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English Pages 307 [330] Year 1999
>
AMERICA—A WOMAN'S JOURNEY
U.S.A. $24.00
Canada $38.95
Leila
Ahmed grew up
'50s in a family that political.
in Cairo in the
was eagerly and passionately
Although many
in the Egyptian
were firmly opposed
classes
1940s and
to change, the
upper
Ahmeds
were proud supporters of independence. But
when
the Revolution arrived, the family's opposi-
tion to Nasser's policies led to persecutions that
would throw
their lives into turmoil
and
set their
youngest child on a journey across cultures. Hers is
a
life
lived through
some of
the major transfor-
mations of our century: the end of colonialism and of the European empires, the creation of Israel, the of Arab nationalism, and the breakdown of the
rise
had thrived
multireligious society that
in Egypt.
S3 murr van-
Through jobs in
university in
England and teaching
Br
Ahmed
a
Abu Dhabi and America,
Leila
sought to define herself— and to understand the world defined
her— as
Egyptian, and an Arab.
a
woman,
a
how
Muslim, an
Her search touched on
questions of language and nationalism, on differ-
ences between men's and women's ways of knowing,
and on
She arrived
vastly different interpretations of Islam. in the
end
at
an ardent but
critical
fem-
inism and an insider's understanding of multiculturalism and religious pluralism. In language that vividly evokes the lush
summers of her Cairo youth
and the harsh barrenness of the Arabian Leila all
to
Ahmed
desert,
has given us a story that can help us
understand the passages between cultures
that so affect
our global
society.
£22
WITHDRAWN No longer the property of tim -M Boston Public Library.
"
Sale of this material benefited flit Ubrvf
A
Border Passage
Also by Leila Ahmed Women and Gender The
Historical Roots of a
in Islam:
Modern Debate
Border Passage From Cairo
A
to
America-
Woman's Journey
Leila
Ahmed
Farrar, Straus and Giroux
NEW YORK
AL BR
HQ1793 .Z75 A55 1999
Farrar, Straus and Giroux 19 Union Square West, New York 10003
Copyright
©
1999 by Leila
Ahmed
All rights reserved
Distributed in
Canada by Douglas
&
Mclntyre Ltd.
Printed in the United States of America Designed by Lisa Stokes First edition,
1999
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Ahmed,
A
Leila.
border passage
/
Leila
cm. ISBN 0-374-11518-4
Ahmed.
p.
(alk.
paper)
Women — Egypt — Biography. 3. Muslim women — Egypt — Biography. 4. Women in Islam — Egypt. 1.
5.
Ahmed,
Egyptians
Leila.
2.
— United States — Biography.
HQ1793.Z75A55
6.
Feminism.
I.
Title.
1999
305.42'092— dc21 [B]
98-39027
The quotations from Rumi on pages 1, 130, 155, and 306 are taken from Rumi: In the Arms of the Beloved, translated by Jonathan Star (New York, 1997); the web page of Handan Oz; and The Essential Rumi, translated by Coleman Barks with John Moyne, A. J. Arberry, Reynold Nicholson (San Francisco, 1996). Grateful acknowledgment is made to Rhonda Cobham and Merle Collins for permission to quote from "Strangers in a Hostile Landscape" by Meiling Jin, first published in Watchers and Seekers: Creative Writing by Black Women in Britain (London: The Women's Press Ltd., 1987).
s6 KNOWLEDGMENTS (
I
want
to
thank the University of Massa-
chusetts at Amherst, and Clare Hall, the University of Cambridge, for a
Samuel
F.
Conti Faculty Fellowship and for a Visiting Fellowship, respectively, both essential to the completion of this book. Thanks also to
and family on both sides of the Atwhose interest and support were just
friends lantic
as essential.
Many
thanks to
my
editors at Farrar,
Straus and Giroux, Jonathan Galassi and
Lauren Osborne.
Some names and
the details of people's lives
have been changed to protect privacy.
Contents
Tart IN •
1
I
THE HOUSE OF MEMORY
1
•
EGYPT:
THE BACKGROUND
3
•2-
FROM COLONIAL TO POSTCOLONIAL
32
•3IN
EXPECTATION OF ANGELS
47
•4-
TRANSITIONS
68
•5-
HAREM
93
•6-
SCHOOLDAYS
135
•7-
SUEZ
158
•8-
THE HAREM PERFECTED?
179
Contents
viii
"Part II
"RUNNING FROM THE FLAMES THAT LIT THE SKY"
195
•9-
PENALTIES OF DISSENT •
10-
IN •
11
THE GROVES OF WHITE ACADEME
206
•
ON BECOMING AN ARAB •
197
243
12-
FROM ABU DHABI TO AMERICA Hyilogue CAIRO MOMENTS
271
299
IN THE
HOUSE OF MEMORY
"To hear
the song of the reed
Everything you have ever known
must be
left
behind."
Rumi
Background
(
27ue
Sgyft-.
IT
WAS AS
IF there
the era of
my
were
to life itself a quality of
music
in that time,
childhood, and in that place, the remote edge of
Cairo. There the city petered out into a scattering of villas leading into tranquil country fields.
On
the other side of our house was the
profound, unsurpassable quiet of the desert.
There was,
to begin with, always the
than a mere breath having
its
friends day,
own music,
(when we
make
— of the wind its
left in
own way the
sound
— sometimes no more
in the trees,
of conversing.
summers
each variety of tree I
knew them
for Alexandria
I
all like
would, the
the round of the garden saying goodbye to the trees),
last al-
though none more intimately than the two trees on either side of the corner bedroom
I
shared with Nanny.
On
one side was the
barely perceptible breath of the mimosa, which, strong,
window
On
would scratch
lightly
with
the wind grew
the other side was the dry, faintly rattling shuffle of the long-
nights the street
window
facing the street.
lamp cast the shadows of the slender
calyptus leaves onto
I
when
thorns at the shutters of the
facing the front of the house, looking out onto the garden.
leaved eucalyptus that stood by the
fall
its
silky,
my bedroom
wall,
my own
On
hot
twirling eu-
secret cinema.
I
would
asleep watching those dancing shadows, imagining to myself that
saw a house
in
them and people going about
their lives.
They would
4
Leila
appear
at the
Ahmed
door or windows of their shadow house and talk and
come out and do
things on the balcony.
would go
I
forward to finding out what had happened next in their I
bed looking
to
lives.
loved the patterns of light cast by leaves on the earth and
I
loved
being in them, under them. The intricate, gently shifting patterns that the flame tree cast where the path widened toward the garden gate,
me
fading and growing strong again as a cloud passed, could hold still,
totally lost, for long
moments.
