'Sullivan, J. (1994). 'Exacavation of an early church and

a women's cemetery at St Ronan's medieval parish

church,Iona', Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scotl., 124, 327-65.

- and OCarragáin, T.(2008). Inishmurray. Monks and Pilgrims ni a Monastic Landscape, Vol. 1: Archaeological Survey andExcavations 1997-2000,Cork.

Okasha, E. (1985). 'The non-ogam inscriptions Pictland', Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studs, 9 (Summer), 43-69.

(1992). A ' second supplement to Hand-list of AngloSaxon Non Runic Inscriptions', Anglo-Saxon England, 21,

37-85. - (1993). Corpus of Early Christian Inscribed Stones of South-west Britain, Leicester.

. (2001). Early Christian Inscriptions of -and Forsyth, K

Munster, a Corpus of Inscribed Stones, Cork.

. (1972). 'Presidential address', Archaeol. Owen, C. E. V Cambrensis, 121, 1-16

Owen, Edward (1896a). 'Lewis Morris's notes on some inscribed stones in Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5,

13, 129-44.

(1896b). 'Stones with crosses on them in Caernarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 13, 167-72 Owen, Elias (1886). Old Stone Crosses of the Vale of Clwvd and Neighbouring Parishes, London, Oswestry and Wrexham.

(1897). 'Meini cred (creed stones)', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 14, 172-5.

Owen, G. (1892-1936). The Description of Pembrokeshire, ed. H. Owen, 4 pts, London.

Owen, H. (1919). 'St Peter's Church, Newborough, Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 19, 112-80. Owen, H. W. (1994). The Place-names of East Flintshire, C a r d i ff

- and Morgan, R. (2007). Dictionary of the Place-names of Wales, Llandysul.

pt 1, 13-15.

edn, Woodbridge.

chral slabs at Valle Crucis Abbey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, Ser. 3, 6, 6 3 - 7 .

Palmer, T. (2003). 'Egryn Sandstone; a lost and rediscovered Welsh freestone', Newsletter of the Welsh Stone Forum, 1, 7-11.

Hundred, Cardiff.

Practice ni Roman Wales, Brit. Archaeol. Rep., Brit. ser.

426, Oxford. Pool, P. A . S. (1977). 'Cornish drawings by Edward

Lhuyd ni the British Museum', Cornish Archaeol., 16, 139-42.

Pape, T. (1945-6). 'The round-shafted pre-Norman . Staffs. crosses of the north Staffordshire area', Trans. N

Pratt, W. T., Woodhall, D. G., and Howells, M. F. (1995).

Parry, E. (1850). Royal Visits and Progresses ot Wales,

. (1989). 'Defining the Magonsate', ni S . Bassett Pretty, K (ed.), The Origins ofAnglo-Saxon Kingdoms, Leicester,

Field Club, 80, 25-49.

C h e s t e r.

Parry, G. (1995). The Trophies of Time. English Antiquarians of the Seventeenth Century, Oxford. Parsons, D. N. (2001). 'How long did the Scandinavian language survive in England? Again', in .J Graham-

Campbell, R. Hall, J. Jesch and D. P. Parsons (eds), Vikings and the Danelaw: Select Papers from the Proceedings of the Thirteenth Viking Congress, Oxford, 299-312. Pearce, S. (2004). South-western Britain in the Early Middle Ages, London and New York. Pearson, M. J. (2000). 'The creation a n ddevelopment of

St Asaph Cathedral Chapter, 1141-1293', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs, 40 (Winter), 34-56.

Peate, .I C. (1975). 'The antiquity of leprosy in Wales', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 26, pt 3, 361-2.

Pennant, T. (1778-83). A Tour in Wales, 3 pts, London. Facs. ed. 1991, 2 vols, with introduction by R. P. Evans, Wrexham.

(1796). The History of the Parishes of Whiteford and

Holywell, London. Facs. ed. 1988 with introduction by R . P. Evans, Mold.

Penney, S. and Shotter, D. C. A. (1996). 'An inscribed Roman salt-pan from Shavington, Cheshire', Britannia, 27, 360-4. -

a n d

- (2000-1). 'Further inscribed Roman salt

pans from Shavington, Cheshire', .J Chester Archaeol. Soc., 76, 53-61.

Petch, D. F. (1994-5). 'Cunedda and the foundation of

Gwynedd', J. Chester Archaeol. Soc., 73, 21-7.

Petch, J. A. (1936). 'Excavations at Pentre Ffwrdan, near

Flint, in 1932, 1933 and 1934', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 91,

74-92. Petts, D. (2003). Christianity in Roman Britain, Stroud. (2009). The Early Medieval Church in Wales, Stroud. and Turner, S. (2009). 'Early medieval church

Geology of the Country around Cadair Idris, Memoir of the British Geological Survey, 49, England and Wales.

171-83. Prévot, F. (1997). Recueil des Inscriptions Chrétiennes de la Gaule antérieures à la Renaissance Carolingienne, VIII, Aquitaine Première, Paris.

Pritchard, A. (2001). 'The early baptismal fonts on the Isle of Anglesey', unpublished BA dissertation, University of Wales, Bangor.

- (2009). 'The origins of ecclesiastical stone architecture ni Wales', ni Edwards (2009c), 245-64. Prichard, H . (1898). 'Old Llangaffo Church and cross', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 15, 288-90. Pritchard, W . (1914). 'Anglesey folklore', Trans. Anglesey Antig. Soc., 35-67. Pryce, H. (1992). 'Pastoral care in early medieval Wales', . Sharpe (eds), Pastoral Care before the ni .J Blair and R Parish, Leicester, 41-62 - (1993). 'The church of Trefeglwys and the e n dof the

"Celtic" charter tradition in twelfth-century Wales', Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studs, 25 (Summer), 15-54.

(1994). 'A new edition of the Historia Divae

Monacellae', Montgomeryshire Collections, 82, 23-40.

- (1999). 'EsgobaethBangor yn Oes yTywysogion', in W. P. Griffith (ed.), 'Isbryd Dealltwrus ac Enaid Anfarwol', Isgrifau ar Hanes Crefydd yng Ngwynedd, Bangor, 37-57. - (2001). 'The medieval church', ni Smith and Smith (2001), 254-96.

- (2004). 'Gruffudd ap Cynan (1054/5-1137)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn

http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/ article/1693, accessed 17 February 2009). - (ed.) (2005). The Acts of Welsh Rulers 1120-1283, C a r d i ff

Pugh, E. (1816). Cambria Depicta: A Tour through North Wales, London.

500

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Quinnell, H . and Blockley, M. R . (1994). Excavations at Rhuddlan, Clwyd 1969-73 Mesolithic to Medieval, CBA res. rep. 95, York. . R . (1949a). 'The inscription on the Carew Radford, C. A cross', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 100, 253-5. • (1949b). 'Llanaber Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

100, 303-4. - (1954-5). A ' n early cross from Staplegorton', Trans. Dumfriesshire Galloway Nat. Hist. Antiq.Soc., 33, 179-80.

- (1955). 'Notes on some Caernarvonshire inscrip-

- (1956). Caernarvonshire, Vol. I: East, London.

- (1960). Caernarvonshire, Vol. II: Central, London. - (1964).Caernarvonshire, Vol. III: West, London. Redknap, M . (1991). The Christian Celts: Treasuresof Late Celtic Wales,Cardiff. - (2000). Vikings in Wales. An Archaeological Quest, Cardiff.

- (2004). 'Viking Age settlement ni Wales and the evidence from Llanbedrgoch', in .J Hines, A . Lane and M. Redknap (eds), Land, Sea andHome, Soc. Medieval Archaeol. Mon. 20, Leeds, 139-75. - (2007). 'Llanbedrgoch: an early medieval settlement

tions', Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 16, 6-11. -(1958). 'Vortigern', Antiquity, 32, 19-24. - (1971). 'Christian origins ni Britain', Medieval Archaeol., 15, 1-12. - (1972). 'Llanegryn Church', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

and its significance', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 53-

- (1983). 'Two datable cross shafts at Llantwit Major',

351-73.

121, 136.

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 132. 107-15.

and Donaldson, G. (1984). Whithorn and the Ecclesiastical Monuments of Wigtown District, 2nd edn,

revised by I. Fisher and .C .J Tabraham, Edinburgh. and Hemp, W. .J (1957). 'The cross-slab at Llanrhaiadr-ym-Mochnant', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 106, 109_16 - a n d

(1959). 'Pennant Melangell: the church

and shrine', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 108, 81-113. and

(1961).

'Some

early

crosses

Caernarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 110, 144 -53.

Rance, P. (2001). 'Attacotti, Déisi and MagnusMaximus:

Empire Containing Celtic Personal Names, Aberystwyth. • a n d

(2009). Introduction and Supplement ot the

Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman Empire

Containing Celtic Personal Names, Aberystwyth.

(1877c). 'Llandudno inscribed stone', Archaeol.

http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/

Cambrensis, ser. 4, 8, 239-40.

- (1879). Lectures ni Welsh Philology, 2nd edn, London. (1882). 'The Gesail Gyfarch stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 13, 161-5. - (1891). Studies ni Arthurian Legend, Oxford. (1892). 'The Chester pigs of lead', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 9, 165-6.

- (1895). 'The Goidels ni Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 11, 18-39. (1897). 'Epigraphic notes', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser.

archaeology', in Edwards and Lane (1992b), 41-4.

Rodwell, W., Hawkes, J., Howe, .E and Cramp, R . (2008). "The Lichfield angel: a spectacular Anglo-Saxon painted sculpture', Antiquaries J., 88, 48-108.

Rollason, D. (2003). Northumbria, 500-1100. Creation and Destruction ofa Kingdom, Cambridge. - and Rollason, L. (eds) (2007), The Durham Liber

(1907). 'Epigraphic notes', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser.

Rowland, .J (1990). Early Welsh Saga Poetry, Cambridge. - (1995). 'Warfare and horses in the Gododdin and the problem of Catraeth', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs, 30 (Winter), 13-40.

- (2009b). 'Glitter in the dragon's lair: Irish and AngloSaxon metalwork from pre-Viking Wales, c.400-850', in Graham-Campbell and Ryan (2009), 281-310.

- (2009c). 'Siver and commerce ni Viking-age north . Philpott (eds), Wales', ni .J Graham-Campbell and R The Huxley Viking Hoard: Scandinavian Settlement ni the North-West, Liverpool, 29-41. - and Lewis, .J M. (2007). A Corpus of Early Medieval Inscribed Stones and Stone Sculpture in Wales, Volume I, Breconshire, Glamorgan, Monmouthshire, Radnorshire, and Geographically Contiguous Areas of Herefordshire and

Shropshire, Cardiff.

manuscripts ofEdward Lhuyd', Welsh Hist. Rev., 7, pt

Reeves, W. (1864). The Culdees of the British Islands, Dublin, repr. Felinfach, 1994.

Repsher, B . (1998). The Rite of Church Dedication ni the Early

Medieval

Era,

Lewiston,

Queenston

and

Lamneter

255-62. - (1905). 'The origin of the Welsh englyn and kindred meters', YCymmrodor, 18.

6, 7, 66-102.

(1908). 'All around the Wrekin', YCymmrodor, 21,

1-62.

(1918). 'Notes on some of the early inscribed stones

of Wales, Devon and Cornwall', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 6, 18, 181-98. - (1919). 'An inscription at Penmachno', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 19, 201-5. Richards, M. (1960). 'The Irish settlements in south-west

Wales', J. Roy. Soc. Antiq. Ire., 90, 133-62.

- (1969). Welsh Administrative and Territorial Boundaries,

Cardiff.

. O Cuiv - (1975). 'Norse place-names ni Wales', ni B

(ed.), The Impact of the Scandinavian Invasions on the Celtic-speaking Peoples c. 800-1100 A.D., Dublin, 51-60.

Richards, R. and Lloyd, R. G. (1935). 'The old church at Llandanwg', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 90, 70-86. Richards, T. (1959). 'Williams, William "of Llandygai" (1738-1817)', in Lloyd and Jenkins (1959), 1079-80.

Roberts, B. F. (1971). 'Llythyrau John Lloyd at Edward Lhuyd', Nat. Lib. Wales J., 27, pts 1-2, 88-114,

Rhys, .J (1873a). 'Our British inscriptions', Archaeol.

ni Wales and Monmouthshire, I County of Montgomery,

London. - (1912).A nInventory of theAncientMonuments in Wales and Monmouthshire,II County ofFlint,London.

(1873c). 'Inscribed stones in Wales', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 4, 4, 386-8. - (1874a). 'On some of our British inscriptions', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5, 17-21.

(2004). 'Lhuyd, Edward (1659/60?-1709)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/ article/ 16633, accessed 24 May 2006). - (2008). 'Edward Lhwyd's protégés', Trans. Hon. Soc.

A n I n v e n t o r y o ft h e A n c i e n t M o n u m e n t s i n Wa l e s

- (1874b). 'The S.t Cadfan and other stones', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5, 243-8.

Roberts, E. P. (1994). 'The tradition of Deiniol', ni S. I.

Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5, 330-5.

Roberts, J. (2009). 'Aberdesach to Llanaelhaearn, A4999 road', Friends of GwyneddArchaeological Trust Newsletter,

and Monmouthshire, IV County of Denbigh, London. - (1921). An Inventory of the AncientMonuments in Wales andMonmouthshire, VCounty of Merioneth, London. (1937). Anglesey, London, 3rd imp. 1968.

article/ 7418, accessed 30 September 2010). Roberts, T. (1915). 'Inscribed stone, Penmachno', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 15, 442-3. . (1992). 'Welsh ecclesiastical place-names and Roberts, T

Roman Britain (1960). 'Roman Britainin 1959, .J Roman

- (1903). 'An inscribed stone found at Llystyn Gwyn,

RCAHMS (1982). Argyll, Vol. 4, Iona. Edinburgh - (1992). Argyll, Vol. 7, Mid Argyl and Cowal, Medieval and Later Monuments, Edinburgh. RCAHMW (1911). An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments

- (1914).

Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn

in Caernarvonshire', Proc. Soc. Antiq. London, ser. ,2 19,

2, 148-78. Rees, W. (1951). An Historical Atlas of Walesfrom Early to Modern Times, Cardiff.

(2007). A Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman

Roberts, R . .J (2004). D ' ee, John (1527-1609)', Oxford

(2009a). 'Early medieval metalwork and Christianity: a Welsh perspective', in Edwards (2009c),

Randall, H. .J (1956). 'V. E. Nash-Williams 1897-1955', Raybould, M. E. and Sims-Williams, P. (eds and trans.)

(1877b). O ' n some of our early inscribed stones',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 8, 135-44.

5. 14. 125-46.

Rees, .E and Walters, G . (1974). T ' he dispersion of hte

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 105, 150-1.

501

72

the case for Irish federates ni late Roman Britain', Britannia, 32, 243-70.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cambrensis, ser. 4. 4. 197-200.

- (1873b). 'Early inscriptions', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 4, 4, 289-90.

- (1874c). 'Ancient British inscriptions', Archaeol. (1877a). Lectures ni WelshPhilology, London.

183-206.

Cymmrodorion, new ser., 14, 21-57

White (ed.),Bangor,from a Cell to a City, Bangor, 19-26.

26 (Summer), 44 6.

Vitae: Volume II Linguistic Commentary, London.

Studs, 50, 210-42. - (1962). 'Roman Britain in 1961', J. Roman Studs, 52, 160-99.

Rowlands. H. (1723). Mona Antiaua Restaurata. A n archoo. logical discourseon the antiquities, natural a n d historical, of

the Isle of Anglesey, the antient seat of the British druids,

Dublin.

- (1846). 'Antiquitates Parochiales no. II', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 1, 305-17.

- (1849). 'Antiquitates Parochiales no. XV', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 4, 261-90. Royal Irish Academy (1983). Dictionary of the Irish Language Based Mainly on Old and Middle Irish Materials, Dublin. Russell, P. (ed. and trans.) (2005). Vita Griffini Filii Conani. The Medieval Latin Life of Gruffuddap Cynan, Cardiff.

Rutherford, A . and Ritchie, G. (1972-4). "The Catstane', Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scoth., 105, 183-8.

Ryder, P. (2005). The Medieval Cross Slab Grave Covers in Cumbria,

Cumberland

and

We s t m o r l a n d

Antiq.

Archaeol. Soc., extra ser., 32. Rynne, E. (ed.) (1987), Figures from the Past, Studies on Figurative Art in Christian Ireland in Honour of Helen M.

Roe, Dun Laoghaire. Saul, N. (2009). English Church Monuments in the Middle Ages, Oxford. Savory, H. N. (1960). 'Excavations at Dinas Emrys, Beddgelert (Caern.), 1954-56', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

119, 13-77. - (1961). 'Bronze Age burials near Bedd Emlyn, Clocaenog', Trans. Denbs. Hist. Soc., 10, 7-22. Sayce, A . H . (1909). 'The inscription on the Pillar of

502

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Eliseg, near Llangollen', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 9,

43-8.

Schaff, P. and Wace, H. (eds) (1890-1900). Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, ser. 2, 4, Athanasius: Select Works and Letters http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/vitaantony.asp, accessed 29 March 2011). Schiller, G. (1972). Iconography of Christian Art, Vol. 2, The

Passionof Christ, trans. .J Seligman, London. Schmidt, K . H . (1957). Die Komposition ni gallischen Personennamen, Tübingen.

Schulze-Thulin, B. (2009). 'Notes on the runic inscrip-

tions ni Wales', ni G. von Hemprich (ed.), Festgabe für Hildegard L. C. Tristram, Berlin, 105-8.

. .J and Evans, .J W . (2009). 'Identifying the Silvester, R . Edwards mother churches of north-east Wales', ni N

(2009c), 21-40. Simpson, .J Y . (1860-2). 'On the Cat-stane, Kirkliston: is it n o t t h e t o m b s t o n e o f t h e g r a n d f a t h e r o f H e n g i s t a n d

Horsa?', Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scott., 4, 119-65. Simpson, W . (1827). Some Account of Llangollen and its Vicinity, London. Sims-Williams, P. (1984). 'Gildas and vernacular poetry', ni Lapidge and Dumville (1984), 169-92. -

(1985). 'Some functions of origin stories in early

medieval Wales', in T. Nyberg, .I Pie, P. Meulengracht Sorenson and A. Trommer (eds), History and Heroic Tale: A Symposium, Odense, 97-131.

- (1991). 'The emergence of Old Welsh, Cornish and Breton orthography, 600-800: the evidence of archaic Old Welsh', Bull.Board Celtic Studs, 38, 20-86 - (1993). 'Some problems in deciphering the early

Irish ogam alphabet', Trans. Philological Soc., 91, 133-80.

Philological c.400-1200, Publication 37, Oxford and Boston.

Chronology,

Society

(2007). Studieson Celtic Languagesbefore the Year1000, Aberystwyth. - (2011). Irish Influence on Medieval Welsh Literature,

Oxford.

(2013). 'Variation in Middle Welsh conjugated prepositions: chronology, register and dialect', Trans.

Philological Soc., 111, 1-50 (published online 2012). Skinner, .J (1908). Ten Days' Tour through the Isle of Anglesea, Archaeol. Cambrensis, supp., London. Smith, A. H. (1964-5). The Place-names of Gloucestershire, 4 vols, Cambridge. Smith, C. (1980). 'The cross in Penmon Deer Park: exca-

vations during its removal to the priory church', Trans.

Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 101-10. Smith, F. G. (1931-3). 'Talacre and the Viking grave',

Proc. Llandudno, Colwyn Bay and DistrictField Club, 17, 43-50.

Smith, G. (2004). A ' survey of prehistoric funerary and ritual sites in n o r t h a n d w e s t G w y n e d d a n d w e s t

Conwy, 2001-03', Trans. Caerns.Hist. Soc., 65, 19-40. . (2001). "The Age of the Princes', in Smith and Smith, J. B Smith (2001). 1-59.

. (eds) (2001). History of Merioneth, - and Smith, L. B Volume L I, The Middle Ages, Cardiff. Snyder, C. A . (1998). An Age of Tyrants. Britain and the Britons A.D. 400-600, Stroud.

Spearman, R . M. and Higgitt, .J (eds) (1993). The Age of

Migrating Ideas: Early Medieval Art in Northern Britain and Ireland. Proceedings of the Second International

Conference on Insular Art Held in the National Museums of Scotland in Edinburgh, 3-6 January 1991, Edinburgh and

Stroud. - (1994). 'Historical need and literary narrative: a caveat from ninth-century Wales', Welsh Hist. Rev., 17, Spurgeon, C. J. (1961a). 'Carno', Archaeol. Wales, 1, 11.

pt 1, 1-40.

- (1995). 'Byrhtferth's ogam signature', ni Britainand Early Christian Europe, Aldershot, XI, 281-91. - (1996). 'Edward IV's confirmation charter for

. Richmond and .I Harvey (eds), Clynnog Fawr', in C

Recognitions: Essays Presented to Edmund Frude. Aberystwyth, 229-41. - (1999). 'The DEVORIGI inscription', in White and Smith (1999), 146-9. - (2001). 'Clas Beuno and the Four Branches of the

Mabinogi', in B. Maier and S. Zimmer (eds), 150 Jahre "Mabinogion" -

Deutsch-Walisische Kuturbeziehungen.

Tübingen, 111-27. - (2002). 'The five languages of Wales in the preNorman inscriptions', Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studs,

44 (Winter), 1-36.