Almost everything then seemed sounds that its
terrors,
the karawan, a bird
have
its
own
own lilt: made audible
beat,
sweetness of being, others that
distilled the
its
The cascading cry of heard but never saw, came only in the dusk. Its descending down the scale was like the pure
and sounds
long melancholy
to
I
call
for everything between.
expression of lament at the
fall
of things,
all
endings that the end of
light presaged.
Then
there was the music of the street beyond the garden hedge
in the day, not noisy
but
alive,
between long
intervals of silence, with
the sounds of living. People walking, greeting one another, the clip-
clop of a donkey, sometimes of a horse. Street vendors' calls
— "tama-
a-tim" for tomatoes, "robbabe-e-eccia-a" for old clothes and furniture.
And
the sound, occasionally, of cars, though rarely enough for us to
own car. Our when the car was
be able to detect the horn and the engine even of our
we could, still almost two miles away. That was how Frankie died in the end, running out as he always did to greet my father when he arrived in dog, Frankie, could detect
it
long before
the car driven by a uniformed government chauffeur. Frankie's front
paw
got run over, leaving
him whimpering about
soon chewed through. Father put a guard on too late; Frankie got gangrene and died.
down, although
Then
this
was kept from
me
More
in a cast that
mouth but
his
precisely,
it
he
was
he was put
at the time.
there was the sound sometimes, in the earliest morning, of
the reed piper walking past our house. His pipe sounded private, like
someone singing speech, like a pipe and one
himself.
to
human
knew
it
voice.
to
A
simple, lovely sound, almost like
He would
say "good morning" with his
be "good morning."
When
he passed,
it
would
A something of
feel as if
one's
Years later is
5
sweetness had momentarily graced
infinite
and then faded
life
Border Passage
irretrievably away.
discover that in Sufi poetry this music of the reed
I'd
the quintessential music of loss and I'd feel, learning this, that
known
always
to
it
be
so. In the
poetry of Jalaluddin Rumi, the classic
master-poet of Sufism, the song of the reed
human
we
condition, haunted as
its
the metaphor for our
we know not
quite what.
bed and fashioned into a pipe, the reed forever laments
the living earth that
breathed into
it,
haunted by
lives
is
so often are by a vague sense of
longing and of nostalgia, but nostalgia for
Cut from
I'd
its
once knew, crying out, whenever
it
ache and
loss,
we
its
yearning and
too, says
loss.
We
life
is
too live our
Rumi, remember a condition of
completeness that we once knew but have forgotten that we ever
knew. The song of the reed and the music that haunts our
music of
loss,
That's
lives is
the
of loss and of remembrance.
how
was
it
in the beginning,
how
it
was
to
come
to con-
sciousness in this place and this time and in a world alive, as
it
seemed, with the music of being.
And memory,
yet also, as it
is
begins. Rather,
I
sit
here now, in these halls, in this house of
not in those days and those it
begins for
me
that I'd begin to follow the path that
so
politics that
I
fell in
it
is
that era
lives.
is,
For
it
would bring me
lives that
I
was only then
— exactly here.
must begin.
in the last days of the British
when
Empire.
My
childhood
the words "imperialism" and "the West" had not
yet acquired the connotations they have today
come, that
story
with those years and their upheaval and with the
framed our
grew up
my
that
with the disruption of that world and
the desolation that for a time overtook our
And
moments
mere synonyms
— they had not yet be-
for "racism," "oppression,"
and
"ex-
ploitation."
Or, at any rate, they had not yet tual, professional,
entirely ordinary,
become
so
among
the intellec-
and governing classes of Egypt. In Cairo
among
it
was
those classes, to grow up speaking English
6
Leila
Ahmed
or French or both, and quite ordinary to attend an English or French school.
It
was taken
for granted
much
there was unquestionably ilization of
to
Europe and the great
human advancement. No litically
among
who
the people
raised us that
admire in and learn from the
civ-
Europe had made
strides that
in
matter that the European powers were po-
oppressive and indeed blatantly unjust; nor did
seem
it
to
matter that the very generation which raised us were themselves locked in struggle with the British for Egypt's political independence.
There seemed
be no contradiction for them between pursuing
to
in-
dependence from the European powers and deeply admiring European
institutions, particularly
scientific
democracy, and Europe's tremendous
breakthroughs.
common
This was the
My schoolmates
at the
ethos
among
other Middle Easterners, too.
English School in Cairo included Syrians, Leb-
anese, and Palestinians from the
same broad
mine, and their attitudes toward English, the attitudes of our parents.
school years was Jean Said,
like
class
background as
mine, no doubt reflected
One of my two best friends through my who would later write Beirut Fragments;
she was the younger sister of Edward Said, the well-known theorist
and
literary critic.
They were Christians of
Muslims of Egypt, but
their attitudes
from ours. Our very names Lily,
Palestine and
we were
were not discernibly different
— Edward, Jean, and my own school name, my given name — plainly suggest our
an anglicized version of
parents' admiration of things European.
At home
my
parents' heroes were
Gandhi and,
to a lesser extent,
Nehru, as well as the leaders of Egypt's own struggle for independence, such as Saad Zaghloul. Egypt in the decades of
youth and young adulthood
ahead of India
in fact, slightly
democratic
rule.
pendence from chy,
and
— that
By the
in
is,
its
parents'
the 1920s, 30s and 40s
had won
partial inde-
Britain, established itself as a constitutional
installed
its first
— was,
pursuit of independence and
early twenties Egypt
democratically elected government.
government believed that education was key bility as
my
monar-
The new
to ensuring Egypt's sta-
a democracy and began at once to open
more
free schools,
A
By the
for girls as well as boys.
university
opened
Border Passage
7
late twenties Egypt's first
modern
doors.
its
For three decades the country was a democracy. Then came the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, which drove the old governing classes out of power and put an end to their dreams. Democracy was abolished and Egypt was declared a socialist state, drawing inspiration
now
Soviet Union.
its
political
not from the democracies of the West but from the
The
revolution had inaugurated a
new and
fiercer type
of anti-imperialist, anti-Western rhetoric,
which would become the
dominant rhetoric of the postrevolutionary
age.
Already in the
thirties
and
forties events
had begun
to prepare
the ground for revolution as well as for a deepening anger at and
disillusionment with the Western powers. Egypt, like
many
countries,
was caught up
in the eddies of the
Great Depression, which overtook Europe and America and which
came
in
Egypt just as the
new
graduates of the expanded schooling
were entering the workforce, looking for the professional opportunities their
education had promised. Already, even before
had been experiencing
its first
glut of school
this,
Egypt
and college graduates.
Frustrated in their hopes of upward mobility, increasingly alienated
from the government and
its rival
parties, these aspiring
members
of
the middle and lower-middle classes began to turn to alternative organizations of opposition.
They turned, above
all,
to the
Muslim
Brotherhood. The Brotherhood, founded in the late twenties, aimed to institute Islamic
lingering
and
government
in
still-palpable British
Egypt and free the country from
domination. The Brotherhood grew
rapidly through the thirties, in particular
among
those educated and
alienated lower-middle classes. While the government merely talked
about improving conditions, the Brotherhood got down to work raising charitable funds from
its
members and
establishing free health clinics
and other much-needed centers providing
As the Brotherhood's influence grew, imperialism and the
its
West became more
vital assistance
and
relief.
profoundly negative view of familiar
and widespread.
Leila
8
which had hitherto kept
In the thirties, too, Egypt,
from the Arab East, began
Ahmed
to find itself
its
distance
more and more drawn
into
negotiations around the question of Palestine. European immigration to Palestine
surged with the
rise of
Fascism
in
Europe, and reports
of Palestinian uprisings and brutal British reprisals were
more frequently
in the
more and
news. Egyptian sympathy for the Palestinians
grew, as did outrage at the flagrancy of imperialist injustice.
The Mus-
lim Brotherhood also took up the Palestinian cause. Already, then, Egyptian attitudes toward the
Then,
to radically change.
altogether bleaker and
West were beginning
in the forties, cataclysmic events cast
more
lurid light
on Europe and
an
its civilization.
Postwar revelations about the death camps in Germany and America's dropping of atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki
now
called into
question the very notion of European and Western civilization. Many,
who had once so admired ask in what human values,
including people of the class and generation the West, found themselves compelled to
indeed in what garbling of
was
after all
tion leading
Europe
values, this civilization of
grounded. Toward what abyss was
this flagship civiliza-
humanity?
Such events
precipitated a sense of shock and revulsion. Probably
no one gave voice tling as
human
more succinctly than Gandhi, wres-
to this sense
he was with Western
lence. 'There have
and the new order of
civilization
been cataclysmic changes
in the world/'
he
vio-
said,
responding to news of the atom bomb.
"It
American friends that the atom bomb
bring ahimsa [nonviolence]
as nothing else can. will so disgust the
time being. This
It will, if it is
world that
is
it
very like a
will
meant
will turn
man
the point of nausea and turning
will the
effect of disgust
power
away from violence
for the
its
glutting himself with dainties to
is
to return
over. Precisely in the
with
same
world return to violence with renewed zeal after the is
worn
out."
Germany were not merely lives.
destructive
that
away from them only
redoubled zeal after the effect of nausea
manner
it
has been suggested by
Hiroshima and the gas chambers of
distant events without effect
Egyptian memoirs from that era record
how
on Egyptian
these events indel-
A ibly
marked the
impact on ers to
my
Border Passage
writer's consciousness. In
mother. She became a
our house they had a direct
pacifist.
take a solemn oath, which we were
would never serve
that they
as
they kept. In the Suez conflict,
he served
at the front as
9
She required
all
summoned
combatants in any war.
when one
an ambulance
of
It
my broth-
to witness,
was an oath
my brothers was
drafted,
driver.
The final blow that would trigger the revolution come with the founding of Israel, swiftly followed by
in
Egypt would
Egypt's
and the
Arabs' defeat by Israel in the war of 1948. Egypt's defeat, profoundly galling to the army,
was rumored
to
have been caused by corruption
at the highest levels of the military establishment, it
was
said, in collusion
members
of which,
with the king, had pocketed the funds
in-
tended for military supplies, procuring instead, and passing off on the army, cheap, defective equipment.
The feat
revolution of 1952 was planned in the aftermath of that de-
by a group of young, bright, capable army
officers
smarting from
the humiliation of a defeat suffered, they believed, entirely because
of the corruption of the establishment.
One
of these
young
officers
was Gamal Abdel Nasser. Another
was Anwar al-Sadat. Egyptians would take pride in the fact that Egypt's revolution was a bloodless one.
While other revolutions
olution, for example,
which came soon
in the region
— the
Iraqi rev-
after the Egyptian
— would
carve out a bloody path, in Egypt the royal family was treated with civility.
The deposed King Farouk even received
a twenty-one-gun sa-
lute as his yacht sailed out of his palace harbor in Alexandria to exile in Italy.
I
recall following its progress across the horizon. Violence,
Egyptians said with pride back then, was not the Egyptian way. Egyptians, they said,
who would lution
had a tradition of abhorring violence. Even people
eventually
would
come
to hate
Nasser and the Egyptian Revo-
give the revolutionaries credit for having
honored
this
tradition of nonviolence.
Following the revolution, the state took control of the media and
10
Leila
Ahmed
motion a propaganda machine that
set in
tirelessly
disseminated
its
new message of socialism and anti-imperialism, and also of something quite new to Egypt at the time, Arab nationalism. Today we are so used to the idea of Egypt as "Arab" that it seems unimaginable that Egyptians ever thought of themselves as anything else. In fact,
I
memoir.
this
made
It
this
assumption myself when
was only when
make sense
that
tory of our
Arab
I
my own
was compelled
I
first
began writing
discordant memories failed to
to look
identity. Eventually
nature of our Arab identity as
I
more
began
carefully into the his-
to see the constructed
was formed and re-formed
it
to serve
the political interests of the day. For example, during the years of
my
adolescence and early adulthood, Egypt underwent several changes in
name,
when
the media, the try's
Under Nasser, hammered home in
reflecting the shifting definitions of our identity.
the idea that
name
briefly,
we were Arab was
incessantly
word "Egypt" was removed altogether from the coun-
— and we became the United Arab Republic as we united,
with Syria. Through the Nasser era the country retained that
name, even though the union with Syria dissolved within
a couple of
years. Eventually, in a sign of shifting political winds, Sadat brought
back the word "Egypt" and we became the Arab Republic of Egypt.
Of
course, the issue of identity, a profoundly ambiguous matter for
Egypt, was inescapably and deeply political. Sadat,
who
published
his autobiography during his presidency, actually called his
book
In Search of Identity. If
the president of Egypt himself, no less, was searching for his
identity,
no wonder that
I,
years in that era of revolution,
and conflicted and, forever tainty
my
crossing the threshold into
would
after,
teenage
find myself profoundly confused
haunted by feelings of deep uncer-
and a mysteriously guilt-ridden sense of ambiguity. Identity was
not simply a matter of rhetoric and politics but something that directly
touched
my own
life
While Jean
in personal if unarticulated ways.