(2003). The Celtic Inscriptions of Britain: Phonology and

(1961b). 'An early Christian stone from Carno

(Mont.)', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 110, 155-6. Stallybrass, B . (1914). 'Recent discoveries at Clynnogfawr', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 6, 14, 271-308. Stancliffe, .C (2004). 'Faustus [Faustus of Riez (400×10c.490)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,Oxford, online e d (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor. ac.uk/view/article /51403. accessed 19 October 2007).

Stanley, W . O. (1870). 'Recent excavations at Ty Mawr,

Pen y Bonc, Twr and Mynydd Gof Du in Holyhead

Island, with notices of ancient relics found at Cerrig Ddewi, and at Old Geir, in Anglesey', Archaeol. J., 27, 147-64

- (1875). 'Presaddfed urns', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 46

1 2 6 _ 8

Steer, K. A. (1968-9). 'Two unrecorded early Christian

stones', Proc. Soc. Antig. Scotl., 101, 127-9.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Stenger, C. (1983).

503

'Some Pembrokeshire crosses',

- (2002). Whispering Reeds or the Anglesey Catamanus Inscription Stript Bare. A Detective Story, Oxford.

Stephens, T. (1851). 'St Cadvan, Arthur, Caerfilli', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 2, 2, 58-69. Stephenson, D. (2008a). "The "resurgence" of Powys in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries', in C. P. Lewis (ed.), Anglo-Norman Studies, 30, Proceedings of the

- (2007). 'Stone: the inscribed slate from the Site C . C. Barrowman, C. E. Batey and C . D. building', in R

Archaeol. Wales, 23, 64.

Battle Conference 2007, Woodbridge, 182-95. - (2008b). 'Madog ap Meredudd, rex Powissensium', Welsh Hist. Rev., 21, pt 1, 1-28.

Stocker, D. (2000). 'Monuments and merchants: irregu larities in the distribution of stone sculpture in

Lincolnshire and Yorkshire in the tenth century', in D. M. Hadley and .J D. Richards (eds), Cultures ni Contact. Scandinavian Settlement ni England ni the Ninth

and Tenth Centuries, Turnhout, 179-212. Swanton, M. (ed.and trans.) (2000). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, London. Swift, C. (1997). Ogham Stones and the Earliest Irish Christians, Maynooth.

. (2009). 'Archaeological Taylor, F. and Milford, B watching brief at St Mary's Church, Cilgwyn, Church Pembrokeshire', unpublished r e D o r t . Archaeology Services. . (1978). Anglo-Saxon Architecture Volume III, Taylor, H. M Cambridge.

- and Taylor, .J (1965). Anglo-Saxon Architecture, 2vols, Cambridge.

Morris, Excavations at Tintagel Castle, Cornwall, 1990-

1999, London, 191-200. Thomas, D. R. (1874). The History of the Diocese of St. Asaph, London.

- (1880). 'Sculptured tombstone in Meifod Church',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 11, 182-5. - (1885a). 'The Porivs stone', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser.

5, 2, 143-5. - (1885b). 'The Roman station at Caergai', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 2, 196-205.

(1885c). 'Llanbadrig, Anglesey: incised cross', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 5, 2, 224-5. - (1893). 'Notes on the sculptured stones and church at Llandrinio, Montgomeryshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 5, 10, 25-8.

(1894). 'History of the parish of Llandrinio'. Montgomeryshire Collections, 28, 17-80, 177-292. - (1906-13). The History of the Diocese of St. Asaph, General, Cathedral and Parochial, 3 vols, 2nd edn, Oswestry.

- (1918). 'Llanerfyl inscribed stone, shrine and reli-

quary', Montgomeryshire Collections, 38, 129-39. Thomas, H . (1967). 'Tywyn of a century and a half ago', .J Merioneth. Hist. Rec. Soc., 5, pt 3, 251-3.

Tedeschi,C.(1994). 'Osservazione sui formulari delle Thomas, W . G.(1977). 'Four stones from Ceredigion', iscrizioni britanniche dal Romanobarbarica, 13. 283-96.

V all'

VIII

seculo'

- (1995). 'Osservazione sulla paleografia della iscrizioni Britannichi paleocristiane (V-VII sec.)',

Scrittura e Civilta, 9, 67-121. - (2001). 'Some observations on the palaeography of early Christian inscriptions in Britain', in Higgitt et al. (2001), 16-25. - (2005). Congeries Lapidum, Iscrizioni Britanniche dei Secoli V-VII, 2 vols, Pisa.

Thacker, A. T. (1987). 'Anglo-Saxon Cheshire', in B. E. Harris (ed.), Victoria County History, a History of the

County of Cheshire, Vol. 2,Oxford, 237-92.

Thomas, B . (2010). 'Priests and bishops in Bede's ecclesi-

ology: the use of sacerdos ni the Historia Eccleisastica Gentis Anglorum', Ecclesiology, 6, 68-93. Thomas, C . (1971). The Early Christian Archaeology of North Britain, Oxford. (1981). Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500, London. - (1994). And Shall These Mute Stones Speak? PostRoman Inscriptions in Western Britain, Cardiff. (1998). Christian Celts, Messages andImages, Stroud.

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 126, 64-8.

- (1989). 'An early sundial from the Town area',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 138, 111-13.

(1992). 'An early Christian monument in Caernarvonshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 138, 183.

Thompson, E. A. (1984). SaintGermanus of Auxerre and the End of Roman Britain, Woodbridge. Thornton, D. E. (1996). 'The genealogy of Gruffudd ap

Cynan', in Maund (1996), 79-108.

- (1997). 'Maredudd ab Owain (d. 999): the most famous king of the Welsh', Welsh History Rev., 18,pt 4, 567-91.

D 973: textus et -(2001). 'Edgar and the eight kings, A dramatis personae', Early Medieval Europe, 10, pt 1, 49_78.

- (2003). Kings, Chronologies, and Genealogies. Studies in the Political History of Early Medieval Ireland and Wales, Prosopograhica et Genealogia 10, Oxford.

- (2004a). 'Rhodri Mawr (b. before 844, d. 878)',

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online e d http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/ view/article / 23456, accessed 17 February 2009).

- (2004b). 'Cyngen ap Cadell (d. 854/5)', Oxford

Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn

504

BIBLIOGRAPHY

http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/ article/51399, accessed 13 June 2008).

Turner, A . .J (1984). 'Anglo-Saxon sun-dials and the

- (2004c). 'Maredudd ab Owain (d. 999)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online e d

Antiquarian Horology, 15, 76-7. Tweddle, D,. Biddle, M . and Kjolbye-Biddle, B . (1995).

(http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/ article/ 18040, accessed 24 February 2009).

- (2004d). 'Vortigern (fl. Sth cent)', Oxford Dictionary of

National Biography, Oxford, online edn (hitp://0www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/article/ 28354, accessed 13 June 2008).

"tidal"

or

"octaval"

system

of

measurement',

Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture, Vol. 4, South-east England, Oxford.

Tyler, D. .J (2007). 'Early Mercia and the Britons', ni Higham (2007). 68-79.

Vallejo Ruiz, .J M . (2005). Antroponimia indigena de la Lusitania romana,Vitoria-Gasteiz.

- (2004e) 'Cadfan ap lago (fl. c.616-c.625)', Oxford Vendryes, J. (1955). 'Sur en emploi du mot AINM "nom" en Irlandais', Études Celtiques, 7, 139-46. Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn Vinogradoff, P. and Morgan, F. (eds) (1914). Survey of the http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/ Honour of Denbigh 1334, Brit. Acad. Recs Social article/ 4314, accessed 4 November 2007). - (2004f) 'Hywel Dda (d. 949/50)', in Oxford Dictionary

of National Biography, Oxford, online e d (http:/ /0.

www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/article/139 68, accessed 29 August 2011). Thorpe, L. (trans.) (1978). Gerald of Wales. The Journey

through Wales/The Description of Wales, Harmondsworth.

Thurlby,M. (1999). TheHerefordshire School ofRomanesque Sculpture, Logaston. • (2006). Romanesque Architecture and Sculpture in Wales, Logaston. Todd, M . (2004). 'Radford, (Courtenay Arthur) Ralegh

(1900-1998)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,

Economic Hist., 1, London. Vives, J. (ed.) (1969). Inscripciones Cristianas España Romana y Visigoda, 2nd edn, Barcelona and Madrid. Wade-Evans, A. W. (1930). 'Beuno Sant', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, 85, 315-41.

. (1999). "The supposed Roman road from Toller, H the Long Mountain to Dolgellau',Britannia, 30, 299301.

Compilation of the Four Branches of the Mabinogi,

Tomlin, R. S. O. (1988). Tabellae Sulis: Roman Inscribed Tablets of Tin and Lead from the Sacred Spring at Bath, Oxford.

- (2001). 'A Roman will from north Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 150, 143-56 (2004). 'Magnus Maximus (d. 388), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/

article/48295, accessed 13 June 2008). -,Wright, R . P. and Hassall, M. W. C. (2009). The Roman Inscriptions of Britain. III Inscriptions on Stone,

Oxford and Oakville. . (1998). 'The Skeith Stone. Upper Trench-Jellicoe. R

Kilrenny, Fife, ni its context', Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scotl., 128, 495-513

- (1856). 'Notices of the early inscribed and sculp-

tured stones of Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 2, 1 3 9 _ 4 6

- (1858). 'Further notices of the early inscribed and sculptured stones in Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 4, 405-8. - (1859). 'Early inscribed stones in Wales', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 3, 5, 53-7. - (1860a). 'The early inscribed and sculptured stones of Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 6, 223-8. - (1860b). 'Incised stones', Gent's Mag., 209 (JulyDecember), 497-8. - (1861). 'Early Christian monuments of Wales',

Gent's Mag., 211 (July-December), 39 -46. - (1863). 'Early inscribed stones of Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 9 ,255-9.

(1865).

T ' he Maen Achwynfan', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, ser. 3, 11, 364-8. - (1867). 'Further notices of the early inscribed stones

White Marshall, J. and Walsh, C. (2005). Illaunloughan Island: An Early Medieval Monastery in County Kerry,

Bray. Whitelock, D. (ed. and trans.) (1961). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

o n d o n

' suggested function for the holy Whitfield, N. (2007). A . Minnis and .J Roberts (eds), Text, Image well?', in A I n t e r p r e t a t i o n . S t u d i e s in A n g l o - S a x o n L i t e r a t u r e a n d i t s

Insular Context in Honour of Eamonn O Carragain,

Turnhout, 495-514.

Wiliam, D. W. (1997). Lewis Morris Deugain Mlynedd Cyntaf ei Oes 1700/1-42, Llangefni. - (1999). Brasluniau Lewis Morris o Eglwysi, Tai a

Phentreft ym Môn, Anglesey.

- (2001). Lewis Morris 1742-65, Llangefni.

(2004).

'Morris, Lewis (1701-1765)', Oxford

Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn

http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/view/

article/, accessed 8May 2006).

- (ed. and trans.) (1944). Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae, Cardiff.

ni Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 13, 342-4.

Wainwright, F. T. (1948). 'Ingimund's invasion', English

inWales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 2, 256-66.

Williams, G. .J (1882). Hanes Plwyf Ffestiniog o'r Cyfnod

Hist. Rev., 63, 145-69.

- (1950). 'Cledemutha', English Hist. Rev., 65,203-12. (1959). 'Aethelflaed, Lady of the Mercians', in

P. Clemoes (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons: Studies in Some Aspects of their History andCulturePresented to B. Dickins, London, 53-69.

Cambrensis, ser. 2, 1, 205-12.

Ward, J. H. (1972). 'Vortigern and the end of Roman Britain',Britannia, 3, 277-89.

. (1994). 'Llangian, Llangian Church', Archaeol. Ward, M Wales, 34, 60.

Tolstoy, N. (2009). The Oldest British Prose Literature. The Ward. S.(2001). 'Edward hte Elder and hte re L e w i s t o n O u e e n s t o w n a n d Ta m p e t e r

505

Williams, A . and Martin, G. H. (eds) (2002). Domesday Book. A Complete Translation, London.

Oxford, online edn (http:/Owww.oxforddnb.com.unicat. Wakeman, T.(1850). T'he stone of Cadfan', Archaeol.

bangor.ac.uk/view/article/ 71914, accessed 15 April 2008).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

establishment of Chester', ni Higham and Hill (eds) (2001), 160-6.

Warren, P. T., Price, D., Nutt, M. J. and Smith, E. G . (1984). Geology of the Country around Rhyl and Denbigh, Memoir of the British Geological Survey, Sheets 95 and 107 England and Wales. London.

' scale of grade and class Wentworth, C. K. (1922). A terms for clasticsediments', .J Geology, 30, 377-92. Westwood, .J O. (1847). 'The tomb-stone ofBrochmael',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 2, 30-4. - (1855a). 'Notices of several early inscribed stones

recently found in various parts of Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 1, 4-10. - (1855b). 'The sepulchral stone at Emlyn', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 1, 115-17. - (1855c). 'Early inscribed stones ni Wales', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 1, 153-6.

- (1871). 'Further notices of the early inscribed stones - (1874).

'Notice of an early inscribed stone at

Llangors, Talgarth, Breconshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 4, 5, 232-4. - (1876-9). Lapidarium Walliae: The Early Inscribed and Sculptured Stones of Wales, Oxford. - and Williams (Ab Ithel), J. (1850). 'Observations on the stone of St. Cadfan at Town', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 2, 1, 90-100 White, R., Cooper, R. and Molan, P. (2005). Honey: A Modern Wound Management Product, Aberdeen. . (2007). Britannia Prima, Britain's Last Roman White, R Province, Stroud.

-and Barker, P . (1998). Wroxeter, Lifeand Death of a

Roman City, Stroud.

White, R . B. (1969-70). 'Excavations at Arfryn, Bodedern', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 257-8. - (1971-2). 'Excavations at Arfryn, Bodedern, long-

cist cemeteries and the origins of Christianity', Trans. Anglesey Antia. Soc.. 10-45.

- (1977). 'Cross-incised stone at Craig Pandy,

Tregarth', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 126, 73.

(1985). 'Caer Gai and the giants of Penllyn', .J Merioneth Hist. Rec. Soc., 10, pt 1, 29-35. - (1986). 'The Roman fort at Caer Gai, Meirionydd',

Archaeol. Cambrensis, 135, 134 46. - and Longley, D. (1995). 'Excavations at Aberffraw', Trans. AngleseyAntig. Soc., 13-21. ' funerary and cereWhite, S. I .and Smith, G. (1999). A monial centre at Capel Eithin, Gaerwen, Anglesey', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 9-166.

Boreuaf, Wrexham. Williams, H. (1997). 'Ancient landscapes and the dead: t h e r e u s e of

prehistoric a n d R o m a n m o n u m e n t s as

early Anglo-Saxon burial sites', World Archaeol., 41, 1-32.

Williams, H. G. (2004). 'Jones, Harry Longueville (1806-1870)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com. unicat. bangor.ac.uk/view/article / 15009, accessed 1 August 2008).

Williams, I. (1939). 'When did the British become Welsh?', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 27-39.

- (1943-4). Review of Corpus Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum by R . A . S. Macalister, Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 152-6.

- (1945). 'The lost Malis stone', Trans. Anglesey Antig. Soc., 24. (1946-7). 'Hen Chwedlau', Trans. Hon. Soc. Cymmrodorion, 28-58.

(1949). 'The Town inscribed stone', Archaeol.

Cambrensis, 100, pt 2, 161-72. - (1959). 'Guto'r Glyn', in Lloyd and Jenkins (1959), 322

(1980).

The Beginnings of Welsh Poetry, ed.

R. Bromwich, 2nd edn, Cardiff. - and Nash-Williams, V. E. (1937). 'Some Welsh preNorman stones', Archaeol. Cambrensis, 92, 1-10. Williams. .J E. C. (1993). 'Kenneth Hurlstone Jackson

1909-1991', Proc. Brit. Acad., 80, 319-32.

Williams, J. L. and Williams, I. (eds) (1939). Gwaith Guto'r Glyn, Cardiff.

506

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Williams, R. (ed.) (1860). 'Lhwydian correspondence', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 6, 237-40.

Williams, .T P . .T (2007). 'The lost geology book of the

Reverend Henry Rowlands of Llanidan', Trans.

Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 11-23. Williams, W. (1892). Hynaftaethau a Thraddodiadau Plwyf

Llanberis a'r Amgylchoedd, Llanberis, repr.

Caernarfon.

1986,

Williams, W . W . (1865). 'The Frondeg stone, Anglesey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 3, 11, 88-9. Williams (ab Ithel), .J (1846). 'Valle Crucis Abbey', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 1, 1, 17-32.

• (1851). 'The Pillar of Eliseg', Archaeol. Cambrensis,

ser. 2, 2, 295-302. - (ed.)(1860). Annales Cambriae. London

. M . (2008). The Vikings ni the Isle of Man, Wilson, D Aarhus.

- (2009). 'Stylistic influences ni early Manx sculpture',

in Graham-Campbell and Ryan (2009), 311-28. - and Klindt-Jensen, O. (1980). Viking Art, 2nd edn, London.

Wooding, .J M . (1996). Communication and Commerce along the Western Sealanes,

AD 400-800,

British

Archaeological Reports, int. ser., 654, Oxford. . (2004). 'Rowlands, Henry (1655-1723)', Woolf, D. R Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online

edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/ view/article/24216, accessed 3 February 2006).

Wright, E. G. (1959). 'Llwyd, Angharad (1780-1866)', in

Lloydand Jenkins (eds) (1959), 593. Wright, .I N. (2008). 'Recording early medieval inscribed stones', in P. Wakelin and R. A. Griffiths (eds), Hidden Histories. Discovering the Heritage of Wales, Aberystwyth,

. P. (1962). 'Further notes on the Roman mile. Wright, R stone from Aber', Trans. Caerns. Hist. Soc., 23, 127-8. Wyn, F. G. (1876). 'Bardsey Island', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 7, 152-3.

Wynne, W . W. E . (1850). 'Ogham characters, &c., in Merionethshire', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 2, 1, 228-9. (1853). 'Inscribed stones, Abermo Bay', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser 2 , 4, 215.

. (1990). 'Air-reconnaissance of Roman Wilson, D. R Wales, 1969-88', ni B. C. Burnham and J. L. Davies

(1874). 'Bedd Porius', Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 5,

(eds) (1990), Conquest, Co-existence and Change, Recent

(1879). 'History of the parish of Llanegryn',

Work ni Roman Wales, Trivium, 25, 10-18. Archaeol. Cambrensis, ser. 4, 10, 114-39. Wilson, .J C . (1983). 'The standing stones of Anglesey: a Wynne-Edwards, Canon (1877). 'History of the parish of discussion', Bull. Board Celtic Studs, 30, pts 3-4, 363-89. Meifod', Montgomeryshire Collections, 10, 153-88.

Windley, B,. Sutherland, D . and eL Bas, M . (1998). T ' he

search for the source of St. Patrick's Stone, Llanbadrig', Trans. Anglesey Antiq. Soc., 73-8.

Winterbottom, M. (ed. and trans.) (1978). Gildas. The Ruin of Britain and Other Works, London and Chichester.

. W. .J (2004). 'Pennant, Thomas (1726-1798)', Withers, C OxfordDictionary of National Biography, Oxford, online edn (http://0-www.oxforddnb.com.unicat.bangor.ac.uk/

view /article/21860, accessed 12 September 2007). Wmffre,I. (2007). 'Post-Roman Irish settlement in Wales: new insights from a recent study of Cardiganshire place-names', in Jankulak and Wooding (2007), 46 61.

INDEX

106-7.

Young, T. P., Gibbons, W . and McCarroll, D. (2002). The Geology of the Country around Pwllheli. Memoir of the British Geological Survey, Sheet 134, England and Wales.

. (ed.) (1989). T ' he Work of Angels' Masterpieces of Youngs, S Celtic Metalwork, 6th-9th Centuries AD. London.

. (1994). Dei Sprache der altirichen Ogam-Inschriften, Ziegler, S Göttingen, Vandenhoeck and Utrecht.

Zumula, A . and Lulat, A . (1989). 'Honey - a remedy rediscovered', J. Roy. Soc. Medicine, 82, pt 7, 384 5.-

Entries in capitals refer topersonal names inroman-letter inscriptions; those in bold capitals t o personal names in ogam inscriptions. The pageextentsofcatalogue entries under individual monuments are shown in italics. Aber 1 (CN1), incomplete Roman milestone with additional

fragmentary inscription, 457-9, 4; lithology, 32, 38; 41, 60, 123 Aberafan (The Croft) 1(G1), vol. I, recumbent slab, 128, 258, 378, 430 A b e r d â r(Hirwaun) 1 (G3), vol. I,

Latin-inscribed stone, 195 Aberdaron 1 (CN2), roman-letter inscribed stone, 241-3, 21 n. 1; lithology, 38, 57; 45, 47, 49, 51, 55, 5 8 a n d n. 6. 60: letter-forms. 6 ]

Aldfrith, king of Northumbria, 182

A l e x a n d e r III, K i n g , i n a u g u r a t i o n o f ,

Alfred, King, 14; Asser's biography (CN20)

A n t o n y (St), ' Te m p t a t i o n of, see iconography

ALIORTVS, see LIanaelhaearn 2

Allen, .J Romilly, 25, 29

alpha and omega, symbols, 66 A n a r a w d ap Rhodri, ruler o f G w v n e d d . I

p o s s i b l e R o m a n fort, 9, 180-1

AngleseyGrit, 36. 38. 39. 40. 108.