Said was a Palestinian Christian,
was an Egyptian Jew. The new crystallized in those years
other best friend, Joyce Alteras,
definition of our identity that
had
sensed, for the Jews of Egypt.
my
direct implications, as
I
was being
am
sure
I
A But how
so firmly fixes
hostage, as
its
it
if
not as Arab?
has been in our time, to a politics that
identity as Arab,
we might
easily see that,
and geography, there are
basis of the country's history
number
11
might Egyptians define themselves,
else
Were Egypt not
Border Passage
on the
in fact quite a
of other ways of conceiving of Egyptian identity.
Egyptians, for instance, might, with equal accuracy, define them-
Or
selves as African, Nilotic, Mediterranean, Islamic, or Coptic. all,
or any combination
as
the above. Or, of course, as Egyptian:
of,
pertaining to the land of Egypt.
Pertaining to the land of Egypt. Pertaining
nous ancient Egyptian word is
called in the Bible.
for this land
"Musur"
—
to
—
to use the indige-
Kemi. "Mizraim," as
it
to the Assyrians. "Aigyptos" (from Hi-
kuptah, one of the names of Memphis), as the Greeks called
it,
when
Egypt became a province of their Hellenic Empire. "Aegyptus" to the
Romans, when we became part of
when
they, too,
"Masr," as
we
their empire. "Misr" to the Arabs,
conquered Egypt. "Masr," as we Egyptians
call
our capital
"al-Qahira" to Arabs.
A city
too.
call
it.
Masr. "Cairo" to English speakers,
founded, in
fact,
by the Arabs a
little
over
a thousand years ago, soon after they
conquered the country. Founded
on a
Memphis, the ancient
site fifteen
Egypt
—a
miles or so north of
city dating
nufer," City of the
They came tentions.
in,
from about 3000 bce. "Memphis" from "Men-
Good. the revolutionaries, with high ideals and good in-
They simply wanted, they
the corruption with which said,
it
was
said, to cleanse society
rife to
class oppression that
had forever plagued
this country,
tremes of wealth and poverty. This would be a era of equality and opportunity for failed; socialism
now was
all.
the only answer.
their wealth stripped
new
injustices of
with
The
old,
ex-
its
era, they said,
Democracy, they
said,
an
had
unscrupulous rich
from them; their properties would
be nationalized and put to use for the benefit of land they
and bring
an end. The revolution, they
would sweep out the old corrupt order and end the
would have
capital of
all
the people.
The
owned would be taken from them (anything over two hun-
dred feddans
— about two hundred acres) and distributed
to the peas-
12
Leila
antry.
And
Ahmed
owned would be taken over and run by
the factories they
the government for the benefit, now, of
Of course
all
the people.
the old upper classes and propertied middle classes did
not like losing what they had
owned and
and the new laws nationalizing
this
did not like the revolution
and that and stripping them of
the wealth they had inherited or themselves built up. But there were
many members
of those classes, too,
who
disliked
and feared what
the revolutionaries were doing, not out of greed but out of political
They believed
conviction.
that the revolutionaries'
of sus-
first act,
pending and then abolishing democracy, augured ominously
for the
country's future.
The
revolution did in fact bring about
tant changes.
who
all
this policy
had
its
qualified,
both
costs, in the
and impor-
positive
immediately instituted free schooling for
It
college education for
though even
some
all
and
men and women.
free
Al-
enormous overcrowding
of schools, colleges, and universities and a resulting dramatic decline in educational standards,
it
had the extremely
significant effect of
opening up educational and professional opportunities for
and
it
all
classes,
brought about a class mobility and a democratization of wealth
unprecedented perhaps,
it
in Egypt's recent history.
Even more fundamentally,
effected a transformation of consciousness
and expectation
by making equality of opportunity a basic assumption of society. To be sure, though, Egypt continues to be a society marked by vast inequalities
— no
less vast today, perhaps,
But gradually
it
became apparent
side to the revolution.
Soon enough
with Nasser emerging from the sole ruler,
whom
it
initial
than in the old days.
that there
became
was
a
more somber
a blatant dictatorship,
group of revolutionaries as the
no one could challenge or
defy. Soon, too, corrup-
became the order of the day at the hands of a new ruling class, of them military men, who had come in on the coattails of the revolutionaries. Political repression became the norm and Egypt's prisons began to bulge with political prisoners. The mukhabarat, a tion
many
Soviet-style
network of informers and secret police whose purpose was
to ferret out critics society.
and
dissidents,
became
a pervasive presence in
A
Border Passage
13
This was not what the young revolutionaries had meant to happen. But here
it
was;
had happened.
it
This darker side of the revolution would in due course affect
own family. The problems that were just beginning when
I
college in
left for
the time
I
England
to
touch our
my
lives
had become, by
in the late fifties
my
returned, full-blown. These years following
return to
Egypt were to be, for me, quite crucial. They marked the end, in important ways, of the enormously privileged taken for granted. They changed
me
who
I
years
became. The story of
my
changed Cairo world
In the
my
when "work" was
reading, thinking,
and
writing.
I
I
which
to
remember
bus stop
A
immediately loved.
I
trudging,
at the
time
remember,
read him, holing up in
first
and
my work and
returned, those under-
I
come
to
seem
the pleasure of immersing myself
of English literature. As
whose books
life
politics of these years.
graduate years at Cambridge would quickly time
damp
until then
then, begins with these crucible
life,
and the circumstances and
had
I
At once turning point
forever.
and crucible, they fundamentally shaped
life
it
when
idyllic.
day in
all
discovered the riches
I
was Thomas Hardy, above
all,
must have been autumn when
It
my room
A
I
with an armful of his books, for
leaves underfoot, back
and forth from the
corner of the Girton woods in between hours of read-
ing him. There were squirrels in the woods, red squirrels always fleeing,
vanishing at the sound of a footfall.
rang with the
call
Dark and narrow, courtyard.
and
A
of cuckoos, which its
one
in the spring the
could hear in
I
one virtue was that
great tree stood to
in the center
And
side,
were rose beds that
it
my room
woods
— E22.
looked out on a lovely
changing with the seasons,
filled
with color in spring and
summer. The rooms below me were occupied by Muriel Bradbrook, the Shakespearean scholar,
been
told
when
I
arrived,
who was
also
my
director of studies. I'd
by way of warning perhaps and as a piece
of college legend, that the previous occupant of
my room had one
day
unthinkingly emptied a teapot out her window, only to learn that Miss
Bradbrook, sitting out on a deck chair, had been
down
below.
14
Ahmed
Leila
The way Hardy wrote were
of nature, the earth, the trees, as
living beings, gave voice to a sense I'd
had of them growing up,
a rather lonely child in a house encircled by a garden
of enfolding trees had given lace.
Perhaps
it
gland that drew the
way
was
me
me
they
if
whose
variety
nurturance, companionship, and so-
also Hardy's acute sense of the loveliness of to him.
The sheer
En-
physical loveliness of England,
the earth here transformed itself through the seasons, subtly
and moment by moment and yet
new and
also spectacularly,
marvelous. Even winter with
was mysterious and
its
was
to
snows and early
me
lovely.
Other things too had made Hardy particularly resonant His sense of some force
— nature,
society,
against
man, fundamentally primed
voice to
my own
forces, before
to
something
which we were
as nothing.
Often
is
And
had etched
had loved
for the
same
that too
conformed
itself in
Maugham whose
had been Somerset sorts of reasons. I'd
sex
it is
at the heart of
to the pattern and understanding of
that
and stupid
Hardy,
too, in
the destruction that unfolds through the book. life
set
crush and defeat him, gave
or something to do with society's rules about sex that
it
me.
for
— inexorably
sense, then, of our puniness before blind
In earlier years
quite
nightfalls
me.
books
come on them among
I
all
the other English books that lined our shelves at home: scientific
books, novels, the works of Dickens, Thackeray.
I
don't
know how
I
would have survived the loneliness of my teenage years without the companionship of such books, read
to the
the trees, alternately dirge and solace.
leaning on of the I
my
windowsill,
moon, and the
when
pull of
some
could turn to and bury myself
Sometimes from
all
my window
And
of the house toward side.
was a
in
evenings,
between me, the
vast abyss below
book
spell
that
in. I
saw, across the stretch of wasteland
men
the dead, borne on
some
sound of only the wind
remember moonlit
that stood
between us and the next neighbors, line, defecating.
I
burial
crouching by the railway
litters,
passed by on that side
ground beyond
sight
Sometimes there would be no one following the
on the desert
litter,
the dead
person being someone destitute and without kin, the bearers in that case
literally
jogging with their burden, hurrying, the customary rhyth-
A
Border Passage
mic chant "innana min Allah wa
and
to
him we
was how its
I
return")
illayhi ragi
it
was
un" ("We are from God
— but
now know,
I
in the years
my
is
different in
when
I
facts.)
returned from Cambridge that
what had been only vague forebodings took on that overtook
breath. (That
of course memories are the stories of our
consciousness rather than just "objective"
But
c
pounded out of them with each
heard that phrase, which, as
"correct" form
15
parents' lives
and the
gloom
reality in the
now
air of desolation that
permanently overhung Ain Shams, our family home.
Ain Shams (the name of the suburb the
name
in
which we
lived as well as
of our house) had already in that era begun to change for
reasons that had nothing to do with politics.
What had been
my
in
childhood a remote, sparsely populated suburb was, by the time of
my
return, being rapidly assimilated into the chaotic,
crowded urban
sprawl of Cairo. Previously our house had been bordered by lush and tranquil countryside
on one side and by desert on the other, the
dreamlike outlines of palm groves lightly gracing the horizon.
A single
road, lined with a scattering of garden-enclosed houses, linked
the
to
it
city.
What we had most loved about our house, its most remarkable own eyes and everyone else's, had been its garden.
feature in our
Besides being enormous by Cairo standards, in its variety of
shrubs and trees
tamarind, oleander
— and
in its
among
family, friends,
legendary gardens.
which made
it
On
was marvelously
rich
— pine, eucalyptus, apricot, mango, clam— bougainvillea,
winding paths and arbors and
bering plants, brilliant and fragile
was,
it
roses,
its
wisteria. It
and even casual
visitors,
one of Cairo's
the other hand, the suburb where
possible for us to have so large a garden,
remote and distinctly unfashionable edge of the
city.
we
lived,
was on the
Nearly
schoolmates lived in elegant apartments in the fashionable
all
my
districts
of central Cairo or else in villas with town-sized gardens in the similarly
exclusive Heliopolis
—
districts that
were the equivalent,
Park Avenue in Manhattan or of Scarsdale, whereas we were, in Brooklyn. Cairo, of course, eval core,
its
ancient
sites,
and
its
is
not
New
York.
great spiritual
lived, as
With
hubs
say, of
its
it
medi-
— shrines
to
16
Leila
Ahmed
which people have flocked over centuries it is
a city
ered;
and
whose geography, all
spiritual
somehow, even
of this
as they flock to
and
historical,
is
subliminally,
if
experience of growing up in Cairo. At Ain
Lourdes
complexly
lay-
part of the
is
Shams we had, each within
ten minutes' walk of our house, the obelisk of ancient Heliopolis,
standing in the place in which
thousands of years
sycamore (with, beside
it
it
had stood since
and the ancient
earlier,
it
was erected spreading
tree, a great,
now, a small church), where, legend has
it,
Mary halted to rest with Jesus and Joseph on their flight into Egypt. Our house, then, standing as it did at the intersection of country, desert, and city, stood also at the edge and confluence of these many worlds and histories.
Ain Shams was
seems
It
way
in this
that even geographically
one world. Or rather
The was he
for
whom
look back, that
as not quite to belong to
to belong, at once, to all of
original conception of this garden
he who, before
I
quintessentially a place of borders and
was so placed
it
now, as
entirely apt
them.
had been
my
father's. It
having a wonderful garden had been a priority and
his marriage,
had bought the land and planned and
planted the garden. Throughout our childhoods
my
albeit always in friendly fashion, over the subject.
more
parents bickered,
Mother would com-
plain that she
wanted
would ask
wasn't worth the inconvenience of living where
to
we
if it
any
to live in a
central location,
and Father
we
did
have such a garden. Then he would appeal to us, the children, and
But even Mother was
invariably took his side.
in her protests, for she herself
than that, the garden and the cultivation of the entire meditative
mood
less
than halfhearted
was by then an avid gardener. More
of Ain Shams, a
its
loveliness,
mood
and indeed
of garden and read-
became her domain, a realm sustained by her
ing and imagination,
involvement. It
was hard, returning from Cambridge,
garden had become as ertheless, while they its
air of
my
were
parents' alive,
home
Within the house
if
like a sea against
my
how
disheveled the
subsided into decay. Nev-
Ain Shams would continue
enclosure and seclusion as
urban sprawl beating
to see
to retain
holding off the encroaching
it.
parents lived from day to day, disoriented,
A like
Border Passage
people whose ship had foundered.
looked as
if
herself.