R o m a n villa, 4

Abraham, bishop of St Davids, 127, 214

ADGAN, see Tywyn 2 (MR25) Aelhaearn (St), dedication to, 274 AETERNI-], see Barmouth 2 (MIR2)

E t h e l fl e d , of Mercia. 13

thelfrith, king of Northumbria, Athelred, of Mercia, 13

Athelstan, King, 14 Ethelwulf of Wessex, 332

247

antiquarian research, 19-25, 4

(Fig. 4.6); 125, 214, 245 Aberdaron 2 (CN3), roman-letter inscribed stone, 244-6, 21 n. 1; lithology, 38, 57; 45, 47, 49n. 2, 51, 55, 58 and n. 6, 60; letterforms, 61, 62 (Figs 4.6, 4.7); 125, 214 Aberffraw, cantrefof, 1, 47, 181; Abermagaw, nr Aberystwyth, Cards.,

98-100, 115, 225, 355, 360-2, 367, 371, 444-5 Annales Cambriae, 5, 9, 10, 15, 182,

of, 10

ANATEMORI, see Llanfaglan 1

A b e r l e i i o g . A n g .4

animal o r n a m e n t . o n sculnture.

(CN24) anchor, cross-symbol, 218 Anglesey, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18,

41, 42, 47, 57, 68, 70, 71, 73, 79,

85, 108, 109, 113, 119, 128, 129, 130; lithologies of, 32, 33, 34, 36,

38 o

: m o n u m e n t s carved trom.

111-13 and Fig. 9.2, 129 A n g l o - S a x o n C h r o n i c l e s . 5. 10

Anglo-Saxon England, 3, 26, 48, 103; c h u r c h f u r n i t u r e . 74. 76: o r n a m e n t .

98, 99, 105; sculpture, 70, 114, 328; stone churches, 73; sundial, 76 Anglo-Saxons, 12, 13, 14, 17, 83, 108, 115; settlement and incursions, 9, 13, 14, 330, 332-3, 343; influence, 12, 115; influence onsculpture, 71, 128, 130-1, 438; seealso coins

Appleford, Oxfordshire, inscribed

platter, 280 Archaeologia Cambrensis, 22, 23, 24, 25,44 a r c h i t e c t u r a l f r a g m e n t s . see s c u l p t u r e

Ardudwy, cantrefof, 1, 42, 113, 391, 422.

Arfon, cantref of, 247, 265 Arfryn, Bodedern, Ang., early m e d i e v a l c e m e t e r y . s e eB o d e d e r n I

ARGII-, see Llanfor 1(MR18) Arles.

France

123

Arllechwedd, cantrefof. 1. 299 Arraglen, Co. Kerry, ogam-inscribed

pillar, 67 Arwystli, cantrefof, ,3 12 Aspatria 1, Cumbria, cross, 371 Asser, Bishop, 10 A t i s c r o s . m o n u m e n t , see F l i n t 1 ( F 4 )

Atiscross, Flint, hundred of, 14, 84

Aubrey, John, 328, 366 Augustine (St), De Trinitate, 445

Augustinians, 17, 36, 79, 258

Aurelius Caninus, ruler, 5 AVITORI, see Penmachno 3 (CN37)

508

INDEX

Baglan (St), dedication to, 280 Ballinasaggart. c o . Kerry. o g a m i n s c r i o t i o n .2 3 9

33, 34, 38, 57; 45, 52, 54, 58 n. 6;

61, 62 (Figs 4.6, 4.7); 119, 124, 351 B a r m o u t h Z M I R Z incomplete

B a l l y m o r e B u s t a c e , C o . K i l d a r e , cross. c a r v e d g r a v e - m a r k e r. 179. 190

r o m a n - l e t t e r inscribed stone, 374-6;

Bangor, Caerns., 5, 17, 25, 37, 81. 130, 246-57, 265; bishopric at, 15, 83, 108, 247; cathedral, 11, 17, 79,

5 8 n. b: letter-torms. 6 2 (51g. 4 . 7 :

1 2 9 :e a r l y m e d i e v a l m o n a s t e r v . 1 0 8 .

247; possible early s t o n e c h u r c h ,

68, 129, 251; silver hoards, 13, 249 Bangor 1 (CN4), fragment, 246-9, 25; lithology, 36, 112; 70, 79, 83, 94, Bangor 2 (CN5), fragment, 249-50; lithology, 36, 112; 83, 94, 108 B a n g o r 3( O N G )t w o a d i o i n i n g

fragments, 250-1; lithology, 36, 112; 74, 83, 97 (Fig. 7.11), 108, 129, 463 Bangor 4 (CN7), fragment, 251-2; lithology, 36, 112; 74, 83, 93 (Fig. 7.7), 96 (Fig. 7.10), 108, 129, 148, 251

4 6 3

Bangor 5 (CN8), fragment, 252-4, 25;

lithology, 36, 112; 74, 79, 83, 108,

129, 251, 463 Bangor 6 (CN9), fragment, 254-5, 25;

lithology, 36, 112; 74, 79, 83, 92

(Fig. 7.6), 108, 129, 251, 463 Bangor 7 (CN10), carved stone, 255-7, 25; lithology, 38; 77, 79, 85, 96 (Fig. 7.10), 148 Bangor, Co. Down, monastery, 249; sundial, 266

Bangor Is-coed, Flints., monastery, 9, 17,83. 249 baptism, 76, see also fonts BARBI, see Llandanwg 1 (MR10) Bardsey Island (Ynys Enll), 1, 11, 13, 17, 23, 36, 79, 82, 108, 112, 113, 241, 257-61, 308, 422, 469 Bardsev S a n d T I G N I T . cross-carved

s t o n e . 257-8: t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of

stone to, 32; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5), 38: 78. 81. 86. 87 (Fig. 7.1g).113. 151, 286, 298, 315, 430 Bardsey Island 2 (CN12). incomplete cross-shaft w i t h roman-letter

inscription. 259-61. t r a n s p o r t a t i o n

of stone to, 32; lithology, 36, 38, 112. 113: 70. 79. 83. 99. 101;

inscription, textof, 102, 103, layout

of, 105; letter-forms,, 106, 129,150,

309, 334 Barmouth 1(MRI), roman-letter inscribed stone, 372-4; lithology,

lithology, 33, 34, 38, 54, 57; 45, 52, 124. 2 9 5

BARRECT[!], see Maentwrog 1

r o m a n - l e t t e ri n s c r i b e d s t o n e

150

Brawdy 2 (P2), vol. II, ogam-inscribed stone. 11 9

Brentwood, Essex, chi-rho on gold ring, 66

Bridell 1 (P5), vol. II, ogam-inscribed s t o n e w i t h c r o s s . 123

Brigid(St), see Ffraid

(MR21)

Basingwerk Abbey, stone used for, 37, 324

Brittanv. 2 1 . 5 3 . 3 5 0 . 4 1 5

B r i t t o n i c l a n g u a g e s , d e v e l o p m e n t of,

Basingwerk, Black Book of, 19, 322 Bath, Somerset, R o m a n lead curses ' b a t t l e m e n t ' m o t t . see f r e t - p a t t e r n s B E C C U R T

Brawdy 1 (PI), vol. II, incomplete

s e pO o h e n m a e r

' O N 1 7

BeckermetSt Bridget 1, Cumbria,

the Men of Ardudwy'), 44, 46, 48,

387, 391 BeddEmlyn, 19; seeClocaenog 1 (DI) B e d d g e l e r t , c a e r n s . , 17

Bedd Porius, see Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23)

Bede, the Venerable, 5, 8, 9, 17, 73, 182, 214, 277, 332

Bromfield 2, Cumbria, cross, 225, 371 Bronze Age, barrows, 46, 405, possible 44, 48, 349-50, 370; cairn, 84, 114, 144, 173, 317, 328; cremations, 143, 173; settlement, 45, 143-4; see also burials; prehistoric m o n u m e n t s

Brougham, Cumbria, late Roman inscription, 124

Brut y Tywysogyon, 10, 12, 257 Bryn Eryr, Ang., Romano-British

BIVATISI, see Llantrisant 1 (AN46) B l e d d v n a n C u n f v n . r u l e ro f P o w y s .

11, 12 Bodedern 1 (ANI), Roman-letter

inscribed stone, 143-5, 15, 29; lithology, 36, 38, 111; 41, 42, 44,

45, 48, 50, 54, 57 and .n ;5 letter-

forms, 61 (Fig. 4.6); 119, 124, 347

B o l t o n l e M o o r s L. L a n c s . . c r o s s - s h a t t .

farmstead, 4

Bryn Euryn, Debs., hillfort, 10 Bryn y Castell, Mer., hillfort, 387-8 Bryn y Gefeiliau, Caerns., Roman auxiliary fort, 307, 387, 460 Buckland Monarchorum. Devon.

inscribed stone, 54, 55

Bulmore, Caerleon, Roman tombstone, 60 BURIGIOCAVI, see Llanuwchllyn 1

(MR19)

Burgred of Mercia, 332

Burgundy, kingdom of, 56, 121, 123, 304

burials, 15, 17, 21, 29, 45, 46, 77, 81,

257 B o r r e , r i n g - c h a i n . Vi k i n g a r t stvle. 92.

110, 111, 112, 129, 184, 225-6, 230-1, 309; belt-buckle ornament, 98, 225 boundary markers, 48, 49, 82, 84, 113, 225, 235, 267;possible, 465, 469; see also l a n d h o l d m n g

Bourg Saint-Pair, Bais, Brittany, c e m e t e r v a n d inscrintions

Galloway, inscribed stone, 413

4 1 5

Braddan, IOM, cross-shaft, 225 Braich-y-Dinas, Caerns., hillfort, 4

84, 103, 119, 143-5, 173-5, 201, 218, 249, 256-7, 265, 280, 291-2, 321, 388, 414; associated with ferta, 144; Bronze Age, 45, 84, 143, 173, 291, 405 (possible); grave-markers, 26; marked by cairns (possible), 307, 311; royal (possible), 180;

B a n w e n( G 7 ) . v o l . I . L a t i n

inscribed stone, 46 Cadoxton-Juxta-Neath (Court

H e r b e r t ) I ( G 8 ) , vol. I, c r o s s - c a r v e d stone. 258

(G10), vol. I, fragment, 260

dedication associated with, 47, 118, see also L l a n g a d w a l a d r 1 ( A N 2 6 )

Cadwallon, ruler of Gwynedd, 8, 182,

Capel Curig, Caerns., 460

C e i n w e n (St), d e d i c a t i o n s t o , 145, 203

Capel Bronwen, Ang., 22, 44, 211

a c t i v i t y.

C a p e l E i t h i n , A n g . , m u l t i - p e r i o d site w i t h early medieval cemeterv.

I

b u r i a l s , 45; see also L l a n g e n i 2

Rhydderch, 1 CARAN[TE]I, see Maentwrog 1

1 (MR19)

C a e r n a r f o n (Segontium). R o m a n

.

29, 45, 46, 201; see also Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 (AN20) Capel Heilin, Ang., early medieval

Caereinion, cantrefof, 3

Caergybi, Ang., see Holyhead Caerhun 1(CN13), cross-carved stone, 262-4, 4, 68, 78, 80-1, 82, 88 (Fig. 7.2f), 267, 469 Caerhun (Kanovium), Caerns., Roman auxiliary fort, 4, 7, 46, 82, 123, 262, 458 Caerleon, Mons., 15 Caernarfon, Caerns., 23, 194

(MR21)

CARAVSIVS,see Penmachno 4 (CN38) C a r a u s i u s , M a r c u s Aurelius, R o m a n

usurper, 307 Cardinham (Cornwall), early inscribed stone, 55, 214; cross, 184

Carew 1 (P9), vol. II, cross with inscription, 71, 106, 127, 129, 147,

158, 187, 220, 225, 230, 250, 371,

402

auxiliary fort, 4, 5, 7, 9, 82, 123,

Carlisle, late Roman inscription,

Christianity at, 15

Carno 1 (MTI), cross-carved stone, 434-5; lithology, 36; 78, 81, 82, 86, 88 (Fig. 7.2g)

124, 262, 271, 280, 281, 284, 388, 458, 460; possible Roman C a e r s w s ,M o n t s . , R o m a n a u x i l i a r y

fort, 4, 5, 435 Caerwent, Mons., 15; chi-rho symbol o n p e w t e r b o w l at, 66

Caerwys 1 (F1), roman-letter

inscribed stone, 349-51, 22, 42, 44,

46, 49, 52, 54 and n. 3, 55, 58 and

.n 5, 63, letter-forms, 64 (Fig. 4.9);

119, 199, 303, 393 Caffo (St), church of, 195; relics of, 81, 184

Caldy Island 1 (P6), vol. II, .a incomplete ogam-inscribed stone:

pebbles, 178; Viking, 13, 85, 257;

inscribed stone, 150, 298 C a m b r i a nA r c h a e o l o g i c a l

Association, 22-3, 27, 44, 317

activity, 10, 175; Byzantine intaglio, 126, 175

C a r a d o g , s o n o fG r u f f u d d a r

4, 5, 407, 410; see also LIanuwchllyn

C e d e w a i n , c a n t r e to t . 3

Cetn C w m w d , Ang., p o s t - R o m a n

Cein Graeanog, Caerns., RomanoB r i t i s h f a r m s t e a d , 4; p o s t - R o m a n

C a e r b w d y, P e m b s . . s t o n e s o u r c e at, 111 C a e r G a i , M e r. , R o m a n a u x i l i a r y fort,

CAVNE, see Pentrefoelas 1 (D9) CAVOSENI, see Llanfor 1 (MRI8)

Canu Heledd, 5, 9 Can Llywarch Hen, 5

CAELEXTI, see Barmouth 1 (MR1)

265

Cadwgan ap Bleddyn, ruler of Powys,

h. i n c o m p l e t e r o m a n - l e t t e r

see also cemeteries

atin-inscribed stone, 4U2

(AN40) Capel Maelog, Rads., burials with quartz pebbles, 178 capel-y-bedd ('chapel of the grave"), 265, 314, 321, 411, 422

Roman, 41; with white quartz

Buttington, nr Welshpool, battle of, 12

Cambridge Juvencus, 427 Camden, William, 19, 20, 44 CANTIORI, see Ffestionog 1 (MR8) Cantref (Nant Crew) 1(B1), vol. I,

Cadoxton-Juxta-Neath (Clwydi

C a d w a l a d r , r u l e r of G w y n e d d , c h u r c h

Benllech, Ang., Viking burial, 13, 85, 257 Beuno (St), 265, 308-9, 310, 314, 366

Birka, S w e d e n . 3 0 9

410, 421, 422

Cadfan ap lago, king of Gwynedd, see CATAMANUS

1(D3) BROHOMAGLI, seePentrefoelas 1 (D9) Bromborough 1 and 3, Ches., cross

Brox, Liddesdale, Dumfries and

sundial, 76, 266 Bidston, Ches., hogback, 77 Bingley, Yorks., font, 76

Cadfan (St), of Tywyn, 378, 391, 401,

Cadoxton-Juxta-Neath (Coelbren) 1

B e n e d i c t i n e rule. 266

Bewcastle. C u m b r i a . cross w i t h

Cadell ap Rhodri, 11

see inscriptions, language of BROHCMAIL, see Llandysilio yn Ial

fragments, 109,354, 370

cross, 7 1 , 3 2 9

Beddau GwyrArdudwy ('The Graves of

509

INDEX

10

CELEN, see Tywyn 2 (MR25) Cemais, cantrefof, 1, 85, 130 c e m e t e r i e s , early m e d i e v a l , 6, 8, 15

29, 45, 46, 47, 48, 82, 85, 125, 126, 130, 143-5, 201, 249, 255, 258, 288, 291, 292, 297, 307; kincemeteries, 118, 103, 173, 176; long-cist burial(s), 15, 18, 45, 46,

81, 84, 143, 173, 218, 258, 265, 291, 292, 296, 307, 328, 346, 415, 460. 4 6 2 mortuary structures.

I

.

173, 321; sculpture/inscribed stones in association with, 44, 45,

79, 81, 128; short-cist, 265

Cenwulf, King o fMercia, 9, 332 Ceolwulf, King of Mercia, 9, 332

Ceretic, King, 277 Cerrig Ceinwen I (AN2) font, 145-7, 22, 74, 75 (Fig. 5.3), 76, 79, 83, 93

(Fig. 7.7), 111, 130, 169, 187, 219,

220, 229, 232, 309, 345 Cerrig Ceinwen 2 (AN3), cross-carved stone, 147-8, 73, 89, 91 (Fig. 7.5c), 96 (Fig. 7.10), 111, 130, 153, 157, 257, 450 Cerrig Ceinwen 3 (AN4), incomplete cross-carved stone, 449-50, 73,

413

Caron-uwch-Clawdd 1 (CD1). vol. II. cross-carved stone. 1 7 2 . 2 9 8

Castell Dwyran 1 (CM3), vol. II, roman-letter and ogam-inscribed

stone with cross, 46, 55, 57, 67, 119, 121, 272, 317, 388 Castledore. C o r n w a l l , inscribed stone.

chapels of ease, 17-18, 241 Charlemagne, Emperor, 114 Chedworth, Glos.,Christian symbols a t

6 6

Chester, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 114, 123, 127, 129, 328, 354, 357, 362; battle of, 9, 17, 121, 182; Benedictine priory, 11; Hugh of, 11; Norman c a s t l e , 14; Te g e i n g l ( c o n t a c t s w i t h ) , 108

110

Chester (Deva), legionary fortress, 4 ,

CATAMANUS (Cadfan), King, of

Gwynedd, 8, 21, 26 47, 54, 55, 59, 63, 67, 118, 121, 125-6; see also

Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26) ' C a t s t a n e ' i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . see

Kirkliston

CATTELL, see Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3)

7, 123; R o m a n i n s c r i p t i o n s /

sculpture, 5, 200, 413, 441 Chester, early medieval sculpture, City Walls, cross-head, 109; St John's,

crosses, 94, 109, 110, 354, 364, 370, 371

Chichester Cathedral, Sussex, absolution cross

188_9

510 Chindasuinth, King of the Visigoths, 182

INDEX

(Fig. 5.1), 76, 79, 83, 84, 98, 108, 113, 128, 432-3

chi-rhos, 41, 55, 66, 67 and Fig. 4.11, 86, 124, 125; Greek letters, 418; withcrosses, 66, 182, 307, 308, 313 Christchurch (Bulmore) 1 (MIN3), vol. I, fragment, 148

Clynnog 2 (CN15), cross-carved stone, 266-7; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 82, 86, 88 (Fig. 7.2b), 113, 218, 264, 311, 469 Clynnog 3 (CN16), 469, 82,265, 267

Christianity, introduction and

C O C O M , see Llanrhaeadr-ymMochnant 1 (D7)

development of, 3, 5, 7, 15-18, 29, 41, 54, 55, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 145; links with Gaul, 15, 28, 125, 126

church, antiquarian research, 23, 26; consecration of, 402, 404;

dedications, 13, 15, 47, 81, 84. 104.

110, 130; development of, 29, 45,

46, 48, 55, 78, 85, 123, 125, 214

15; early medieval, 15-18 churches, stone, 73, 74 churchyards, curvilinear, 18, 47, 81, 149, 158, 170, 176, 237, 274, 280,

282, 298, 337, 343, 357, 370, 378,

391, 401, 404, 405, 411, 422, 440, 442; inscribed stones from, 29, 44, 45, 47; sculpture from, 78-9, 81-2 CINI, 53, 126, see Llangaffo 12 (AN38)

C i r e n c e s t e r(C o r i n t u m ) . c a n i t a l o f B r i t a n n i aP r i m a . 7

Cistercians, 81 civis, see inscriptions

Cladh a'Bhile, Ellary, Argyll, early medieval cemetery, 82

Cleulow (Wincle 1), Ches., roundshafted cross, 71, 329 C l o c a e n o g I ( D ) . roman-letter a n d

ogam-inscribed stone. 316-19, 7.

19, 20, 22, 25, 28; lithology, 36; 41,

42, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 52, 54, 55,

57, 58 and .n 6, 59, 119, 123, 124, 272, 273 Clodock (St Clydawg's Church) 1 (HI), vol. I, inscribed slab, 77 Clogher, Co. Tyrone, sundial, 266 Clone, Co. Wexford, sundial, 266

Clones, Co. Monaghan, cross, 225 Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly, 'Cross of

Scriptures', 73, 109, 159;

monastery, 82 Clydai 2 (P14), vol. II, roman-letter a n do g a m - i n s c r i b e d stone. 295, 376

Clydai 3 (P15), vol. II, roman-letter

c o d e x U s s e r t a n u sF r i m u s . 0 1 .