And
affected
my
17
My mother in
particular often
she didn't quite recognize the world in which she found
was indeed a quite
it
different world, for the revolution
family in fundamental and irreparable ways.
my parents' difficulties were position my father had taken on the
cally in this period,
quence of the
Most
criti-
the direct consebuilding of
Aswan
High Dam.
A distinguished
engineer, Father, previously chairman of the Nile
Water Control Board, was chairman of the Hydro-Electric Power Commission when he opposed the building of the High Dam. Nasser and the government rejected Father's views, but Father would not be turned away nor would he be silenced. In
book about
his views,
fact,
would today
My
it
father's reasons for
call ecological.
movement and power
now
the very has.
It
to write a
which the government then promptly im-
pounded, ordering him neither to speak nor the subject.
he went on
But
in the
efforts to stop the building of the
which would become the
first
any further on
dam were what we
in those days there
word had not
was
to write
opposing the
was no ecology
meaning and
yet acquired the
mid-1950s that Father began
dam. Rachel Carson's Silent Spring,
well-known work
to
sound a warning
note about ecological destruction, was not published until 1962. so
my
father, with his forecasts
his
about the consequences of the
— most of which, incidentally, have proved
to
be correct
And dam
— was a lone
voice in the wilderness.
There were many reasons that he opposed the construction of the
dam. The
first
was that Egypt would
lose the Nile
silt,
that
silt
of
proverbial fertility brought annually by the fast-flowing waters of the
Nile in flood, spread on waters.
With the dam
the world's largest ser).
its
banks, and
this silt
man-made
left
would sink
there by the receding
to the
bottom of the
lake (to be called, of course,
Lake Nas-
Henceforth, consequently, Egypt would have to rely on
chemical
fertilizer, as
indeed
it
fish
artificial
does today. In addition, before the
dam, the swift-flowing waters of the Nile organisms that fed the
lake,
in flood
brought with them
of the eastern Mediterranean and contrib-
uted to sustaining the very livingness of the sea and
its
plant and
18
Ahmed
Leila
animal
life.
would be held back by the giant dam.
All of this, too,
series of smaller
dams, on the other hand, which Father recom-
mended, would have had causing none of
A
its
the benefits of one colossal
all
problems. Father's plan would have
dam
made
while
possible
the control and regulation of the flooding river, but without disrupting
and
vital
its
life-sustaining processes.
With the Aswan High Dam,
Father also argued, there would be a dramatic disease bilharzia
work with water
among
rise in the snail-borne
those whose livelihoods required them to
— the Egyptian peasantry. The fast-flowing waters of
the Nile in flood had kept the disease in check by annually flushing the snails out to sea. Furthermore, according to Father's calculations, there would even be an for in
would create
it
a
enormous
huge
what was one of the
lake, a
loss of
water because of the dam,
body of water with a vast surface,
hottest, driest regions of the world; the rate
of water loss through evaporation would be enormous. In addition, the geological composition of the earth south of Aswan, where the
would form, was such that the
lake
of the loss.
lake's walls
would seep
enormous pressure on them, causing further
And
so on, for this
is
only a partial
list
as a result
significant water
of the
damage Father
foresaw.
He
felt
he could not obey Nasser's ban against
on the matter of the
his speaking out
Nile: the cost of his silence to Egypt,
was too high. He believed
it
was
he
felt,
his duty to alert people, particularly
the scientific community, to these catastrophic problems and to do
everything in his power to stop the dam's construction. Prevented
from publishing
in Egypt,
he took the only other course open
he went to London, where he delivered a paper with
to
him:
his findings at
the Institute of Civil Engineers, of which he was a long-standing
member. The
To
institute published
it
forthwith.
Father's mind, his paper, full of mathematical calculations,
measurements of water volume, evaporation so on,
dence important ser.
rates, soil erosion,
was a presentation of meticulously calculated
to the future of Egypt, not a political attack
For Nasser, however, the
dam was
and
scientific evi-
on Nas-
a political symbol, a symbol,
A among other things, own important role
Border Passage
19
of Egypt's defiance of imperialism and of Nasser's in Egypt's political future. His nationalization of
the Suez Canal in 1956, that
supreme act of challenge
to imperialism,
had been undertaken, as he had declared in his nationalization speech, in order to use the canal's revenues to build the High
(once America had reneged on
its
promise to finance
it).
Dam
Moreover,
and grandiosity was emblematic of
for Nasser, the dam's very size
Egypt's rebirth as a great nation, a nation venturing once more, as in
ancient days, on
monumental
amids. That was
how
the
projects
dam was
— projects
was new Egypt's great pyramid. For Father,
it
as
grand as the pyr-
touted in the press in those days: it
was Egypt's great
disaster.
Finally, of course, Nasser's at stake.
Weighed
own
political stature
against these matters,
and glory were
what did environmental dam-
age or the illness and premature deaths of a few thousand more peasants from bilharzia matter? Father believed that Nasser cared not at all
about the Egyptian peasantry or about what happened to Egypt in
own power and
the long run, only about his
rate Father's defiance of Nasser's
Nasser's fury. living
On
prestige.
And
so at any
ban on publishing further provoked
my
their return to Egypt
parents found themselves
under a palpable cloud of government censure and displeasure.
In daily
life this
translated into small habitual harassments that
made
their lives bleak, difficult, anxious, debilitating.
how
This was return
home
things were
of respite, but
would
sheet.
I
left
England and college
to
to Egypt.
Soon my father became
I
when
ill
more and more
regularly
find Father prostrate, his
He would open
He had days now when visited my parents
with chronic pneumonia. I
body puny
as a child's
under the
his eyes fleetingly to look acutely, intensely,
then close them again, breathing with the aid of an oxygen mask, each rasping breath harsh and labored, drawn, one could hear, in pain.
my entire visit (in my last couple of years in Cairo I my parents' home to a flat of my own) would be taken
Sometimes
moved out up with
of
sitting or standing at his side,
holding the oxygen
mask over
20 his
Ahmed
Leila
mouth. Wearing
Fat-hia the maid or
was uncomfortable
it
I
would
relieve
him
for him,
for a while
my mother
and
by holding
it
or
gently
over his mouth.
The
smells, the sights, the paraphernalia of illness.
Sitting in the
my arm
darkened room,
aching from holding the
mask, listening in the silence to Father's labored breath,
and over
my mind
in
that
all
was happening
to us.