182

coins, Anglo-Saxon (Edgar), 252, 258; DOaraS A n g l O - d a x o n , Islamic,

Viking), 13, 249; hoards (Roman),

7,350 Columba (St), Cathach of, 59, 63, 182 CONBVRRI, see Llantrisant 2 (AN47) CONCENN (Cyngen), King of Powys, 8, 10, 84, 101, 102, 104, 106, 114, 118, 127; see also Llandysilio yn Iâl 1 (D3) conivx, see inscriptions

CONMARCH, 104, 105;see Llandysilio yn Ial 1(D3)

C o n s t a n t i n e . son o f Fergus. Pictish

king, 114

Cornovii, territory of, 3; see also T r o v e t e r

Cornwall, 21, 53, 58, 66, 113, 130; ' m o n o g r a m ' c h i - r h o c r o s s e s i n , 67;

cross-head forms in, 71, 354 Corpusof Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture, 90. 127

Corpus Martianus Capella, 427 Corwen, Mer., 68, 81, 83, 114 Corwen 1 (MIR3), cross-carved stone, 377-8, 21 n. 1, 25; lithology, 36; 78, 81, 86, 87 (Fig. 7.1k), 114, 383 Corwen 2 (MR4), fragment,378-9, 24, 74, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 114, 130 Corwen 3 (MR5), fragment, 463, 74, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 114, 130, 464

Corwen4 (MIR6), fragment, 464, 74, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 114, 130

C o r w e n 5 ( M R 7 ) ,c r o s s - s h a f t a n d

base, 379-85, 22, 25, 28; lithology, 36, 40; 70, 73, 79, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 101; runic inscription, 103, 105.

114; 130, 261, 328, 329 Coychurch (St Crallo's Church) 1 (G15), vol. I, cross-shaft, 103, 150

Coychurch (St Crallo's Church) 2

and ogam-inscribed stone, 388

(G16), vol. I, cross. 71, 158. 225

Clynnog Fawr, Caerns., church, 11, 17, 83, 113, 265, 309

Crickhowell 1 (B2), vol. I, Latin-and

Clynnog 1(CN14) sundial, 264-6, 25, 28; lithology, 34, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 69

ogam-inscribed stone. 5 6 a n d n. 4

Crieff, Perths., cross-slabs, 343 Croes Ati, see Flint 1 (F4)

Crois Bheinn, Argyll, cross-carved stone, 264 C r o s s Kirk, Peebles.. cross-carved

stone, 214 cross-bases, AN56, AN59, D3, F3, MR7, 38, 40, 70, 71, 73, 112 cross-carved stones, AN3-4, AN6, AN8, AN18, AN22-5, AN30-7, AN41, AN43-4, AN48, AN50,

AN55, AN57, CN11,CN13,

CN15-16, CN23, CN26-8, CN334, CN36, CN40, CN42, D4-5, F5-7, F11, MR3, MR26, MR13, MR17, MR26, MTI; with Welsh inscriptions, MR25; cross-carved

stones, 68-70; chronological changes in, 38-40, 126-31; cross forms, 71, 73, 108; distribution, context a n d function: 29. 7 8 - 8 3

(Fig. 6.1), 113, 114, 126, in situ, 78, f o u n d in a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h c h u r c h sites a n d g r a v e y a r d s , 29, 7 8 - 9 , 8 1

82, reused as church building material, 78, 79, alongside p r e h i s t o r i c r o u t e w a y s or R o m a r

roads, 78, 81, 82, 262-4, i n association with prehistoric sites, 81; early research into, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29; ornament on, 68; source

lithologies, 31, 34, 38, 40, 111, 112; see also cross-symbols

cross-heads, 70-3 (Fig.5.2); circle-

INDEX in a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h c h u r c h sites, 79,

83-4; Pictish, 73

cross-symbols, 41, 66, 86-90 (Figs 7.1-7.5); compass-drawn, 148-9; linear, 68, 76, 86-8, 108, 113, 128; Maltese, 67, 89, 450; outline, 68, skeuomorph of, 89, 188 crosses, free-standing, AN14, AN17, AN51-2, AN56, F2, F4, F12, MR14, 36, 68, 70-3; distribution, c o n t e x t a n d f u n c t i o n of: 78. 79. 83-

5, ni situ, 78, 79, 366, ni association w i t h c h u r c h e s a n d g r a v e v a r d s . 29.

79, 83, 84, in association with prehistoric sites, 84, 114; early

research into, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25,

26, 28; free-standing, 70-3, 113,

114, 130, 436; introduction of, 38;

source lithologies, 36, 111, 112; Viking influence on, 71; see also cross-bases: cross-heads: cross c h a t t e

cruciform motifs 146, 157 Culdees, 17, 258, 266 CULIDOR[-], see Llangefni 1 (AN39) Cumbria, 12, 108, 113; cross-carved s t o n e s in. 70. 188- c r o s s - h e a d f o r m s

in, 71, 73, 109, 110, 167, 177, 354; ornament on sculpture in, 90, 92, 129, 130, 226, 454, 456 CUN, see Tywyn 2 (MR25) CVNACI, see Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17)

F12, 71, 73, 108, 109-110 (Fig.

370, 443; disc-heads, AN14-15, 71, 73, 108, 111, 130, 172; expanded arm, AN17, MT6, 71, 73, 130;

CVNALIPI, see Dolbenmaen 1 (CN17) Cunedda, 7, 8, 28, 348, 388, 407 Cuneglasus, ruler of Rhos, 5 CVNOGVSI, see Llanfaelog 1(AN12)

h a m m e r - h e a d , p o s s i b l e , 172; r i n g

CVPITIANI,see Llanuwchllyn 1

heads, AN11, AN27,D7, 71, 73, 112, 357 cross-shafts, AN28-9, AN51, AN53,

CN12, D3,F8-10, MR7, MT2,

38. 70. 71. 438 (possible):

distribution. context a n d function

of, 79, 83-5, 115; found ni a s s o r a t i o n w i t h c h u r c h sites a n d

graveyards, 79, 83; reused as sundial, 79; round-shafted, 114, 128. 130

cross-slabs, D7, MT6, 68, 69 (Fig. 5.1), 73, 83: chronological changes in

38_40• cross.forms a n d

ornament on, 71, 73, 131; d i s t r i b u t i o n . c o n t e x ta n d f n c t i o n

of, 79, 83-5, 108, 114, 115; early research into, 22, 25, 28,29; found

Cynwrig ap Rhiwallon, king of P o w y s , I1

Cynwyl Gaeo 2 (CM5), vol. II, incomplete roman-letter inscribed

(MR19)

Durham, Liber Vitae, 384 Dyflinarskiri, 18, 113

Dacre 2, Cumbria, cross-shaft, 225 D a l r i a d a . Scotland, c r o s s - c a r v e d

D a n e s . o c c u p a t i o n o v.

Dyserth, Flints., church dedication, 13

D a n i e l a p Sulien, a r c h d e a c o n o f P o w v s . 115, 4 4 6

David, bishop of Bangor, 16, 247 •D e a r h a m I . C u m b r i a . c r o s s . 3 5 4

Deceangli/Decanti, 3, 54, 239 Dee, John, 19, 470 D e e r h u s t , G l o s . , f o n t , 76; s c u l p t u r e

105

Degannwy, Caerns., hillfort, 8, 10, 13, 14, 44, 54, 55

Deiniol (St), Bishop of Bangor, 15,

H o l v h e a d

Cyfeiliog, cantrefof, 3 Cymer Abbey, nr Dolgellau, 33, 4 1 6

Cynan ap lago, 11, 13 Cynan, King of Gwynedd, 10 Cynddelw, 445 Cynddylan, of Powys, 9 Cyngen, king of Powys, see CONCENN

84.

U

: sculoture.

109.

I

Dyserth 1(F2), cross, 351-4, 21 .n 1, 25; lithology, 36, 38, 112; 70, 71, 72 (Fig. 5.2), 73, 79, 83, 84, 91, 92, 93,

94 (Figs 7.7, 7.8), 109, 110, 129, 225, 230, 250, 309, 355, 370 Dyserth2 (F3), cross-base, 355-6, 25; lithology, 36, 38, 112; 70, 73, 83, 98, 109, 110, 129, 309, 357 Ecgberht of Wessex, 332 Edeirnion, Debs., commote of, 11, 81, 114, 378

DERVORI, see Llannor 4 (CN32)

Diarmait mac Mail na mBó, 12-13 Digain (St), 81, 337

EDESTAN, 101, see also Llanrhaeadrym-Mochnant 1 (D7) Edgar, King, 14, 249 Edward the Confessor, King, 14 Edward the Elder, King, 13, 14, 83, 249, 364 Edwin of Deira, 8, 54, 277

Dinas Emrys, Caerns., hillfort, 10;

Eglywys Gymyn 1(CM7), vol. I,.

DEVORIGI, see Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 1 (AN20) Dewsbury, West Yorks., cross-shaft w i t h i n s c r i p t i o n . 114,

329. 3 4 3

c h i - r h o o n p o t t e r y, 67, 8 6 (Fig.

roman-letter a n d ogam-inscribed

4.11f), 126 Dinllaen, Caerns., 7, 124 Dinorben, Debs., hillfort, 4, 10, 14

stone, 54 n. 3, 119, 215, 280, 299, 304, 317, 440-1 Egryn (St), 404 Eifionydd, cantrefof, 1 Elfoddw, archbishop of Gwynedd, 5,

D i o c l e t i a n . E m p e r o r. 6

Disley (Lyme Hall), Ches., crosses, 364.

371

D o b e n m a e n " C I T

450; church of, 285-7; see also

Dyfrig (St), 258 Dysart O'Dea, Co. Clare, cross, 259-60

stones in. 7 0

Danelaw, 13, 18, 71

C u t h b e r t (St), altar of, 4 6 6

Cybi (St), Life of, 10, 17, 81, 159, 184,

4 4 5

376

Custennin ab lago, 12

354

Dublin, 11, 12-13, 90, 108, 113, 172, Dupplin, Perths., cross, 84, 114, 328

Dis Manibus, see inscriptions Dogfan, (St), church of, 342

CUURIS, see Llangaffo 12 (AN38) Cwyfan (St), dedications to, 84, 110,

D r u m a q u e r a n , Co. A n t r i m , s t o n e w i t h c h i - r h o s , 67

stone, 49, 56, 121, 214, 215, 216,

88-90, 108, 130; wooden,

heads, AN21, AN51-2, F2, F8,

9.1), 111, 112, 127, 129; 229, 362,

5 11

roman-letter

inscribed stone, 267-70; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 45, 51, 57, 58 and n. 5, 62; letter-forms, 62 (Fig. 4.7), 63, 64 (Fig. 4.9); 117, 119, 125, 280 D o l b e n m a e n 2

N& ) . r o m a n - l e t t e r

a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 2 7 0 - 3 , 4,

7, 25; lithology, 34, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 41, 42, 45, 46, 48, 51, 53, 57, 58 a n d n. 6; l e t t e r- f o r m s , 61 (Fig. 4.6).

15, 247

ELISEG, king of Powys, 8, 9, 104, 114, see Llandysilio yn Iâl 1 (D3) Elmet, British kingdom, 277 ELMETIACO, see Llanaelhaearn 2 (CN20) Elvstan Glodrydd, 12. 29. 343 u n c l v d w e n ( S t ) .c h u r c h d e d i c a t i o n .

299

England, 1, 3, 9, 18, 40, 44, 49, 71, 99, 110, 113, 114, 129; English incursions into Wales, 10, 11, 12, 13. 14. 130-1

63, 64 (Fig. 4.9); 119, 123, 124,

Englefield,see Tegeingl

317. 318. 396. 4 1 2

e n i g r a n h v . s e ei n s c r i p t i o n s

Dolgellau, fragmentary roman-letter i n s c r i b e ds t o n e . 4 7 3

Domesday Book, 10, 14, 17, 19, 79, 110, 130, 354, 366, 470

EQUESTRI, see Llandanwg 2(MRI1)

ERCAGNI, see Bodedern 1(ANI) Erfyl (St), 440

Escomb,Co. Durham, sundial, 76

512

INDEX

ETERNI, see Llannor 3 (CN31) ETTORIGI, see Llanbabo 1 (AN9)

Galloway, 12, 18

E v a g r i u s , 99, 2 2 5

Gargrave 5, West Yorks., cross-head,

G r u t l u d d a p K h y d d e r c h , Il G u n d b a d u s , king o f the Burgundians,

Garmon (St), 332

182 GUOILLAUC, see Llandysilio yn lâl

Ewenni (PrioryChurch) 2 (G19), vol. I, fragment, 378 Ewenni (Priory Church) 5 (G22), vol.

Gangani. 3

109

Gaul, 26, 60, 214, 215, 242, 243;

_.cross-carved grave-marker, og.

178

Ewenni (Priory Church) 8-9 (G25-6), VOI. I , C r O s s - c a r v e a g r a v e - m a r k e r s 4

vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone, 46

8

e x c a v a t i o n s , a r c h e o l o g i c a l , 13, 14.

15, 17, 20, 31, 44, 45, 84, 143, 173-5, 201, 219, 221, 249, 258, 265, 364, 407 Faunkill-in-the-Woods, Co. Cork, o g a m inscription.

monuments, 15, 28, 29, 54, 56, 122, 123, 126, 295, 303, 413, 441 Gelli-gaer (Cefn Gelli-gaer) 1 (G27),

2 3 9

Faustus, bishop of Riez, Provence, 126 Fenton, Richard, 232, 277, 469 FERRVCI, see Festiniog 2 (MR9) ferta (burial monuments), 144

Ffestiniog 1 (MR8), roman-letter inscribed stone, 385-9, 4, 8, 22;

lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 41, 44, 46,

48, 49 n. 2, 52, 54, 55, 58 and n. 5, 59, 60; letter-forms, 62, 63, 64 (Figs

4.7-4.9); 117, 119, 125, 214, 269,

277, 303, 304, 307 Ffestiniog 2(MR9), roman-letter inscribed stone, 389-90, 4, 21 n. 1, 41 n. 1, 46, 48, 52, 58 n. 7, 307, 391 Ffraid (St) (Brigid), church dedication, 110, 354

FIGVLINI, see Llannor 1 (CN29) FIRMINI, seeTreflys 1 (CN41) Fishguard South 1(P16), vol. II, cross-carved stone, 82, 264, 359

Gelli-gaer (Capel Brithdir) 1 (G28), vol.

I. L a t i n - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 4 11

genealogies, early medieval, 7-9, 104;

F o r t e v i o t . P e r t h s . . r o v a l c e n t r e , 84

114, 328

founder's grave, possible, 45, 145 F r a n c e . 66. 389: see also G a u l

fret-patterns, 70, 73, 74, 77, 92-8 (Figs 7.9-7.11), 110, 115, 128, 129, 148, 153, 225-6, 229, 233, 252, 254,

257, 341-4, 353, 359-62 367-71

436, 438, 442-3

and shrine of, 321 Gwynedd, kingdomof, 1, 3, 5, 8, 9, 10-14, 111, 128, 129, 247, 333,

182 g e o l o g i c a l s o u r c e s . s e es t o n e

Gerald of Wales, 1, 2, 14, 17, 21, 225, 258, 330

Germanus, 104, see also Llandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3)

Germanus (St), bishop of Auxerre, 126 GERONTI, see Llandanwg 3 (MR12) Gildas, 5, 8, 15, 55, 118, 182, 214, 332, 388 Glasbury, Powys, Battle of, 14 G l a s t o n b u r y A b b e y, S o m e r s e t , inscribed cross 189

Glendalough, Co. Wicklow, S t Kevin

of, 110 Godfrey Haraldsson, 12 Gorphwysfa Gybi ('Resting place of St Cybi'), see Holyhead 1 (AN8) Gortnagullanah, Co. Kerry, ogam inscrintion. 2 3 9

Gosforth Cross and hogback, Cumbria, 98 graffiti, 59, 66, 82, 246, 287, 414,

129, 130, 145-7, 149, 203 Forden Gaer,Monts., Roman auxiliary fort, 4 ,7

LIandysilio yn Ial 1 (D3) Gwenfrewi (Winefride) (St), church

IAl 1 (D3) Geneva, Switzerland, inscription at,

Govan, Scotland, 113

(Fig. 5.3), 79, 83, 85, 111, 112, 127,

1 (D3) GVRGNIN, see Llangaffo 12 (AN38) Guto'r Glyn, poetry of, 19, 322, 328 Gwarthaf, cantrefof, 277 Gwarthigirn (Vortigern), 104, see also

Gwyddfarch (St), dedication to, 445

Flavius Viventius, bishop, 15

Flint 1(F4), cross, 470, 19, 79, 84

Gwynedd, 11, 12, 14, 129, 364

in i n s c r i p t i o n s , s e eL l a n d y s i l i o y n

flabellum (liturgical fan), in sculpture, 148. 157

fonts, AN2, AN16, AN49, AN54, CN39, D8, 17, 22, 38, 68, 74-6

Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, ruler of

crosses. 4 6 8

Gratian, Emperor, 181, 332 g r a v e s /g r a v e v a r d s . s e e b u r i a l a n d cemeteries

grave-markers, 41, 48, 76, 77, 82, 84, 98, 128, 130, 149, 151, 177, 178, 188-92, 218, 235, 236, 256, 258, 285, 286, 292, 297, 300, 311, 321 337, 357, 358, 359, 397, 399, 415,

4 1 8 , 479; r e c u m b e n t , 68, 82, 4 5 4 ,

456; wooden(?), 144 Gresham, C. A., 28-9

Griffiths, Moses, 22, 23, 382, 423 Gruffudd a p C y n a n . ruler of

Gwynedd, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16,

17, 83, 113, 127, 224, 247, 258, 265

388; princes of, 219; HibernoScandinavian links with, 10

Gwynhoedl (St),285, 292-3 Gwytherin 1 (D2), roman-letter inscribed stone, 319-22, 21 n. 1, 42,

44, 47, 52, 53, 58 .n 5, 59, letterforms, 62 (Fig. 4.7), 63, 64 (Fig. 4.9); 116, 117, 119, 125, 348

hack-silver, 13 hagiographies, 10, 17; hagiographical scenes on sculpture, 99, 110 Harald Godwinson, Earl, 11, 14, 330

Hayle, Cornwall, inscribed stone, 49, 54 n. 3, 124, 214, 307, 420, 441 Hebrides, 12

HELI, see Llandecwyn 1 (MR15)

Hemp, W. J., 28-9 Heneglwys, Ang., Romanesque font, 74 Heneglwys 1(AN5), fragmentary inscribed stone, 149-50, 28, 76, 79, 84, 101, 344; inscription, 102, 103, 105; letter-forms, 106; lithology, 111 Heneglwys 2 (AN6), fragmentary cross-carved stone, 151, 24, 87 (Fig. 7.16)

Heneglwys 3(AN7), socket stone,

152-3.94 (Fig. 7.8). 96 (Fig. 7.10).

Henfynyw 1 (CD2), vol. II, incomplete r o m a n - l e t t e ri n s c r i b e ds t o n e . 3 3 4

Henry I, king of England, 11, 14 Henry II, king of England, 219

hermitages, 17, 81, 83, 85, 224, 257, 353_4

H e r v é the Breton. bishon o f B a n g o r

15, 247 H i b e r n o - S c a n d i n a v i a n . links. r a i d s

impact, 10, 11, 12-13, 130, 247,

1513

INDEX lâl, cantref of, 3 IATTI, see Pentrefoelas 1 (D9)

249; settlement, 12-13, 77, 110, 113, 128-9, 354; see also Viking impact; Irish impact

c k l i n g h a m . s u t t o l k . l e a d t a n kw i t h

h i ciacit, s e ei n s c r i p t i o n s , f o r m u l a e

Christian svmbols. 6 6

n i c i n t v m v l o t a c i t . s e ei n s c r i p t i o n s .

i c o n o g r a p h y. A n t h o n y (St).

formulae

hic reaviescit, see i n s c r i p t i o n s , f o r m u l a e

Hilbre Island, Ches., sculpture, 94,

109, 370, 371 hillforts, 4, 8, 13, 14, 15, 44, 274, 279, 587-8: DOSt-Roman occupation.

1U.

14, 55 H i n t o n St M a r y . D o r s e t , m o s a i c w i t h

Christian symbols, 66

Historia Brittonum, 5, 7, 9, 10, 104, 196, 247, 277, 332, 333, 334, 351, 402, 407

Temptation of, 99, 110, 225; Christian, 15, 124; crucifixion, 89, 99, 111, 112, 146, 158, 159, 172, 205-6, 259, 443-6; figural, 99-100, 110, 115, 128, 225, 259, 362, 367-71; orans (possible), 260; Scandinavian m v t h o l o g i c a scenes.

99, 100, 110, 129, 362, 371 ICORI/ICORIGAS, see Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18)

'Idris ap Gwyddno, ruler of Meirionydd. 8

HistoriaEcclesiastica, 5, 8, 9, 214

Idwal ap Gruffudd, 224

h o a r d s , c o i n s a n d silver, 13, 66, 85,

Idwal Foel ('Idwal the Bald'), 11, 13,

98, 249

hogback, grave-markers, 68, 77, 85, 98, 110, 256-7, 354 Holyhead (Caergybi), Ang., 12, 44, 158, 159; Roman fort, 7, 123; R o m a n w a t c h t o w e r . 7: c h u r c h . 11.

17; early medieval cemetery, 144; see also Cybi (St) Holyhead 1(AN8), cross-carved stone, 450, 68, 82

holy wells, 47, 76, 81, 146, 157, 224, 265, 274, 280, 286, 287, 337, 354, 357, 401, 422, 440 Hope, Flints., 29, mother church at, 83, 114 Hope 1 (F5). fragmentary cross-

carved stone, 356-7, 29; lithology, 37: 78, 81, 82, 83, 89 and Fig. 7.3a, 114, 355, 358 Hope 2 (F6), incomplete cross-carved stone, 357-8, 29; lithology, 37; 78, 81, 82, 83, 89 and Fig. 7.36, 114, 355, 357, 358 H o n e3 ( F 7 ) . f r a g m e n t a r y c r o s s .

carved stone, 358-9, 29; lithology, 37: 78, 81, 82, 83, 89 and Fig. 7.3c, 114. 355. 357 Housesteads. Hadrian's Wall. inscription, 283

Hugh, Earl of Chester, 11, 14 Hugh, Earl of Shrewsbury, 14 Hughes, H. Harold, 25, 28, 29, 153 Hywel ap Rhys, king of Glywysing, 127

Illaunloughan, Co. Kerry, early medieval burials.