I
turned over
How
Father had
how he had been crushed by this hero of our Arab world. And I thought of
struggled on the right side and political giant, this great
the years of careful, devoted, meticulous thought and calculation
about the Nile that had gone into his work and his understanding of
and of
this river,
his heroic
attempt to avert catastrophe and preserve
for future generations the riches that Egyptians
pended on,
And
time.
for their lives
and
how I longed to return own thought up my life. And about justice and innow how my sense of a troubled division between cul-
thought about England and of
I
there and take justice.
I
see
first
side.
And
of I
the history
from
all
see I
I
even civilizations took
tures, places,
form
this
how my
was
by the thoughts
its
particular cast
moments
self-understanding and
had
my
understanding of
Father struggling to
sitting here listening to
But here they were anyhow and
my mother
Living from day to day, sit
and color and
sitting here at this bed-
through would be forever marked and scored
living I
— those
breathe, aware of his pain and of his ebbing
would
had enjoyed, and de-
their civilization since the beginning of
this
life.
was how
their life
was now.
tended to Father and in between
exhausted in front of the flicker of the television, she and
her faithful Fat-hia sometimes sitting together and sometimes separately, taking turns.
There was nothing Father's illness
really for
and the
which
fact,
to hope.
unspoken by anyone, that he was
dying occupied the forefront of our thoughts. Unspoken but near the surface, evident in our eyes
For visits,
me
whenever they met.
there was another, deeper,
a dread
I
am
sure
I
more obscure dread
barely acknowledged.
It
in those
was the dread that
A I,
my mother, would
like
was particularly
and
real
ernment was refusing
me
grant
the
means
this
never have a professional
me
to grant
They were refusing
a passport.
Egypt not because
to leave
was a way of further harassing
my
my
had any
I'd
my own dream
to think
doomed
My
to
come
father. Captive in Egypt,
un-
a
life,
life in
which
(in
my own
future.
I
remember,
my
as
coming out of Father's room and looking found her and Fat-hia watching
passive, almost
bending
I
came
in.
I
air, for
my
And
I
in,
how
those
She looked
film.
and exhausted, had the I
went up
to her,
with her a formal gesture, a
mother, unusually in this society,
remember thinking
terrible
to just sit there, passively
as
left
I
them
black-and-white television, the
sitting together in the flicker of the
dusk outside closing
all
room adjoining my her main living area. I
an Arabic
face, gray
— always
me
for
was leaving one evening,
as
television,
Her
goodbye
always shrank from touch.
life,
I
was
eyes in those days) she
stunned look of absolute weariness.
to kiss her
careful kissing of the
one's
life
into the
now
mother's bedroom, which she used
up, startled, as
had hoped,
to nothing.
mother's
about
I
of pursuing a professional
had "done" nothing, pursued no profession, focused fears
significant
and
able to return to England to begin graduate studies as
began
to
father's daughter,
was
I
This possibility
life.
because the Nasser gov-
acute in those days
myself but because
political activity
21
Border Passage
must be
it
watching
to
do nothing with
television.
my
But of course Mother was not doing nothing. Nursing
father
was certainly not doing nothing. And
in truth
now,
cope with the daily problems
in the face of Father's illness, to
arising
it
fell
mostly to her
from the government's ongoing harassment and
pression.
Having
froze their
basic needs
to
borrow money,
for instance,
bank account, scrambling and
to find a
for Father's medication.
And
political op-
when the government way to pay for their
the worry of
it all,
constant anxiety as to what the government might do next
Mother's shoulders, not on Father's, as he lay desperately ing.
ill
fell
the
on
and dy-
Mother had from the start supported him in his stand and she and unreservedly continued to do so even when the con-
steadfastly
sequences began
to affect their lives
and the
lives
of
all
of us deeply.
22
Ahmed
Leila
Nevertheless, the act of conscience was Father's, and
who would have had
than Mother
Mother was much younger than he and,
made
was he rather
the satisfaction of knowing that he
had done what he believed he had had healthy
it
Even the
to do.
as far as
fact that
anyone knew then,
time harder for her, because of the bleakness of
this
the future confronting her, a future in which she would be bereft of the people she had loved and the resources and status that had once
been
hers.
All of this, of course,
clearly than to
when
did then,
I
Mother. Back then
I
understand quite clearly
I
gave
days
how
and that
it
What
And
so a
On
mood
On
it
far
more
whom
she, ministering,
such as
life,
it
was,
remember now from those
I
my
mother's eyes.
of gloom and a sense of fallen fortunes engulfed
those days
when Father was
good days Father would
sit
better our spirits
on the sofa
in his
pads and pencils beside him, the
sunlight streaming
Wrapped
in.
gown, pausing sometimes
in
his
would
bedroom by the
radio, writing, a stack of
sweet
—
was she on
was
sustained their
difficult times.
the constant look of apprehension in
is
Ain Shams. lift.
thought to
fell
who
coping ("doing" nothing),
now
might have been more of a comfort
little
the brunt of their difficulties
through these most
I
warm winter
brown checkered dressing
to enjoy a sip of
weak
tea or just relish the
he looked cheery and even radiant when he glanced up,
air,
then utterly engrossed again in the act of writing, his hand moving slowly but determinedly across the page, pausing to erase, rephrase.
Sometimes,
Quran.
He
a look of
too,
on those days he would
listened to
it
know
often in those last
simply listening to the
months and always with
keen appreciation, sometimes exclaiming out loud
pleasure at the marvel of It
sit
was
to
me
at
its
in sheer
words.
once incomprehensible and riveting that one could
oneself to be dying and yet so enjoy, unperturbed, the passing,
precious moment.
assumed
I
that
I
that Father
was used
memoirs.
I
to seeing
have with
was writing one of the
him
write, but
me now those
scientific
papers
he was in fact writing
yellowed, faded pages.
his
They came
A my
into
23
possession in chaotic, jumbled form more than twenty years
after Father's death, having
among
Border Passage
been
houses of
set aside in the
relatives,
things one day to be "gone through. " Alas, they are almost
indecipherable to me, for
Arabic script that
my
do not have the easy mastery of the cursive
I
father had. At the best of times
find cursive
I
Arabic hard to read, and these pages are in the slurred handwriting of
someone ravaged by
and nearing death.
illness
•~>
But how did
someone
that
somehow a
all
like Father,
of
its
^
happen, Tve sometimes found myself wondering,
who
neglected to see to
command
by
it
language
means, since
it
loved the Quran, as he clearly did, had
it
would have
that his children
— written Arabic —
was the language of the
as
as sure
he had? English
globally
too,
dominant and
the language, therefore, of knowledge and professional advancement.