178

Illtud (St), 209 196

i n c h m a r n o c k . Bute. earlv medieval

burials.

n u m b e r s a n d distribution. 4 -

4

(Figs 4.1, 4.2); ogam- and romanletter inscribed stones, 56-7, 123, 124, 125; r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i p t i o n s , w o r d s a n d f o r m u l a e , 48--56; r o m a n -

letter inscriptions, layout, carving

and epigraphy, 57-65, diminuendo, 59, 63, 182, punctus (stops), 58-9, 150, 208, 209, 441; letter-forms: e v o l u t i o n of, 5, i n t l u e n c e a n d

development from other media, 5960, 122, illustrations of, 61-5 (Figs

4.6-4.10), introduction of miniscule, 60, 63, 105, 122, 124; s u m m a r i z a t i o n of texts. 5 0 - 3 (H1g

4.4)

inscribed stones and sculpture, later, AN5, CN12, D3, D7, F8, MR7, MR15, MR25, 68, 76-7; context of, 79; epigraphy and dating of, 76; s u m m a r i z a t i o n o f texts. 1 0 2 - 3 (H1g

8.1); w o r d s . f o r m u l a e a n d f u n c t i o n ,

Inchagoill, Co. Galway, roman-letter inscribed stone

43; introduction of, 5, 7, 8;

178- c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e . 3 5 7

INGENVI, see Llandanwg 1 (MR10) Ingimund, Hiberno-Scandinavian

leader, 12

Inishcealtra, Co. Clare, sundial, 266 Inishmurray, Co. Sligo, early medieval burials, 178; leachta, 82, 450

101-5; layout of, 105;

palaeography, 105-7

inscriptions. c o m m e m o r a t i n g children. 440-1: laudatorv

phraseology in, 55-6, 125, 181-2. 2 1 0 - 1 6 ; n a m i n g or

commemorating women, 55, 59,

103, 125, 199, 208-9, 210-16,

CN17-22. CN24-25, CN29-32,

298-9, 409-11, 414-16, 422-30; conivx, 54, 209, 211;filia, 53, 54, 414; mulier, 211, 349-51; vxor, 54, 346-8; uxsor, 53, 54, 411; Welsh: ben, cimalted su(reic), 103, 427; recording ecclesiastical office in, 55, 58, 104, 125, 214, 241-6, 279, 401; recording expressions of grief, 103, 427; recording familial relationships, 54, 103, 385; recording genealogies on, 104, 32933, 411; recording historic kingdoms, 54, 104, 329-35, 388;

CN35, CN37, D2,D6,D9, MRI-2, MR8-12, MR18-24,

333, 401; recording patrons, 103,

i n v a c e . seei n s c r i p t i o n s

inscribed stones, earlier research, 15, 19, 20, 26, 28, 29; stone selection, c h r o n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e s in. 3 8 - 4 0 .

111, source lithologies and s e l e c t i o n o f s t o n e , see s t o n e

inscribed stones, early, roman-letter inscriptions, AN1, AN9, AN12,

AN20, AN26, AN38-40, AN45-47, AN58, CN2-3,

M T 4 : roman-letter a n d g a m .

inscribed stones, AN13, CN18, DI; s e ea l s o o g a m : w i t h c h i r h o c r o s s .

CN38 a n d CN41; inscribed stones,

early, 15, 18, 33, 38, 41-68;context

andfunctionof: 29, 42, 44-8, ni city 44

160 s e c o n d a r w u s e o f 29

Hywel Dda ('Hywel the Good'), 1, 14

144, 194, see also Roman sites and

IACONVS, see Treflys 1(CN41) lago ab Idwal, 1

m o n u m e n t s : d e v e l o p m e n ta n d

roads, churchyards, prehistoric

chronology, 121-6; familial links,

recording ordinators/sculptors,

104, 114; recording prayers or blessings for the soul, 103, 104,

150; 209, 330, 333; recording saints, names of, 104, 332-3, 401; r e c o r d i n g t i t l e s o rp r o t e s s i o n s .

54-5, 282-4, 289 (possible), 388 inscriptions, epigraphy, evolution of letter-forms. 28. 29, 59, 60. 105-7; roman-letter 57-65; Welsh, 427-8 inscriptions, formulae: 41, 49, 54; Dis Manibus, 53, 124, 412-13; hic iacit,

514 41, 49, 53, 54, 58, 66, 103-4, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126; hci ni tumulo iacit, 49, 124, 418, 420; hic requiescit, 103, 150; in hoc congeries lapidum,

45, 307; inpace, 49, 124, 441; ni tempore, 3 0 1 - S ; n o m e n (nomine), 33

125, 393, 466; pax vobiscum, 209; X , 49, 53, 54, 57, 63, 101, 103, fili Y

121, 123, 124, 125; Welsh: mortic,

103, 427; as a means of dating, 26; Christian formulae, 53, 54, 55,

66-7, 124, 126, 242, 420, 441;

C h r i s t i a n s v m b o l s o n : s e ea l n h a a n d omega. chi- rhos: crosses:

INDEX

126, 129, 229, 309, 333, 354; chirhos and cross-symbols in, 67, 218; cross-carved stones. 70. 8 1 . 8 2 . 130.

264, 357, 358; Decanti of, 54; ferta, 144; figural iconography, 99,100, 110, 159, 259-60, 445; freestanding crosses, 70, 71, 73; cross-bases, 73, 225, 232; Irish annals, 5, 8, 10; ogam, 42, 48, 56, 57, 67, 239; ornament, 89-90, 98,

111, 226, 235, 343, 344; stone

churches, 73; sundials,76, 84, 128, 266, 432 Irish impact, influence on sculpture,

Killeen Cormac, Colbinstown, Co. Kildare, ogam inscription, 239

Kilmalkedar, Co. Kerry, alphabet stone, 466; sundial, 266 Kirkdale 10, East Yorks, sundial, 7 6

Kirkliston, Midlothian, 'Catstane', early inscribed stone, 307, 420 Kirkmadrine, Galloway, early inscribed stone, 55, 214; with chirho symbols, 67

Kirk Maughold, IOM, sundial (possible), 266 Knights Hospitaller, grange of, 81,

Continental formulae, 49, 53, 54,

2 5 ; m e t a l w o r k , 13; p e r s o n a l n a m e s ,

55, 103, 125, 182, 209, 211, 214, 215, 242-3, 393, 413, 420, 441;

7, 8, 28, 42, 45, 48, 49, 55, 57, 119-

i n s c r i p t i o n s , t e r m s : civis, 54, 2 1 4 ,

165, 238; settlement, 7-8, 12-13, 28, 56, 57, 119, 123, 124

Lagorecrannog, Co. Meath, 445

Irish S e a zone, 12, 13, 70, 77, 81, 110,

L a m p e t e r I ( C I D 3 ) , vol. I , crOss

388, diacon, 55,401, famulvs d(e)i, 55, 214, magistratus, 55, 388; medicus, 55, 282-4; presbyter, 55, 241-6; protictor, 55; rex, 54, 181-2,

332; sacerdos, 47, 55, 56, 58, 214,

279; tywysog, 54, 57, 319; vasso,

214

inscriptions, language of, Celtic language and chronology, 25, 26, 29, 116-20; Brittonic, 28, 101, 103,

116-19, 122, 125; Irish inscriptions, 119, 122; Irish names, 119-20, 123,

125, 144; runic inscription, 101

103, 383-4; Welsh inscriptions, 76. 127, 128; see Tywyn 2 (MR25); se a l s oL a t i n : o g a m

inscriptions, personal names in, 7, 8, 13, 19, 25, 26, 28, 41, 42, 45,

48-56, 57, 77, 101,119-20, 123,

124, 125, 130, 144, 201, 326, 373 insular art and ornament, 74, 76, 113,

127, 130, 147, 153, 169, 179, 219,

229, 354; early research in, 25, see also ornament and decoration

interlace. 70, 71, 74, 90-4 (Figs 7.6-7.8), 110, 111, 115, 127, 129, 169,229, 230, 309, 353, 355,

359-62, 364, 367-71, 381-2, 383,

444-5; in cruciform motif, 146, 187, 219, 229;see also plaitwork

20, 123, 124, 125, 144, 155, 162,

112-13, 14; sculpture in, 108, 109,

127, 128, 129, 226

357, 359; stone inscribed lapis burials. 178: monastery. 82

carved stone, 301 markers, 48, 54, 82, 161, 292, 317, 333, 334, 410, 431; see also

a

s

t e r r i t o r y

b o u n d a r v markers

landscapes, ecclesiastical, 85 Lanivet, Cornwall, early inscribed stone, 281

standing crosses, 71; sculpture,

Lapidarium Walliae (J. O. Westwood),

344, 445; runic inscriptions, 105,

Lastingham 2, East Yorks., crossshaft, 257

ornament,92, 98, 235, 309, 343

384 Italy, 99, 122, 209, 214, 332, 413, 441

Jones, Harry Longueville,22, 23,25, 29, 4 1 6 II, r o m a n .

l e t t e ra n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e .

Joseph, bishop of Llandaf, 127, 130, 214 J u s t i n i a n I, E m p e r o r , 3 0 4

Justinian II, Emperor, 304 Justinus, consul, 56, 118, 121, 303

Kells, Co. Meath, Market Cross, 99, 110, 225 K e v i n (St). o f G l e n d a l o u g h .

dedications to, 84, 110, 354; see also Cwyfan (St)

Kilcummin, Co. Mayo, sundial, 266 Killamery, Co. Kilkenny, animal o r n a m e n t . 9 8

La Tène ornament, 45, 201 R o m a n u s e o f . 1 2 2 : s e ea l s o

Jonathan, princes (abbot) of Abergele.

J o r d a n s t o n 1 ( P 2 0 ) . vol.

24, 25, 29

Latin, introduction of 3, 5; post-

Jackson, Kenneth, 28

inscrintions

Laugharne 1(CM10), vol. II, cross, 73 Leabhar Breac, 402 lead, coffin, 4, 42; curses, 60, 420; pigs (Deceangli), 3; tank, 66; weights, 13

Leeds, 277 Leek, Staffs., cross, 383, 384 Leinster, Ireland, 12, 57, 124 Lérins, nr. Marseilles, France, m o n a s t e r v at.

354, 355, 359, 377, 378, 390, 404,

407, 416, 418-19, 421, 422, 438, 443, 460

126

Lethnot, Angus, inscribed cross, 283 Lewannick,Cornwall, Holloway Cross, 177

Lhuyd, Edward, 19, 20-1, 22, 23, 25,

26, 29, 41, 44, 49, 70, 71, 78, 79,

84, 104, 114, 153, 175, 180, 194, 195, 218, 219, 225, 230, 235, 241,

282, 288, 292, 295, 296, 307, 316,

321, 322, 325, 327, 329, 333, 334,

Llandaf, Glam., 19, 74, 77, 83, 130,

257; Book of, 118, 257, 261, 388;

c h a r t e r s .1 8 . 1 2 7 . 2 4

Llandaf 1 (G36), vol. I, cross, 83 Llandaf 2-3 (G37-8), vol. I, cross-

L i s m o r e . C o . Watertord. cross with

Llandaf 4 (G39), vol. I, Latininscribed stone, 77, 127, 129, 130,

inscrintion

3 4 3

literacy, introduction of, 3, 5; Roman, 29

Llanaelhaearn 1 (CN19), roman-letter inscribed stone, 273-5; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 51, 58 n. 5, 59; letterforms, 61 (Fig. 4.6); 284 inscribed stone, 275-7; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 44, 49, 51, 54, 58 and n. 5, 116, 124, 388 L I a n a e l h a e a r n , 'cross-carved' stone,

471-2 (B9), vol. I, p r o b a b l e c r o s s - s l a b ,

343

Llanarmon, Debs., church, 11, 71

Llanarthne 1 (CM12), vol. II, cross with inscriptions,261, 334 Llanbabo, Ang., font, 76 Llanbabo 1(AN9), fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone, 153-6, 20; lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.4); 46, 50, 57 n. 5, 58; letter-forms, 61, 62 (Figs 4.6, 4.7), 63, 64 (Fig. 4.9); 124, 199

Llanbadarn Fawr, Cards., 1, 36, 98, 115, 445 Llanbadarn Fawr 1 (CD4), vol. II, cross, 84, 98, 129, 192, 229 Llanbadarn Fawr 2 (CD5), vol. II, cross, 84, 206 Llanbadrig, Ang., church, 156; R o m a n e s q u e font. 74

Llanbadrig 1(AN10), cross-carved pillar, 156-7, 28; lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.4); 69 (Fig. 5.1), 73, 91 (Fig. 7.5d), 93 (Fig. 7.7) Llanbeblig , C a e r n s . , church, IS; parish, 314

Llanbedrgoch, Ang., 36; belt-buckle,

98, 225; Viking settlement at, 9-10, 13, 14, 31-2, 111

L l a n b e u l a n . A n g . . R o m a n e s a u e font.

74 Llanblethian (Nash Manor) 1 (G34),

vol. I, cross, 343 Llanboidy 1(CM13), vol. II, incomplete roman.letter inscribed

stone. 3 5 1 . 4 1 1

carved grave-markers. 8 3

2 1 4

cross-carved stone with roman.

128, 258, 261, 333, 334, 430 Llanddewi Ystradenni (St David's

Church) 1 (R3), vol. I, fragment, 7 Llanddewi'r Cwm 1 (B14), vol. I, cross-shaft. 378

Llandecwyn 1(MIR15), cross-

Llandaf 5(G40), vol. I, Latininscribed stone, 77

inscribed stone with roman-letter

Llandanwg, Mer., church, 83, 113

(Fig. 3.5); 68, 76, 79, 84, 87, 88 (Fig. 7.2h), 101, 113; inscription,

L l a n d a n w g I ( M R I 0 ) , roman-letter

inscribed stone, 390-2, 21 n. 1; l i t h o l o g y, 34 (Fig. 3 . 3 ) , 38; 45 47, 52, 5 8 a n d n. 5; l e t t e r - f o r m s , 61

(Fig. 4.6); 299 Llandanwg 2 (MR11), incomplete? r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i b e d s t o n e .3 9 3 - 4

lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.3);44, 45, 47, t A r a n ' s C h u r c h )4

Llanddewibrefi 6 (CD13), vol. II, letter L a t i n inscription, 8 2 , 113,

Liber Commonei, 106-7 Lichfield, Staffs., 9; sculpture, 105 Lichfield Gospels, 98, 106, 319

L I a n a t a n r a w r s

Isle of Man, 1, 8, 10, 12, 13, 18, 41, 49, 53, 60, 89, 108, 113, 114, 129, 226; circle-head crosses, 109; crosscarved stones, 7, 357; cross-slabs, 73, 110, 371; figural iconography,

IOVENALI, see Llannor 3 (CN31) Ireland, 1, 5, 11, 12-13, 17, 18,21, 25, 26, 48, 76, 82, 92, 108, 113, 114,

stone, 258

s t o n e ss c u r o n r e

ibfus, runic inscription, 101, 103; see C o r w e n S( V I R T

Knock Sharry, IOM, cross-carved

landholding, early inscribed

100, 110, 225, 260, 271; free-

515

L l a n a e l h a e a r n 2 (CN20). roman-letter

I r o n A g e , s o c i e t y, 3; s t o n e pillars, 2 0

I o n a , A r g y l l , 5; c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s , Echodi. 67. 196: e a r l y m e d i e v a l

435

INDEX

52, 53, 58 and n. 7, 59; letter-forms,

64 (Fig. 4.9); 125 Llandanwg 3 (MR12), roman-letter inscribed stone, 394-6, 29;

lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.3); 41, 44, 45, 47, 49, 52, 53, 58 and n. 5, 59, 60; l e t t e r . f o r m s . 63.

6 4 F i o s 4 8 - 4 9):

125, 414, 416 Llandanwg 4 (MR13), incomplete

cross-carved stone, 397; lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.3); 78, 81, 86, 87 (Fig. 7.1c), 287, 301 Llandanwg 5 (MR14), incomplete free-standing cross, 398-9, 29;

lithology, 43 (Fig. 3.3); 70, 71, 79,

87, 88 (Fig. 7.2i), 113, 402, 479 Llanddeti (St Detti's Church) 1 (B10), vol.

I. c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e . 117. 2 1 4 .

430

Llan-ddew (St David's Church) 1 ( B I B . vol._. cross-carved stone.

401

text, 103, 104, layout, 105, palacography, 106; 117, 399, 479 Llandeilo 1 (P21), vol. II, roman-letter inscribed stone, 351

Llandeilo 2(P22), vol. II., roman-

letter a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e ,

119, 416

Llandeilo Fawr 1(CM18), vol. II, i n c o m p l e t e r o m a n . l e t t e ri n s c r i b e d

stone, 49, 277 Llandeilo Fawr 4(CM21), vol. II, cross.carved stone

301

Llandough (St Dochdwy's Church) 1 (G42), vol. I, cross, 103; burials with quartz pebbles, 178 Llandrillo 1 (MR16), inscribed stone, 464-6, 76, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 101; inscription, 105, 106 Llandrillo-yn-Rhos (Dinerth), Debs., church, 11, 17

Llandrinio, Monts., church, 83, 99,

114, 115, 128, 436

Llandrinio 1 (MT2), fragmentary cross-shaft, 435-7, 25; lithology, 37 (Fig. 3.6); 97 (Fig. 7.11), 115, 345

Llandrinio 2 (MT3), fragment, 437-8, 25, 97 (Fig. 7.11), 99, 115, 128,

345

Llandudno 1 (CN21), roman-letter

LlanddewiAber-arth 2 (CD7), vol. II, i n c o m p l e t eh o s h a c k g r a v e - c o v e r .

77,85, 257 Llanddewibrefi 1 (CD8), vol. II, incomplete roman-letter inscribed stone

inscription, 399-403; lithology, 35

150

Llanddewibrefi 2 (CD9), vol. II, f r a g m e n t a r yr o m a n - l e t t e r . L a t i n -

i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . 117. 150

Llanddewibrefi3 (CD10), vol. II, c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e 1 1 34 3 0

Llanddewibrefi 4 (CD11), vol. II, c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e . 89. 2 0 6

Llanddewibrefi 5 (CD12). vol. II. cross-carved stone

113

4 3 0

inscribed stone, 277-9; lithology,

34, 53 (Fig. 3.5), 38; 42, 44, 45,47,

51, 55, 58 and n. 6, 60; letter-forms, 61-2(Figs 4.6, 4. 7); 214 Llandyfaelog Fach (St Maelog's

Church) 1 (B16), vol. ,I cross-slab, 101, 103, 129, 334 Llandyfaelog Fach (St Maelog's C h u r c h ) 2 ( B 1 7 ) , vol. I, L a t i n • inscribed stone. 389

Llandygái 1(CN22), roman-letter inscribed stone with cross. 460-2.

21, 22, 41, 343 Llandygái 2 (CN23), cross-carved

stone, 462-3; lithology, 33

516

Llandysilio 1(P25), vol. II, incomplete roman-letter inscribed stone. 2 1 4

Llandysilio yn lal 1 (D3), incomplete c r o s s - s h a f t a n d c r o s s b a s e . 322-36.

7,8-9, 10, 19, 21 and n. 1, 25, 26, 28; lithology, 37, 40; 53, 70, 71, 73, 79, 84, 101, 114; inscription, text, 102, 104, layout, 105

palacography, 106-7; 116, 117, 118, 126, 127, 128, 150, 181, 195, 343, 348, 382-3, 384, 401, 422 Llandysul 1 (CD14), fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone, vol. II,

54 n. 3, 299, 348, 392, 441 Llanegryn 1 (MR17), incomplete cross-carved stone. 403-4: ithology.

34 (Fig. 3.3); 81, 91 (Fig. 7.5b) L l a n e l l t y d , M e r. . K e n u r i c i n s c r i p t i o n . 7 6

Llanelwy (St Asaph), 16, 37 Llanerfvl 1 ( M T 4 ) . roman-letter i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . 4 5 8 - 4 2 .2 1 n . I

lithology, 36; 42, 45, 49 and n. 2 53, 54 and n . 3, 58-9 and n. 6, 63; letter-forms, 64 (Fig. 4.9); 120, 124,

209, 214, 420 Llanfachraith 1 (AN11), incomplete

INDEX

Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 1 (AN14), incomplete cross, 166-7, 24, 69 ( 1 0 . 5 . 11 . 7 0 - 1 cross-head f o r m

72 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 83, 84, 111, 113, 130, 176, 235, 399 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf 2 (AN15), cross-head, 167-8, 70; cross-head form, 72 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 83, 11, 130, 176, 235

Llanfairpwll, Ang., ringed pin, 13, 257 Llanfechell, Romanesque font, 232 L I a n t e u g a n I ( B Z U v o l . _. c r o s s . c a r v e d stone. 264

Llanffinan 1(AN16), font, 168-9, 74,

75 (Fig. 5.3), 83, 92, 94 (Fig. 7.8), 111, 130, 225, 309, 345 Llanfihangel-ar-Arth 1(CIM22), vol. Llanfihangel Cwm Du (Cae Gwynlliw) 1 (B21), vol. I, Latininscribed s t o n e 46. 313. 4 1 . 4 6 6

Llanfinhangel Cwm Du (St Michael's Church) 1 (B22), vol. I,crossLlanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd, Ang., 81, 4 5 6

Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 1 (AN17).

25, 70, 71,72 (Fig. 5.2); 79, 83, 93

cross, 169-72, 6 9(Fig. 5.1), 70, 71; cross-head form, 72 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 79, 84, 111, 130, 167, 179, 235 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 2 (AN18),

445

Llanfaelog, Ang., church dedication, 163

Llanfaelog 1 (AN12), roman-letter inscribed stone, 15962, 28;

lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.4); 42, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 57 n. 5, 58; letter-forms, 63, 64 (Figs 4.8-4.9); 119, 124, 196

Llanfaelog 2 (AN13), roman-letter and ogam-inscribed stone, 162-5, 7. 22; lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.4); 41, 42,

47, 48, 50, 55, 57 and .n 5; letter-

forms, 62, 63 (Figs 4.7, 4.8); 119, 123, 125, 209, 271, 272

Llan-faes, Ang., 12, 13, 85

Llanfaglan, Caerns., 450;cross-carved grave-slabs. 4 7 2

Llanfaglan 1 (CN24), roman-letter

inscribed stone, 280-2; lithology, 53 (Fig. 3.5); 44, 45, 47, 51, 53, 58 and n. 5, 59, 60; letter-forms, 61 (Fig. 4.6); 116, 117, 119, 124, 200 Llanfair Mathafarn Eithaf, Ang., 130; St Mary's Church, 166, 167

incomplete cross-carved stone

172

78-9, 89 and Fig. 7.3e, 111 Llanfihangel Tre'r Beirdd 3 (AN19), fragment. 451-2

Llanfihangel-y-Creuddyn 3(CD19), vol. I . cross-carved stone. 8 9 . 1 8 8

205

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog, Ang., 79, 81, 130

fragmentary cross-carved stone.

452-3, 82, 193, 454 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog, incomplete cross-carved s t o n e 471

Llanfinhangel Ystrad 1 (CD20), vol. LI, f r a g m e n t a r y r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i b e d s t o n e w i t h c r o s s e s . 150.

344 Llanfihangel-y-traethau, Mer., inscribed pillar, 473, 26, 76, 127, 130 Llanfor, Mer., 17, 35-6; Roman a u x i l i a r y fort, 4

Llanfor 1(MR18), fragmentary 4, 19, 21, .n 1; lithology, 35, 38; 43, 46, 47, 48, 52, 54, 58 and .n 5; letter-forms, 62 (Fig. 4.7); 117, 119, 407, 411, 412 Llanfynydd 1 (CM24), vol. II, crossshaft with inscription, 84, 103, 230, Llanfyrnach 2 (P30), vol. II, ogam-

roman-letter inscribed stone. 173-5. 1

2 9

41 2

0

0

94

5

4 6

48, 50, 57 n. 5, 117, 201 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 2 (AN21), incomplete cross-head, 175-7, 71; form, 72 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 109, 111, 148, 167, 229 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 3 (AN22), cross-carved stone, 177-8, 28, 68, 69(Fig. 5.1), 78, 82, 89, 90 (Fig. 7.4e). 111. 126. 193. 205. 366. 378

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 4 (AN23), cross-carved stone. 178-9, 78. 82. 89. 1 9 0

Llangaffo 6 (AN32), incomplete crossc a r v e d s t o n e . 790. 7 8 . 8 1 . 8 2 . 8 9 . 9 0

(Fig. 7.46), 111, 113, 126, 130, 178, 179, 189,205, 404, 478 L I a n g a t t o 7 ( A N 3 3 ) , i n c o m p l e t e cross-

carved stone, 191-2; 68, 78, 81, 82, 89, 90 (Fig. 7.4c), 98, 111, 113 126, 130, 178, 179, 189, 190, 192, 193, 203, 205, 206, 404, 478 Llangaffo 8 (AN34), fragment, 192, 68, 78, 81, 82, 98, 111, 126, 130,

179, 191, 203, 206 Llangaffo 9 (AN35), incomplete crossc a r v e d s t o n e9 3 - 4

7 8

8

8

2

8 9

90 (Fig. 7.4h), 111, 126, 130, 205, 453

Llangaffo 10 (AN36), incomplete cross-carved stone, 453-5, 78, 81, 82, 111, 126, 205, 453 Llangaffo 1 (AN37), cross-carved stone, 455-6, 78, 81, 82, 111, 179 L a n g a t t o 12 ( A N B 8 ) . r o m a n - l e t t e r

inscribed stone, 194-7, 20, 21; lithology, 32; 49 n. 2, 50, 53, 57, 63; letter-forms, 65 (Fig. 4.10); 125, 182. 213. 351.396

L l a n g a m a r c h (St C a d m a r c h ' s C h u r c h )

i n s c r i b e d stone with crosses, 399,

1 ( 8 2 7 ) . v o l . I. c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e .

479

343

Llanfyrnach 3(P31), vol. II, cross-

carved stone, 399, 479 Llangadwaladr 1 (AN26), incomplete r o m a n - l e t t e ri n s c r i b e d s t o n e .

780-3

9, 21 and n. 1, 23, 26, 29, 44, 47, 49 n. 2, 50, 54, 55, 57 and n. 5, 59, 63; letter-forms, 64 (Fig. 4.10), 66 and Fig. 4.11, 67; 111, 117, 118, 121,

122, 125, 128, 151, 197, 213, 215, 258, 315, 351 Llangaffo, Ang., 17, 26, 28, 78, 79, 83, 85, 111, 112, 130, 184, 194-5

Llangaffo 1 (AN27), incomplete cross-

LlanfihangelYsgeifiog 1 (AN20), 15.210.

179-80, 68, 78, 79, 82, 98, 191, 192, 203, 456 Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 6 (AN25),

328. 371

104

c r o s s - h e a d , 157-%, c r o s s - h e a d f o r m ,

(Fig. 7.7), 99; transportation of stone, 32, 111, 112; 128, 184, 259,

t r a g m e n t a r y c r o s s - c a r v e ds t o n e

roman-letter inscribed stone, 404 6,

I . roman-letter inscribed stone. 3 2 2

carved stone

Llanfihangel Ysgeifiog 5 (AN24),

|517

INDEX

head, 183-4, 70, 71; cross-head form, 72 (Fig. 5.2); 79, 83, 92 (Fig.

7.6), 111,129, 158, 172

Llangaffo 2 (AN28), fragmentary shaft and base, 185-6, 70, 73, 79,

83, 111 Llangaffo 3 (AN29), fragment, 187,

83, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 93 (Fig. 7.7), 147

Llangaffo 4 (AN30), cross-carved stone, 188-9, 78, 81, 82, 89, 90 (Fig. 7.4a). 111, 113, 126, 130, 178, 179, 189, 190, 193, 205 Llaneaffo 5 (AN31). cross-carved

stone, 189-90, 78, 81, 82, 89, 111, 113, 126, 130, 178, 179, 190, 205

Llan-gan (St Canna's Church) 1

(G43), vol. I, cross, 99, 159 Llangefni, Ang., 36, 169; church, 199 Llangefni 1 (AN39), roman-letter

inscribed stone, 197-200, 22; lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.4), 38; 45, 50,

54 andn. ,3 57, 58 and .n 6, 59,

124, 281, 348, 393 Llangefni 2 (AN40), incomplete

roman-letter inscribed stone, 200-2,

21, 41 n. 1, 45, 50, 57 n. 5, 411

Llangeinwen, Ang., 26, 28, 79, 130, 146: Romanesque font, 74

Llangeinwen 1 (AN41), incomplete cross-carved stone, 202-3, 68, 78, 82, 85, 88, 89, 90 (Fig. 7.4d), 98,

111, 126, 130, 178, 179, 188, 189,

190, 191, 192, 193, 204, 205, 206, 404. 478

Llangeinwen 2 (AN42), fragment, 203-4, 78, 82, 85, 98, 111, 126, 130, 191, 192, 203, 206 Llangeinwen 3 (AN43), incomplete c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e 2 0 4 _ 5 7 88 2

85, 89, 90 (Fig. 7.4g), 111, 126, 130, 193, 454 Llangeinwen 4 (AN44), incomplete cross-carved stone, 205-6, 78, 82,

85, 89, 91 (Fig. 7.5e), 98, 111, 126,

130, 191, 445, 453 Llangeler 1(CM25), vol. II,

vol. L . L a t i n - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . 8 2

traementarv roman-letter a n d

o s a m - i n s c r i b e d stone.

I

Llanlleonfel (Parish Church) 1 (B34),

C

Llangernyw 1 (D4), cross-carved stone, 336-7, 25; lithology, 36; 69 (Fig. 5.1), 78, 81, 86, 87(Fig. 7.1f) Llangernyw 2(D5), cross-carved stone, 337-8, 25; lithology, 36; 78, 81, 89 and Fig. 7.3f; 235, 399 Llangernyw 3 (D6), incomplete

103, 117, 337, 430 Llanilwni 1 (CM30), vol. II, romanletter inscribed stone, 117, 261, 430

Llanmadog 2 (G56), vol. I, crosscarved stone. 3 0 1 . 3 9 9

Llannarth 1 (CD25), vol. I, cross-slab w i t h r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i p t i o n . 334 LIannor I (CN29), incomplete r o m a n

letter inscribed stone. 288-90. 21, n.

roman-letter inscribed s t o n e

1; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 45, 51,

338-40; lithology, 36; 41, 42, 52, 58

53.

L a n g i a nC N 2 5 ) . r o m a n - l e t t e r

i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 2 8 2 - 4 , 21 n.

1;

lithology, 34, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 44, 49, 2 1 . 5 5 . 2 8 a n d n.

:

letter-forms. o l .

63, 64 (Fig. 4.6, 4.9); 289 Llanglydwen 1 (CM26), vol. II, crosscarved stone. 3 9 9

L l a n g o e d , Ang., R o m a n e s q u e

5 5 . 5 8n .

5: letter-forms. 63. 6 4

(Fig. 4.9); 119, 125, 303 Llannor 2 (CN30), roman-letter inscribed stone, 290-3, 22, 26; lithology, 35 and (Fig. 3.5), 38; 45, 46, 48, 51, 54, 57, 58 and n. 5, 81, 116, 117, 119, 121, 124, 285, 288, 291, 292, 296, 347 Llannor 3 (CN31), roman-letter inscribed stone, 293-5, 22. 26;

recumbent cross-slab, 191, 454,

lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5), 38, 57; 45,

4 5 6

46, 48, 5 1 , 58 and n. 5; letter-forms,

Llangollen, Vale of, 3, 36, 110; cooper-alllov s t r a p e n d . 9 8

Llan-gors (St Paulinus's Church)2 (B30), vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone,

76, 104, 149, 150

Llangristiolus, Ang., Romanesque font, 74, 127, 147, 169, 309 Llangwnnadl, Caerns., bell, 98 Llangwnnadl 1 (CN26), cross-carved stone, 284-5; lithology, 32; 86, 88 (Fig. 7.2c), 113, 218, 267, 311 Llangybi 1(CN27), cross-carved stone, 285-6; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 81, 86, 87 (Fig. 7.1i), 113, 151, 258, 315, 430 Llangybi 2(CN28), cross-carved stone, 286-7; lithology, 34, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 87 (Fig. 7.1e), 301, 397, 472 Llangyfelach (St Cyfelach's Church) 3 (G51), vol. I, cross-base, 443 Llanhamlach (SS Peter and Illtyd's

Church) 1(B32), vol. I, crossc a r v e d stone. 196

Llannor 4 (CN32). roman-letter

inscribed stone, 295-6, 21 n. 1, 41 n. 1,45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 58 n. 7, 81, 119, 277, 292, 304 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant, Debs., ecclesiastical site, 18, 83, 114, 128 Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 1 (D7),

cross-slabwith inscription, 340-4,

29, 69 (Fig. 5.1); cross-head form,

72(Fig. 5.2): lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 71, 79, 92, 93 (Figs 7.6, 7.7), 96 (Fig. 7.10), 98, 101, 114-15;

inscription, text, 103, 127, layout, 105, paleography, 106; 108, 128, 130-1, 148, 150, 192, 235, 436

Llanrhaeadr-ym-Mochnant 2 (D8).

fragment, 344-5; lithology, 37 and

Fig. 3.6; 74, 97 (Fig. 7.11), 114-15,

309, 436 Llanrhian 1 (P36), vol. II, crosscarved stone. 3 9 9

Llanidan, Ang., 21 Llaniestyn, Ang., Romanesque font,

Llanrhidian (St Rhidian's and St

Illtud's Church) 1 (G59), vol. I, f r a g m e n t . 74

127

Llanllawer 2 (P33), vol. II, crossc a r v e d stone. 3 9 9 L a n l a w e r 3 ( P 3 4 )v o l I

T cross.

carved stone, 399, 402, 479 Llanllawer 4 (P35),vol. II, crosscarved stone

61 (Fig. 4.6), 63; 81, 116, 117, 121, 291, 296, 303, 347, 376

399

Llanhwydrus, Ang., font, 67

Llansadwrn 1 (AN45), fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone, 206-9, 21, 22, 26; lithology, 36; 44, 47, 49 and n. 2, 50, 54 andn. 3, 55, 58

and .n ,7 59; letter-forms, 61, 62

518

INDEX

(Figs 4.6, 4.7); 121, 125, 214, 348,

Llanwnnws 1 (CD27), vol. II, crossc a r v e d s t o n ew i t h i n s c r i p t i o n s . b U .

Llansanffraid (Scethrog) 1 (B35), vol. L a t i n - i n s c r i b e d cross

4 6

L a n t r i s a n t ( A l 4 6 ) . roman-letter

inscribed stone, 210-16, 22, 26, 28;

lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.4), 38; 44, 45, 47, 49 n. 2, 50, 54 and n. 3, 55-6,

261, 330, 333, 334 Llanwyddelan 1(M'T5), fragment, 442-3; lithology, 36; 92 (Fig. 7.6), 97 (Fig. 7.11), 233 Llanychaer 1(P48), vol. II, romanLlanychaer 2 (P49), vol. II, carved

(Fig. 4.7), 64 (Fig. 4.9); 125, 126, 182, 199, 209, 246, 279, 303, 388

pillar, 477 Llanychaer 3 (P50), vol. II, cross-

inscribed stone, 216-17, 21, 41 n. 1, 50, 58 n. 7, 119 Llantwit Major, Glam., 108, 127, 128

c a r v e d s t o n e vol. I

a d d e n d a

477-8. 68

Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20) incomplete

101,103, 105, 127, 128, 181, 230, 343, 466 Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 5

5 8 n

5:

117, 119, 202, 348, 407, 416, 441

Llawhaden 1 (P55), vol. II,

i n c o m p l e t e cross.carved nillar a n d

base, 73, 114, 235, 343, 344, 468 Llechgynfarwy, Ang., long-cist graves, 18, 81; standing stone, 81, 218; Romanesque font, 232 Llechgynfarwy 1 (AN48), incomplete c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e . 218. 81. 86. 88

(Fig. 7.2d); lithology, 34 and Fig. 3.4; 285

(G67), vol. I, cylindrical pillar, 74,

Llech Idris, Mer., standing stone, 46,

(G68), vol. I, fragment, 83 Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 7 (G69), vol. I, cross-carved grave-

Llowes (St Meilig's Church) 1 (R5), vol. I, cross, 73, 343 Llyn, Caerns., 7, 12, 34, 42, 46, 80, 124, 257, 265, 288, 308, 311;

83. 390 Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 6

marker, 83

Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 8 ( G 7 0 ) , v o l . I, f r a g m e n t s (lost), 83

Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 9 (G71), vol. I, fragment, 74 Llanuwchllyn 1(MR19), roman-letter inscribed stone, 406-9, 4, 8, 19, 41 n. 1, 43, 44, 46, 48, 52, 53, 54, 58 n.

5; letter-forms, 62, 63 (Figs 4.7, 4.8); 119, 410, 411, 412 L a n v e r n o e ( O l c h o n H o u s e ) 1 ( 5 3 )

vol. I, inscribed stone, 4 2 0

Llanwenog 1 (CD26), vol. II, roman-

416, 418

sculpture in, 113-114

Llywel (Aberhydfer) 1 (B40), vol. I, L a t i n - a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e ds t o n e .

58, 59, 209, 441

llys (royal court), 11, 14, 18, 47, 82, 83. 181

Llysfaen, Denbs., ring with runes, 101, 384

Llywarch Hen, 'grave' of, 17, 19, 404; 0 5 p o e t r y of. 4

Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, 1209 charter of, 19,416 Llywelyn ap Seisyll, king of LOCVLITI, see Llannor 1 (CN29)

Llanwinio 1 (CM34), vol. II, i n c o m p l e t er o m a n - l e t t e r a n d o g a m

inscribed stone, 215, 317 Llanwnda, Pembs., 130 a

n

w

n

a 4 4

0

vol

I

f r a g m e n t a r y c r o s s - c a r v e d stone.

435

L o u a n n e c . Cotes d ' A m o r. Brittanv

I r o n A g e pillars w i t h early m e d i e v a l

inscriptions, 201 Loughor 1 (G76), vol. I, ogaminscribed stone

Macop, Co. Meath, church of, 159 MacRegol, Book of, 330, 333 Madog ap Maredudd, ruler of Powys, 12, 17, 115, 130, 445, 446 Madron 1, Cornwall, inscribed stone, 182 Mael (St), church dedication, 378 Maelgwn ofGwynedd, 5, 7, 8, 15, 388 Maelog (St), church dedication, 163 Maelor Gymraeg, cantrefof, 3

Maelor Saesneg,cantrefof, 3

Maen Achwyfan (Cwyfan's Stone), see Whitford 2 (F12) Maen Beuno (Beuno's Stone), see Waunfawr 1 (CN42)

letter a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 4 1 6

Celticarum, 29 MACCVDECCETI, see Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58) Machraith (St), church dedication, 1 5 8

letter-forms, 62, 63 (Fig. 4.8); 116,

(G66), vol. I, cross-shaft, 83,

Corpus Inscriptionum I n s u l a r u m

409-13, 21, 41 n. 1, 42, 43, 45, 47,

(G63), vol. I, cross, 83, 126, 127, 128, 150, 261, 343, 443, 466 Llantwit Major(St Illtud's Church) 2 Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 3 (G65), vol. ,I cross-shaft, 83, 117, 127, 128, 181, 195 Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 4

Macalister, R . A . S., 26, 76, 153;

M a c c u s H a r a l d s s o n . 12

4 8 . 5 2 . 5 3 . 5 4 a n dn . 3

rensed R o m a n

altar, 46, 259 LOVERNII, see Llanfaglan 1 (CN24)

MARCIAU, see Tywyn 2 (MR25) Mardakley. S w e d e n . R o m a n e s q u e

TOnt, J U g

Maredudd ap Bleddyn, ruler of Powys, 115, 131, 446 Maredudd ab Owain, grandson of

Hywel Dda, 11, 12

Maenclochog 1 (P58), vol. II, romanletter i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 119, 4 1 6

Maentwrog 1 (MIR21), roman-letter inscribed stone, 412-13, 4, 41 n. 1,

46, 52, 53, 58 n. 7: letter-forms, 62. 63 (Figs 4.7, 4.8); 117, 124 Maesbury, Shrops., 9 Maesmynys 1(B39), vol. I, pillar

85, 108 Margam (Margam Mountain) 1

(G77), vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone,

182, 243

in, 113-114 Melangell (St), 17 MELI, see Llangian 1 (CN25)

81, 130

milestones, Roman, 4, 32, 46, 48, 123; r e u s e o f . 4 . 4 1 . 4 0 ,s e e a l s o A b e r I

(CN1); early medieval sculpture r e u s e d for, 79, see also Ty w y n 4

(MR27)

Mochnant, cantrefof, 17, 114, 342 99, 159; sundial, 266 monasteries, 9, 17, 19, 82, 83, 84, 112, 128, 241, 244-5, 321 monasticism, 15, 17, 55, 99, 125, 126, 214, 225, 241, 258, 266 MONEDORIGI, see Barmouth 1

Margam 5 (G82), vol. I, cross, 83 Margam 6 (G83), vol. I, cross, 71, 83

Margam (Cwrt-y-defaid) 1 (G84), vol.

M e r e d u d d a n B l e d d y n . r u l e r of

1, cross, 98, 180, 192 Margam (Cwrt-y-defaid) 2 (G85), vol.

Merfyn Frych, ruler of Gwynedd, 7,

128

334

Margam 2 (G79), vol. I, cross, 83, 99, 100, 195, 343, 364 Margam 3(G80), vol. I, cross, 83

Margam 4(G81), vol. I, cross, 83, 172

Powys, 12

10

_ c r o s s . 180. 4 6 6

Margam (Eglywys Nynnid) 1 (G86),

Mérida, Spain, inscription at, 182

vol. I . L a t i n - a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d

Merthyr 1 (CM35), vol. II, romanletter inscribed stone, 280

stone. 46. 5 6 a n d n. 4 . 3 8 8

Margam (Eglwys Nynnid) 2 (G87), vol. I, cross, 180 Margam (Lower Court Farm) 1(G89), vol. I, cross-carved stone, 298 Margam (Port Talbot) 1 (G92), vol. I, L a t i n - i n s c r i b e ds t o n e . r e n s e d

Roman milestone, 4, 46, 214 Margam (Port Talbot) 2 (G93), vol. I, cross.carved stone

2 1 8

Marown, IOM, St Patrick's Chair, cross-carved stones. 4 2 0

M a r y p o r t , C u m b r i a , late R o m a n

style, 59, 105, 106, 116, 118, 150,

i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s in, 124; s c u l p t u r e

M i c h a e l S t . c h u r c h d e d i c a t i o n s to.

lithology, 37 and Fig. 3.6, 38; 70, 71, 85, 92 (Fig. 7.6), 94 (Fig. 7.8), 96 (Fig. 7.10), 99, 100, 101; inscription, 103, 105; 109, 110; 129, 220, 230, 370, 371, 470 MELITV, see Llanaelhaearn 1(CIN19) Mercia, 9, 108, 330-3; free-standing crosses in, 71, 114, 130, 329, 382-3

46, 67, 182, 376, 396

Margam 1 (G78), vol. I, cross, 83,

MA(G]LI, see Ffestiniog 1 (MIR8) Magnus Barelegs, king of Norway, 11, 13, 14 Magnus Maximus, Emperor, 7,9, 104, 332; see also Llandysilio yn lal 1 (D3)

Meilyr ap Rhiwallon, of Pows, 1

ZoU: r u n i c i n s c r i p t i o n s o n G a u t ' s cross. 2 6 0 - 1

M o n a s t e r b o i c e , C o . L o u t h , 113; cross.

MARTINI, see Llangian 1 (CN25) Mary (St), church dedications to, 81, 130, 366, 445

MAILISI/MA[ILI]SU, see Llanfaelog 2 (AN13) Manaw Gododdin, Scotland, 7, 407 Manor Water,Peebles., inscribed stone, 54 n. 3 manuscripts, 24, 29, 63, 67, 76, 98, 427; influence on letter-forms and

c r o s s e s , 4 6 7 - 8 , 82

Michael, IOM, figural iconography,

Meliden 1 (F8), cross-shaft with inscription, 359 62, 21 n. 1;

cross, 172 Maes Osfeilion, Llanfaes, Ang., 21

magistratus,see inscriptions

5.2); 73, 83, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94 (Figs 7.6-7.8), 98, 99, 108-9, 115, 130, 131, 171, 206, 343, 371 Meifod 2(MT7), fragment with Meirionydd, cantref of, 1, 2, 422; early

Margam, Glam., Cistercian abbey, 81, 452; early m e d i e v a l sculpture, 83,

roman-letter L a t i n inscribed stone.

Llantwit Major (St Illtud's Church) 1

(G64), vol. I, cross-shaft, 83

Lythe, North Yorks., hogbacks and grave-markers. 8 5

letter i n s c r i b e d stone. 2 3 9

5 8a n d n . 6 . 5 9 : l e t t e r - f o r m s . 6 0 . 6 2

LIantrisant 2 (AN47), roman-letter

Low Curgie, Galloway, inscribed stone, 55 Lullingstone, Kent, Christian wall painting, 66 Lyon, France, 25, 28, 56, 121, 123, 126, 214, 304, 332

1519

INDEX

inscribed tombstones, 49, 60, 124; chi-rho symbol, 66 M a s h a m ( N o r t h Yo r k s . ) , n o . 1. r o u n d

cross-shaft, 71, 114, 329; no. 3, fragment. 371

Mawddwy, cantrefof, 2, 410 Mechain, cantrefof, 3, 115, 445 Mechell (St), 238 m e d i c u s , s e ei N S c r I p t i o n s

Meifod, Monts., church site, 11, 17, 83. 115, 445

Meifod 1 (MT6), cross-slab, 443-6, 21 n. I; lithology, 37 and Fig. 3.6; 69 (Fig. 5.1); cross-head form, 72 (Fig.

Merthyr Caffo, see Caffo (St), Llangaffo Merthyr Mawr 1 (G98), vol. I, crossshaft, 83, 98, 333, 354 Merthyr Mawr 2 (G99), vol. I, cross, 83, 84, 333, 370, 466 Merthyr Mawr (St Teilo's Church) 1

(G100), vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone, 214

Merthyr Mawr (St Teilo's Church) 2-3 (G101-2),vol. I, crosses, 83

head, 99, 159; Muiredach's Cross,

(MRI)

Morglais, bishop of Bangor, 15, 247 Morris, Lewis, 21, 44, 143, 200, 206-8, 216-17, 218, 277, 316, 372, 374, 404, 409, 416, 450, 460, 461 Morris-Jones, Prof. John, 25 m o r t u a r v e n c l o s u r e s . s e ec e m e t e r i e s

Mostyn, Sir Richard, 19, 20, 367, 422 mother churches, 17-18, 47, 48, 81, 82, 83, 84, 108, 114, 115, 128, 299, 342, 357, 366, 378, 391, 405, 422, 436, 445 molier, see inscriptions

.E ,. ,1 15, 26-8, 68, Nash-Williams,V 70, 71; classification of stones, 28, 30, 38, 41, 60, 63, 73, 74, 76, 93, 118, 121-2, 126-7, 182; ECMW,

26, 29, 30, 41, 60, 68, 74, 79, 93,

Merthyr Mawr (St Teilo's Church) 4 ( G 1 0 3 ) , vol. 1, c r o s s - c a r v e d gravem a r k e r . 83. 2 3 7

Merthyr Mawr (St Teilo's Church) 5-6 ( G 1 0 4 - 5 ) , vol. I, c r o s s - c a r v e d grave-markers.

8 3

( G 1 0 6 ) , vol. I, c r o s s - c a r v e d grave.

marker, 83, 148 Merthyr Mawr (St Teilo's Church) 8-9 ( G I O T - s

vol.

Merthyr Mawr (G109), vol. Merthyr Mawr (G110), vol.

_.

carved stone, 297-8; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 78, 81, 82, 86, 87 (Fig.

7.1j), 113, 151, 258, 286, 311, 315, 378

Merthyr Mawr (St Teilo's Church) 7

grave-markers

Nefyn 1 (CN33),incomplete cross-

cross-carved

8 3

(St Teilo's Church) 10 I, cross-base, 83 (St Teilo's Church) 1 I, fragment, 83, 378

Merthyr Tvdfil (St Tvdfil's Church) 1

(G111), vol. I., cross-carved and inscribed stone, 7

Nefyn 2 (CN34), cross-carved stone, 469-70 Nendrum, Co. Down, sundial, 266 Neston, Ches., cross fragments, 109, 364. 370

Nevern, Pembs., 85 N e v e r 2 ( P 7 1 ) . vol. II. r o m a n - l e t t e r

and ogam-inscribed stone, 57, 272, 317

Nevern 3 (P72), vol. II, cross-carved stone. 4 0 4

N e v e r n 4 ( P 7 3 ) . vol.

II, c r o s s w i t h

roman-letter inscription, 83-4, 103,

520

INDEX

105, 129, 147, 150, 158, 184, 187,

220, 371, 378, 402 Nevern 5 (P74), vol. II, cross-carved

Ordericus Vitalis, 10

Pen Llystyn, Caerns., Roman

Ordovices, 3, 373 U r m . Hiberno-scandinavian leader

stone, 479 N e v e r n 11 ( P 1 4 0 ) , vol. III, a d d e n d a , c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e . 478, 6 8

Newborough, Ang., church, 18, 82, 83, 111, 194, 195 Newborough 1(AN49), font, 219-20,

14, 12 .n 1,28, 74, 75 (Fig. 5.3), 83, 85, 93 (Fig. 7.7), 94 (Fig. 7.8), 111, 130, 147, 169, 231, 232, 309, 345

Newborough 2 (AN50).i n c o m p l e t e

cross-carved stone, 456-7, 14, 82, 85

Newcastle (St Leonard's Church) 2 (G114), vol. I, coped grave-slab,

Orme's Head, Llandudno, 13 o r n a m e n t a n d decoration. e a r l

r e s e a r c h o n , 29; s e e also, a l p h a a n d omega, a n i m a l o r n a m e n t : Borre

style; chi-rhos; cross-symbols; cruciform motifs;flabellum; fretpatterns; iconography; insular; interlace; plaitwork; plant Ornament; ring-knots; R o m a n e s q u e : spiral p a t t e r n s

ORVVITE, see Llangefni 1 (AN39)

Oswald, king ofNorthumbria, 9 O s w e s t r y, S h r o p s . . 20: b a t t l e of 9

150

New Pieces, Monts.,early medieval

O v e r c h u r c h . Wirral. r u n i c inscrintion.

384

settlement. 1 0

Newport 2 (P81), vol. II, cross-carved stone, 218 NOBILI, see Caerwys 1 (F1)

Norman impact, 3, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15-16, 113, 127, 130, 247, 364 North, F. J., keeper of geology,NMW, 30 North Africa, 122, 125, 393, 413,

Northern Isles, 12 Northumbria, 9 OBARRVS, see LIantrisant2 (AN47) O d e l e v s o n o f W l e d e r sep

Llanfihangel-y-traethau

Offa, king of Mercia, 9, 114, 330

Offa's Dyke, 3, 26, 99, 114, 115, 128, 330, 333

Owain Glyndwr, 378 Owain, Gutun, 19, 322, 328 Owain Gwynedd, ruler of Gwynedd,

26, 76, 127, 130, 401; see also blantihangel-y-traethau.473

paganism, 15; pagan epitaphs, 49 Pant y Saer, Ang., hut-group, possible p o s t - R o m a n activity, 10

Partrishow (St Issui's Church) 1 (B43),

vol. ,I font, 74, 117

PASCENT, see Tywyn 1 (MR24) PATERNINI, see Llanerfyl 1 (MT4) Patrick (St), 144, 402; church of Llanbadrig, 156; Lives of, 334; bellshrine, 445; Chair of, 450 patronage, 195; ecclesiastical, 128; secular, 40, 53, 83, 100, 112, 113,

114, 115, 128, 129, 130, 131, 224,

7, 119, 123, 126, 239, 264, 321-2;

225, 333, 446 pattern books, 56

c o m p a r a t i v e o g a m i n s c r i p t i o n s in

PAVLINI, see Llantrisant 1 (AN46)

Wa l e s , 5 6 n . 4, 57; e a r l y s t u d y of, 20. 25. 26. 28: i n fl u e n c e o n r o m a n .

Pebidiog, cantref of, 85, 130 Peblig (St), dedication to, 15

Ogam inscriptions, AN13, D1, CN18,

letter forms, 58; monolingual ogam s t o n e s

1 2 3 - 4n u m b e r s a n d

Peel. O

M

.b u r i a l a t . 2 5 8

Pelagian heresy, 126

234-5, 24, 82, 89 and Fig. 7.3d;

m e m o r i a l stone f r o m environs. 4

lithology, 37, 111; 338

Penmachno, Caerns, 41, 80, 307, 386; church, 298, 303

Penmachno 1 (CN35), fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone, 298-300; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 42, 44, 47, 51, 54 and n. 3, 58 n. ,5 59,

303 Penmachno 2 (CIN36), cross-carved

stone, 300-1; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 78, 81, 88 (Fig. 7.2a), 287 P e n m a c h n o3 (

C3 7 ) . f r a g m e n t a r y

chi-rho cross, 305-8, 4, 22; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 42, 44, 45, 46, 49 and n. 2, 51, 58 and n. 6, 66 and Fig. 4.11, 67, 124, 125, 214, 313. 420. 460

Penmon, Ang., 13, 85, 109, 111, 130;

Augustinian priory, 36, 79, 224; church, 11, 17, 74, 83, 127; quarry, 36. 111 Penmon 1(AN51), cross-head,crossshaft and cross-base, 221-6, 21, n. 1

25, 72 (Fig. 2.4), 70, 71; cross-head

form 72 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 75(Fig. 5.3),

79, 83, 84, 92, 94 (Figs 7.6, 7.8), 96,

97 (Figs 7.10, 7.11),99, 100, 109, 110, 129; lithology, 36, 37, 111, 112;

158, 176, 184, 229, 230, 232, 233,

239, 309, 354, 364, 371 Penmon 2 (AN52), cross, 226-31, 69 (Fig. 5.1), 70, 71; cross-head form, 72 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 79, 83,92, 93 (Figs 7.6, 7.7), 94, 96, 97 (Figs 7.10,

OlafSihtricson of Dublin, 11, 12 Old Testament, 55-6, 214, 225 ONORATI, see Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20)

307. 460 Penda, king of Mercia, 8, 9 Penllyn, cantrefof, 3, 378, 405

239-40, 70, 73, 111 Pentrefoelas 1 (D9). incomplete

Penmon 3 (AN53), cross-head(?) and cross-shaft, 230-1, 21 n. 1, 79, 83, 92, 93, 94 (Figs 7.6-7.8), 109. 110,

129, 225, 309

Penmon 4 (AN54), font, 232-4, 74. 76, 79, 83, 93 (Fig. 7.7), 96, 97 (Figs 7.10, 7.11), 129; lithology, 37, 111; 233, 254, 371

113; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 218,

protecion, see i n s c r i p t i o n s

264, 267, 285

P u n c h e s t o n 1 ( P 8 8 ) , vol. II. r o m a n •

place-name evidence, 5, 7, 10, 13, 14, 15, 17, 44, 81, 130, 154, 184, 224, 249, 257, 277

plaitwork, 70, 73, 74, 90-4 (Figs 7.6-7.8), 110, 111, 114, 115, 128, 184, 187, 225-6, 255, 341-4, 353-4, 359-62, 364, 365, 367-71, 378-9, 381-2, 383, 436-7, 442, 444-5, 463; see also interlace plant o r n a m e n t , on sculpture, 98-9,

115, 128, 438 p l a s t e r c a s t s o f m o n u m e n t s . 23 P l o u a g e t , C ô t e s d ' A m o r , B r i t t a n y, IrOn A g e pillars w i t h early medieval

inscriptions, 201 P l o u r i n , F i n i s t e r e , B r i t a n n y, I r o nA g e pillars w i t h early m e d i e v a l

inscriptions, 201, 322 poetry, Welsh, 5, 17, 19, 21, 55, 328, 422. 445

Pontfaen 1 (P86), vol. II, cross-carved

roman-letter inscribed stone, 346-8,

22, 26; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5), 38; 42, 44, 45, 49, 52, 54 and n. 3, 58 and n. 5; letter-forms, 61-2 (Figs

4.6, 4.7),63, 64 (Fig. 4.9); 116, 117,

119, 125, 299, 322, 333, 339, 428 Pen y Corddyn, hillfort, late-Roman strap-end from, 15

personal names, see inscriptions; Irish i m n A C E

Petrie, George, 23-4 petrology, 30-1, 34, 37; see also stone Phillack, Cornwall, post-Roman plaque with chi-tho. 6 6

philology, see inscriptions, language of P h o c a s , B y z a n t i n e E m p e r o r , 182

Pictland, cross-carved stones, 70; cross-slabs, 343, 344; figural

iconography, 110; sculpture, 100 pilgrimage and pilgrims, 17, 76, 81,

82-3, 113, 264, 308, 315, 332, 431, 450. 468. 469

pillars, carved, AN10, 58, 68, 130, 201

354, 371

II. 3. 46. 54

ease. 8 5

176, 225, 230, 233, 235, 240, 254,

99, 364, 438 Penally 3 (P84), vol. II, two fragments

i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . vol.

416, 418, 423 Penrhosllugwy, Ang., 36, chapel of

Pillar of Eliseg, see Llandysilio yn lal

42, 48 and Fig. 4.4, 56-7, 63, 123,

I T

17; s h r i n e , 192

Pennant, Thomas, 21-2, 44, 49, 295, 296, 323, 327, 328, 349, 373, 379,

7.11), 98, 109, 110, 129, 147;

lithology, 36, 37, 111, 112; 158,

S u t t o n Stone.

Pennant Melangell. Powvs. church.

Penrhosllugwy 2 (AN59), cross-base,

cross-base, 71, 84, 99, 158, 364 P e n a l l y 2 ( P 8 3 ) . vol. II, c r o s s - s h a f t .

inscription, 106, 150 Penbryn 1 (CD28), roman-letter

stone, 236-7, 78, 89, 91 (Fig. 7.5a) Pennal, Romanauxiliary fort, 435

214, 299 Penmachno 4 (CN38). incomplete roman-letter inscribed stone with

m a r k e r s , 48; on R o m a n altar, 459; r o m a n - l e t t e r a n dg a m i n s c r i p t i o n s

O g m o r e on Sea. G l a m . . source o f

base, 235, 21 n. 1, 70, 84, 167 P e n m y n y d d I (AN57), cross-carved

42, 45, 47, 49 n. 2, 51, 56, 58, 59; letter-forms, 61, 62 (Figs 4.6, 4. 7); 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126,

25, 26, 28; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5);

Penally 1 (P82), vol. II, c r o s sand

o f c r o s s . c h a f t w i t h r o m a n .l e t t e r

P e n m o n 6 ( A N 5 6 ) , c r o s s a n dcross.

Penrhosllugwy 1 (AN58), romanletter inscribed stone,237-9, 21, 28; lithology, 36; 42, 50, 54, 57 and n. 5; letter-forms, 61, 63 (Figs 4.6, 4.8); 119, 125

r o m a n - l e t t e r i n s c r i b e d stone. 301-5

distribution. 41-4: on b o u n d a r y

124; techniques of carving, 57; words and formulae. 53

P e n m o n 5 ( A I 5 5 ) , cross-carved stone,

auxiliary fort. 4. inscribed

46; see Dolbenmaen 2 (CN18)

521

INDEX

1 (D3) (Iron Age); distribution, function and context of, 79, 83-4; form and

decoration, 73; lithology, 34, 38, 40 Pistyll 1(CN39), font, 308-9, 74, 75

(Fig. 5.3), 83, 92, 94 (Fig. 7.8), 129,

147; lithology, 36, 38, 112, 113, 169, 219, 225, 345 Pistyll 2 (CN40), cross-carved stone, 310-11, 78, 82, 86, 88 (Fig. 7.2e),

PORIVS, see Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23) Port Talbot (G92), vol. I, Latininscribed s t o n e 4 5 9

P o r t h Trefadog. Ang., p r o m o n t o r y

fort, 13, 14

Postumus, Emperor, 4, 458 POTENTINI, seeDolbenmaen 2 (CN18) p o t t e r y, R o m a n , 4; i m p o r t e d early m e d i e v a l , 10. 126. 175

Powys, early medieval kingdom of, 1, 3, 5, 8-9, 11-12, 14, 16, 44, 84, 104, 114, 128, 130, 131, 445; ecclesiastical development in,

16-17, 83; see also Llandysilio yn lal 1 (D3) p r e h i s t o r i cm o n u m e n t s i n c l u d i n g

s t a n d i n g s t o n e s ) , in a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h e a r l m e d i e v a l c e m e t e r i e so r b u r i a l s .

15, 44, 45, 84, 144, 173-5, 201, 218, 280, 460 (possible); in association w i t hi n s c r i b e d s t o n e s a n d s c u l p t u r e .

44, 45, 46, 48, 81, 82, 84, 114,264, 291-3, 296, 317, 328, 349, 370, 388, 405; misinterpretation of, 25; prehistoric sites, reuse o f ,45-6, 84,

114, 161, 468 presbyter, see inscriptions

Prestbury, Ches., sculpture, 329, 383 Presteigne, Rads., pre-Romanesque stone church, 74 Priestholm, Puffin Island, see Ynys Seiriol

l e t t e r i n s c r i b e d s t o n e .9 P w h e l i . c o m h o a r dn e a r . 1 3

quarries, 32, 36, 37 quartz, pebbles, associated with

funeral practice, 178 Quethiock, Cornwall, cross, 354

Radford, C. A . Ralegh, 15, 26, 28-9 R a g n e l l . d a u g h t e r of O l a t S i n t r i c s o n

of Dublin, 1 R a v e n s c a r . Yo r k s . late R o m a n inscription. 6 0

Reculver 1, Kent, cross, 329 relics, 422 reliquaries, 321

Repton, Derbs., 9 Rhodri Mawr, son of Merfyn Frych, ruler of Gwynedd, 10-11, 12, 13 Rhos, cantref of, 3, 7, 8; Cuneglasus, ruler of, 5

Rhosyr, Ang., cantrefof, 1, 17, 85, 111, 129, 130, 224; llys, 14, 18, 82, 83, 85, 111, 219 Rhuddgaer, N e w b o r o u g h , Ang.,

inscribed (CAMVLORIS) lead

coffin, 41, 42, 119 Rhuddlan, Denbs., 354; animal motif on bone, 445-6; burhof Cledemutha,

13, 83, 364; lys, 11, 13-14, 129 R h u d d i a n ( 9 ) . cross-shaft

fragment, 363-4; lithology, 38; 79, 83, 91, 92, 93 (Figs 7.6, 7.7), 109 Rhuddlan 2 (F10), cross-shaft fragment, 364-5, 79, 83, 92 (Fig. 7.6) Rhufoniog, cantrefof, 3, 7, 8, 348 R h y g y f a r c h . Psalter a n d M a r t y r o l o g y 0¢. 4 4 >

Rhys ap Tewdwr, ruler of D e h e u b a r t h . 11

Rhys, Sir John, 25, 28, 153, 159, 277, 329, 330, 333 RIGELLA, see Trawsfynydd 1 (MIR22)

RIGOHENE, see Llanymawddwy 1 (MR20)

ring-knots, on sculpture, Fig. 7.8, see also Meliden 1 (F8). M e i f o d 1

(MT6), Whitford 2 (F12) ring-pin. bronze. 13 roads

see R o m a n s i t e s a n d r o a d s

Robert, Earl of Shrewsbury, 14 Robert of Rhuddlan, 14

Rockcliffe 1, Cumbria, cross, 225

522

INDEX

Roman, impact: 3-5; burial, 4, 5, 15, 41, 42, 46, 53, 407, 412;

St Davids 2 (P91), vol. II, fragmentary

Christianity, 3, 5, 7, 15, 28, 29, 41;

St Davids 3 (P92), vol. II, fragmentary

c o i n s , 7, 3 5 0 ; c o n q u e s t o f n o r t h

Shart w i t h roman-letter inscription.

Wales, 3, 4; decline of Roman influence, 5, 123; forts, 4, 9, 15, 467, 307, 405, 412, 414, 418;

83

St Davids 4-5 (P93-4), vol. II, crossc a r v e d stones w i t h inscriptions. 83.

inscriptions, 5, 15, 60, 200, 413; milestones. 4. 3 2 . 4 1 . 4 6 : R o m a n o . B r i t i s h i n fl u e n c e o n e a r l m e d i e v a l

inscriptions, 58, 60, 63, 122, 124, 200; sculpture, 5, 200; settlement 3, 4, 15, 175; structure, possible shrine, 45, 46, 173; stone e x p l o i t a t i o n , 5; w i t h d r a w a l f r o m

Wales, 6, 7 R o m a n E m p i r e . i n fl u e n c e o n e a r l medieval m o n u m e n t s 2 8

5 4

71

114,122, 330

St Davids 6 (P95), vol. II, cross-carved stone, 83, 359 St Davids 7 (P96), vol. II, fragmentary cross-carved s t o n e 8 3

St Davids 8 (P97), vol. II, incomplete cross-slab w i t h inscriptions. 7 3 . 8 3

103, 105, 115, 126, 127, 131, 147, 150, 171, 188, 214, 261, 334, 402. 404, 445, 446, 478

St Davids 9 (P98), vol. II, incomplete crOss-carved stone w i t h

Roman sites and roads, 4, 15; i n s c r i b e d s t o n e s / s c u l p t u r e f o u n d in

association with, 4, 9, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47 (Fig. 4.3), 48, 81, 82, 123, 262, 271, 307, 387 (possible), 405, 407, 412, 414, 418, 460, 462

Romanesque ornament, 17, 28, 74,

85, 111, 113, 127, 130, 147, 149, 169, 203, 232, 233, 236, 247, 309, 384, 436, 445 Rome, 66, 114, 121, 122, 123, 182 (nr), 209, 303, 304, 329, 332, 334, 389, 420, 441

)

_ cross-slab

vol.

99, 343, 371 St Asaph, se Llanelwy St Brides Major and Wick 1 (G117), vol. I, cross-shaft, 84, 333, 370 St Davids, Pembs., 5, 11, 82, 83, 85, 115, 128, 130; range of monuments at. 108. 109: s t o n e s o u r c e for. 111 St D a v i d s " (POD)

vol

I

fraomentarv

c r o s s - s l a b . 8 3 . 9 8 . 11 4 . 2 2 9 . 2 3 5 .

343, 344

(CN21)

S c a n d i n a v i a , 12, 13: i n fl u e n c e o n art-

c a r v e d s t o n ew i t h i n s c r i p t i o n s , 148,

261, 334, 359 StDavids 15-16 (P104-5), vol. II, carved stones. 148

St Davids 18 (P107), roman-letter

inscribed stone, vol. II, 53, 393 St Dogmaels 1(P110), vol. II, romani n c o m p l e t e cross-carved slab. 2 6 4

incomplete cross-carved pillar, 148,

styles, 92; mythology of on

sculpture, 99, 100 Scone, Perths., 104

Scotland, 10, 12, 17, 21, 41, 49, 53, 82, 229, 354; cross-carved stones, 70, 82, 358; ECMS, 25; figural iconography in, 99; free-standing

crosses. TIt linear a n d outline

crosses in, 89, 113-14, 130, 218, 235, 357; ornament in, 98, 343;

stone churches, 73 sculpture, architectural and related

fragments, AN19, CN4-9, MR46,

MT3. MT5. 68. 73-4

StDogmaels 7(P116), vol. II, i n c o m p l e t e cross-slab w i t h sigure.

260

sculpture, contextand function of: 29, 78-85, secondary use of, 78-9, es also churchyards, prehistoric

St D o g w e l l s 1 ( P 1 1 9 ) , r o m a n - l e t t e r

m o n u m e n t s . R o m a n sites a n d

a n d ogam-inscribed stone. v o l .

roads; development and

54, 277

chronology, 126-31;early

St Edrins (P124), vol. II, cross-carved stone with inscriptions. 235 St E n d e l i o n

C o r n w a l l

inscribed

s t o n e with c h i - r h o cross. 6 7

S t B e e s 2. C u m b r i a . c r o s s - s h a f t . 2 5 7

SALVIANVS, see Llanuwchllyn 1 (MR19), Llanymawddwy 1(MR20) SANCTINVS, see Llandudno 1

i n s c r i p t i o n , 76, 127, 4 6 6 S t D a v i d s 1 4 ( P I U S ) . VOL. LI, C r O s s -

St Dogmaels 3 (P112), vol. II,

S t A r v a n sI ( M IS

individual saints

Saul, Co. Down, sundial, 266, 433

Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales

St Albans (Verulamium), graffiti, 215

saints, 17, 26, 47, 84, 110, 126, 130, 147, 257, 285, 293; see also under

tragmentarv c a r v e d stone with

letter a n d o g a m - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . 4 1 6

Ruthwell, Dumfries. Anglo-Saxon cross. 9 9

r e c u m b e n t cross-slab, 206, 4 4 5 sacerdos, see i n s c r i p t i o n s

SATVRNINVS, see Llansadwrn 1 (AN45)

St Dogmaels 2 (P111), vol. II,

RI.ISTECE, see Llanerfyl 1 (MT4)

St Nicholas 1 (P133), vol. II, romanletter inscribed stone with cross, 54 n. 3, 209, 348, 411, 416, 462 St Nicholas 2 (P134), vol. II, romanletter inscribed stone, 284 St Ninian's Isle, Shetland, silver hoard, 98 St Patrick's Cathedral, Co. Dublin,

inscriptions, 83, 148, 445, 446 St Davids 10 (P99), vol. II,

Rothesay 1, Bute, cross-slab, 379 Rowlands, Revd Henry, 21, 200, 237 (RCAHMW), 25-6, 28, 29, 78 runic inscription, 70, 101, 103, 105, 114, 130; on Viking cross-slabs, 260; see also Corwen 5 (MR7)

St Kew, Cornwall, inscribed stone, 281

cross-head. 8 5

St H e l e n ' s C h a p e l , C a p e C o r n w a l l , p o s t - R o m a n c h i - r h o plaque. possible. 0 0

St Ishmaels 1 (CM40), vol. II, i n c o m p l e t e r o m a n . l e t t e ri n s c r i b e d stone.

145

St Ismaels 4 (P131), vol.II, cross-

carved stone, 82, 128 St Just 2, Cornwall, inscribed stone with chi-rho cross, 67, 313

medieval, 1 8 ;early research into,

20. 21, 22. 25. 26. 28: forms. 68-78. see also c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e s : cross.

bases; cross-heads; cross-slabs; c r o s s e s ; f o n t s ; h o g b a c kg r a v e . covers: i c o n o g r a p h y : pillars

sundials; ornament; regional and

local groups: 108-115, circleheadedcrosses, 109-10 (Fig. 9.1), 127, sculpture carved from Anglesey Grit, 111-113 and Fig. 9.2, sculpture on the Llyn and in Merioneth, 113-14, sculpture in Powys, 114-15

523

INDEX

30, 31 (Fig. 3.1), 3 (Fig. 3.2),

Segontium, see C a e r n a r f o n

Seiriol(St), 224

32-8; lithologies: Neoproterozoic

S e l y t a p C y n a n , r u l e r o fP o w y s , 9

SENACVS, see Aberdaron 2 (CN3) SENEMAGLI, see Gwytherin 1 (D2) settlement, early medieval, 3, 5, 9 10, 14, 42, 44, 80; see also AngloS a x o n s ; B r o n z e Age; Hiberno-Scandinavian; Irish i m p a c t ; R o m a n ; Vi k i n g

32-3, Cambrian, 32-4 (Fig. 3.3), 38, Ordovician 31, 32, 345, Silurian, 32-3, 35-6, Carboniferous, 36-7, 38;

Dans. 15

analysis of, 30-2, 37, 38;

34 (Fig. 3.3); 46, 48, 49 and n. 2,

lithologies and chronological c h a n g e s in stone selection. 38-40:

use, 30, 32, 39 (Fig. 3.7), 40; transportation 0f. 32. 129

Shrewsbury, Robert of, 10, 321 S i l c h e s t e r. H a n t s . . o g a m s t o n e .

Silian(?) 3 (CID31), vol. II, fragment, 402, 479 SIMILINI/S[L]B|I]L[I]N|I], see

Clocaenog 1 (D1) Skinner, Revd John, 22, 24, 145, 147, 153, 162, 163, 180, 195 Skinnet, Caithness, cross-slab, 343

sources,written, 5, 7, 8-9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17-18, 19, 44, 85, 106, 110, 127, 128, 181, 219, 224, 247, 314, 321, 322, 328, 402, 416, 421, 427, Sourton, Devon, inscribed stone with

chi-rho cross. 67 Southill, Cornwall, inscribed stone with c h i r h o cross

6 7

Spain, 122, 214, 420, 441 SPECTATI, see Llandanwg 3 (MR12) spiral patterns, 68, 98, 113, 114, 128, 179, 191-2, 203, 204, 206, 266, 341-4, 353, 370; zoomorphic, 444, 445

Spittal 1 (P136), roman-letter

Sulien ofLlanbadarn Fawr, 98, 115, 445, 446 Sulien (St), church dedication, 378 sundials, CN14, MR27, 68, 76, 84, 98, 108, 113, 128; reuse of, 44, 79, 283, 432; reuse for, 79, 166, 170-1 S w y d d y W a u n , c a n t r e fo f , 3

Talacre, Flints., Viking burial, 85, 257 Ta n d d e r w e n , Denbs., early medieval c e m e t e r y. 15

Tanwg (St), 391 Ta v i s t o c k . D e v o n . i n s c r i b e d stones.

110, 112, 114, 362, 370

TENGR(UM)UI, see T v w n 2 (MR25)

TETQUIN, see Llandecwyn 1(MR15) T h e o d e r i c , k i n g o f t h e O s t r o g o t h s . 182

Theodosius, Emperor, 332 Thornton le Moors, Ches., cross, 105, 260

stone, 430

T o m e n y M u r, M e r. . R o m a n a u x i l i a r y

Steynton 1b (P138), vol. II, crosscarved s t o n e 3 5 7

stone, carving techniques, 57-60; sources of stone, 38-40, 80-1,

fort,4, 307, 387, 414, 418; inscribed R o m a n building stones a t

5: see also M a e n t w r o g 1 ( M R 2 1 )

112, 115, 129, 259, 309; extraction of. 3 1 - 2 • g e o l o g i c a l s o u r c e s a n d

selection of, 30-40, 111-13; lithologies, 32-8; lithostratigraphy,

Tregaron 1 (CD32), vol. II, fragmentary roman.letter inscribed

stone, 54 n. 3, 273 ' T r e g a r o n 2 C D 3 3 ) . v o l . IL. c r o s s carved stone with roman.letter

Trier, Germany, 122-3, 209, 214, i n s c r i p t i o n 244, 4 2 0

Trinio (St), 436 Tullylease ,1 Co. Cork, inscription, 330. 343

TVNCC-, see Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22) Tydecho (St), 410

Ty Mawr, Holyhead, Ang,. carly m e d i e v a l c e m e t e r v .4

4

Tysilio (St), 83, 445

Tywyn, Mer., 17, 83, 113 Tywyn 1(MR24), roman-letter i n s c r i b e d s t o n e 4 2 1 - 2 21

0 1

4

1

n. 1, 42, 47, 53, 58 n. 5; letterforms, 63 (Fig. 4.8); 334 Ty w y n 2 (MR25). cross-carved stone with roman-letter inscriptions,

sundial, 266 TOVISACI, see Clocaenog 1 (D1)

422-30, 21 and n. 1, 23, 25, 26; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 68, 76, 77, 82, 84, 87 (Fig. 7.1d), 101; inscription, layout of, 105; 113 117, 118, 127, 128, 151, 258, 286, 315, 337, 348

Gwynedd, 11, 12 110.

311-13, 25; lithology, 33; 41, 45, 51, 53, 58 n. 5, 63; letter-forms, 64 (Fig. 4.9), 66 and Fig. 4.11, 67; 119, 125, 307, 313, 420

T o u r e e n P e a k a u n , C o . T i p p e r a r v.

T r a h a e a r n a p C a r a d o g , r u l e r of

distances o f m o n u m e n t s from

Treflys 1 (CN41), roman-letter

Trevarrack, Cornwall, inscribed stone.

Tintagel, Cornwall, inscribed slate fragment, 59, 195, 414

m o n t i m e n t s

232

Trefeglwys, Monts., church, 130

14, 17, 71, 83, 129, 130, 366; sculpture, regional group, 108, 109,

incomplete roman-letter inscribed

standing stones, 46, 48, 81, 153, 161, 218, 264, 291-2, 296. 317. 319-21, 416, 425; see also prehistoric

Trefdraeth, Ang,. font, 74, 147, 220,

inscription, 116, 261, 334 Tre'r Ceiri, Caerns., hillfort, 274

1 (MR20)

Stackpole Elidir 1 (P137), vol. II,

53, 54, 55, 58 n. 6, 59, 60; letterforms 61, 62 (Figs 4.6, 4.7), 66; 116, 123, 124, 214, 307, 440, 441 Trawsfynydd, Roman wax tablet, 4, 5,

no. 1, 239; no. 2, 313

Tegeingl, cantrefof, 3, 9, 10, 12, 13,

TIGIRN[A]C[I], see Llanymawddwy

inscribed stone, vol. II, 54 n. 3

i n s c r i b e d s t o n e ( B e d dP o r i u s ) ,

416-20, 4, 19, 20, 28, 29; lithology,

s e l e c t i o n o fs t o n e f o r m o n u m e n t

Shrewsbury, Shrops., 10, 11; Abbey,

Trawsfynydd 2 (MR23), roman-letter

m e t h o d o l o g v a n d petrological

r e l a t i o n s h i p of s t o n e form to

Shavington,Ches., late Roman salt-

414-16, 28-9; lithology, 34 (Fig. 3.3); 41, 46, 53, 54 and n. 3, 58 n. 7, 59; letter-forms, 61 (Fig. 4.6), 64 (Fig. 4.9); 116, 119, 125, 396, 441

Trallwng 1(B45), vol. I, Latin- and ogam-inscribed/cross-carved stone.

67

Trawsfynydd 1 (MR22), fragmentary roman-letter inscribed stone.

T y w v n 3 ( M R 2 6 ) . cross-carved stone.

430-1; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 78, 81, 82, 87 (Fig. 7. la), 151

INDEX

524 Walton on the Hill, Lancs., cross, 109, 354

Williams, Sir Ifor, 26, 28, 161

WaltonWest (P139), vol. II, cross-

Water Newton, Hunts., silver hoard,

Williams, Richard (Wmffre Dafydd), 44, 307, 386 Williams, William (of Llandygái), 22, 241, 460, 461 Winefride, St, Life of, 10, 321, see also

Urban, bishop of Llandaf, 257

Wat's Dyke, 9, 114, 128, 332, 333

Wirral, Ches., 71, 77, 108, 110, 127,

v o r , s e ei n s c r i p t i o n s

Waunfawr 1 (CN42), cross-carved

Tywyn 4 (MR27), incomplete sundial, 431-3; lithology, 35 (Fig. 3.5); 76, 79, 84, 108, 113, 128,265-6 T y w y n y Capel, Ang., early medieval c e m e t e r v. 1 7 8 . 3 0 7

c a r v e d s t o n e with inscriptions. 235 W a r e h a m , D o r s e t , i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 59,

Ly w y s o g , s c e u n s c u p t o n s

Uley, Glos., inscription, 280

Valle Crucis (Valley of the Cross),

Williams, Revd John (ab Ithel),22, 23

G w e n t r e w i

stone, 314-15, 28, 78, 82, 86, 87 (Fig. 7.1h), 151, 258, 286, 298, 430

129, 384

Workington 2, Cumbria, cross-shaft 2 5 7

C i s t e r c i a n a b b e y , a y, seea l s o

w a x t a b l e t s . i n fl u e n c e o n l e t t e r - f o r m s

Wreocensate ('people of the

Llandysilio y n Iál 1 (D3)

59, 63, 106, 182, 215, 396 Werburgh (St), 254

Wrekin'), 9 Wroxeter, Shrops. (Viroconium), 328: Anglo-Saxon settlement, 9; civitas

Va n g e , S w e d e n , R o m a n e s q u e font,

Vaughan, Robert, of Hengwrt, 19, 44, 104, 322, 325, 329, 330, 404, 406, 407, 416, 418-19 Vaynor (Abercar) 1 (B46), vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone. 4 6 . 4 2 0

Vaynor (Abercar) 2 (B47), vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone, 46, 54 n. 3, 441

Venantius Fortunatus, 215 VENDESETLI, see Llannor 2 (CN30)

West Kirby, Ches., 77, 110, 354, 371; sculpture, nos 1-3, 109, 364, 370;

R o m a n m i l i t a r y p r e s e n c e . 7;

no. 4 , 110, 354

Westwood, .J O., 23, 24, 25, 379, 412, 430. 4 3 1 . 4 6 7

Wharram Percy, East Yorks., cross, 84 343

Whitchurch 2 ,Co. Dublin, recumbent cross.slab

2 0 6

4 4 5

W h i t f o r d 1 ( F 11 ) . c r o s s - c a r v e d s t o n e .

VERACIVS. see Aberdaron 1 (CN2)

365-6, 78, 81, 89, 90 (Fig. 7.4f),

VERE[.]-, see Llangernyw 3(D6) Vienne, Burgundy, 28, 123, 441 Viking impact, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 108, 110, 113, 128, 129-30, 224, 265,

178, 193, 378

421; burials, 13, 85, 257; incursions

and raids, 10, 12, 17, 110, 113, 130; influence on sculpture, 25, 71, 77, 91-2, 94, 98, 99, 100, 105, 129, 226; place-names, 10, 13, 224, 257; settlement, 9-10, 13, 71, 85, 108, 110, 111, 129, 130, 257, 357, 366,

Whitford 2 (F12)(Maen Achwyfan),

Wroxeter, cross-shaft, 99, 438

Wynne, W. W. E., of Peniarth, 24, 416

Yarrowkirk, Selkirks., inscribed stone, 56, 181-2, 214, 420

27 (Fig. 5.2); 73, 78, 79, 85, 91, 92,

Ynys Seiriol (Priestholm, Puffin Island), 8, 17, 85, 224, 225, 456

lithology, 37-8 and (Fig. 3.6); 69 (Fig. 5.1), 70, 71; cross-head form,

93, 94 (Figs 7.6-7.8), 96 (Fig. 7.10), 99, 100, 109, 110, 129,220, 225, 229, 230, 354, 362, 364, 445, 470 Whithorn, Dumfries and Galloway,

49, 113, 124, 130, 214; Latinus

stone, 49, 54 n. 3, 441; 'Peter'

hoards: h o g b a c k grave-covers

stone, 67; runic inscription, 384; w h i t e awartz pebbles w i t h burials.

178

Wiglaf,king of Mercia, 9, 332

tablets, 60 VINNEMAGLI, see Gwytherin 1 (D2)

W i l l i a m , K i n g ( t h e C o n q u e r o r ) , 14

Vortigern, see Guarthigirn

Williams, Edward (Iolo Morganwg),

Votadini, 407

tombstones, 5; possible early see at, 17; post-Roman activity, 8, 9 Wroxeter 1 (S2), vol. I, inscribed stone, 5, 8, 44, 46, 53, 57, 123, 428

cross, 366-71, 19, 20, 25, 28;

371: see also H i b e r n o - S c a n d i n a v i a n : Vi n d o l a n d a , R o m a n f o r t n H a d r i a n ' s Wa l l . i n s c r i b e d s t o n e . 46: w r i t i n g

legionary fortress. 4; R o m a n m a s o n r y r e u s e . S: R o m a n

W h i t b y ,Yo r k s . , m e m o r i a l i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m

c a n i t a l o f t h e C o r n o v i i . 4. 8: l a t e

Ynys Enlli, see Bardsey Island

Ynys Tudwal, 17

York, late Roman inscription, 413 Ystradfellte (Maen Madoc) 1 (B50), vol. I, Latin-inscribed stone, 46, 296

Ystradfellte (Pen-y-mynydd) 2 (B51), vol. I, o g a m - i n s c r i b e d s t o n e , 67,

399

Ystradgynlais 2 (B53), vol. I., Latini n s e r p e n

s i o r e

a

n

n