But why not also in
classical, written
Arabic?
We were completely fluent
spoken Arabic, but not in the written language. For
me now
there
is
was valued above Arabic
mind
child's
at least, as
no doubt
that, at least implicitly,
ways that would have marked
in
being
somehow
abic.
And
it
we spoke
And
and of the glamorous worlds
at school,
to at school,
the language of the movies in
in a
playground from speaking Ar-
was the language of the people we looked up
namely, our British teachers. to
in the
it,
innately a "superior" lan-
guage. English was, to begin with, the language
where we were prohibited even
English
which they were
set,
we went
and of the
books we read and their enticing imaginary worlds. At
home we spoke
too, though, English
for speaking
among
Arabic and French as well as English. At home,
soon became the favorite language of us children ourselves
— chiefly because the adults around
except Father, could not understand
it.
And
so, since
us,
Father was often
not home, English was from the start for us a language of subversion
and a way of circumventing and baffling the adults around us and of
communicating around them. Sometimes we spoke English with Father. With our mother we almost always spoke Arabic and, if not that, French.
Nor was
it
only the Arabic language that
became
implicitly
— 24
Ahmed
Leila
marked
as inferior (and
presumably marked as native and
inferior).
I
we heard Arabic music, too, as somehow lesser. It is probably for this reason that I do not now remember any, not a single one, of the songs my mother sang. She had a lovely voice. I remember how its sweetness arrested me, held me still. I remember other songs, other think
musics of childhood, but
can't recall even
I
one of the
my
lyrics
mother sang. Father admired Mother's voice enormously and would say that she could have been a professional singer. "But Mother was not a professional
anything!"
thought that
is
find
I
really only
myself involuntarily thinking, in a
an echo or ghost of an old thought that
I
once harbored intensely and angrily as an adolescent. Such thoughts live
on and shape how we see our
past,
be products of false perceptions and prejudices even against our
our
in
own
even when we know them to
old,
unexamined prejudices
kind and the most cherished people
lives.
When my mother listened to the Egyptian singer Um Kulsum, the whom she and everyone else in Egypt admired, or to others
singer
(Asmahan was another gather together to
it
coffee
she listened mostly alone. Some-
sisters
and other
make an evening of
sum's concerts the
consuming
favorite),
and her
times, though, she
first
it,
listening to
and lemonade, smoking, relishing
were some rich and subtle
feast.
To us
And we
sic
Um
Kul-
children,
sit,
this singing as if it
sounded
like
when we heard
it.
They
the same, particularly the children of Egyptians and other
Arabs attending the English School. looking
one of
would
took care to make this plain to
our schoolmates, sighing and rolling our eyes
much
relatives
Thursday of every month. They would
endless monotonous wailing.
did
women
down on Arabic music, among
was the music of the
streets, the
It
was common,
this
show
of
English Schoolers. Arabic mu-
music one heard blaring from
radios in the baladi, the unsophisticated folk regions of town.
But Mother was not, also quite self-consciously
different
in
our eyes, baladi. She quite distinctly and
belonged
to a culture
from the folk culture around
and background quite
us. Still, the fact that
Mother
A
Border Passage
25
loved Arabic music and sang in Arabic, and even the fact that nearly always spoke to her in Arabic, undoubtedly
marked
some way silently, silently in my child's mind, as inferior. It would be decades before I would come to reflect on these my own life. When I began to look in my academic work at
in
in
of colonialism and began to
unmask
we
her, too,
issues issues
the colonialist perspectives and
racism embedded in texts on Arabs and on the colonized, steeping myself in writings on internalized colonialism, it
was not only
in texts
that they were there, too, in
of
my
consciousness.
I
people, or at any rate
my own
had grown up,
my
father,
tinctly kept herself at a distance
I
came
to see, in a
sciousness in the It
world where
had not merely admired European
My
who
mother,
way
that
my my
was excruciatingly hard
whom
I
own
heritage,
mind for having had a colonized confather did. to find myself having to
had admired
open-mindedness, had after
always dis-
from Europeans and their ways and
always also explicitly cherished and honored her
never became suspect in
father,
to realize that
childhood and in the very roots
the superiority of European civilization.
my
began
but had probably internalized the colonial beliefs about
civilization
who
I
that these hidden messages were inscribed but
all,
conclude that
for his integrity, clarity of vision,
and
and
had a colo-
in spite of himself,
nized consciousness, cherishing things European and undervaluing the very heritage that had shaped him. this.
my
I
have been through
them now this
my
father,
and
this
at
many
mother, and way,
now
I
no longer struggle with
revolutions in
my own
that,
Now
my
understanding of
consciousness
convinced
at
— understanding
one moment that they are
another that they are that. For the truth
is,
I
think that
we are always plural. Not either this or that, but this and that. And we always embody in our multiple shifting consciousnesses a convergence of traditions, cultures, histories coming together
and
this place
that the point I
know now
and moving is
that
to look it is
like rivers
through
us.
And
in this I
time
know now
back with insight and without judgment, and
of the nature of being in this place, this place
of convergence of histories, cultures, ways of thought, that there will
26
Leila
always be that
I
will
Ahmed
new ways to understand what we are living never come to a point of rest or of finality
through, and
my
in
under-
standing.
Once and to
had arrived
I
I
began
to be able to reflect on,
and even
for the first time to see, events in the past with clarity
remember
things that
my parents had
that
me
at this point
I
had forgotten. For example,
arranged
when
one much enthusiasm
inspiring in
was a child
I
(which he did, albeit without, for
in .Arabic
remembered
my uncle
I'd
learned very
little
from him because
sessions with figuring out at
how
me under
I
to stay
was
grammar). And that
I
in
.Arabic.
I
chiefly occupied during our
beyond reach of
the table as
to tutor
his valiant efforts,
been given a professional private teacher of
adolescence
hands groping
for Arabic
for all
I
my
inched
his
wandering
chair
away from
somehow shamed by his behavior, I was unable to tell anyone what was happening but announced one day that was not going to take any more .Arabic lessons; I remained adamant on the subject. But for many years had forgotten that I had this teacher him. Feeling
I
I
and had forgotten that gotten
why
had done
I
written Arabic to
And
my
I
had myself stopped the lessons and had
so,
my mind
attributing
my
for-
lack of fluency in
parents' neglect of that language.
then, fortuitously, a
little later
I
came
to learn
why we had
not been sent to the kuttab, the traditional Quranic school, for a few-
my schoolmates had been, to learn classical .Arabic and the Quran. A friend \isiting me from Cairo, more skilled than at deciphering cursive .Arabic, looked through my father's memoir and read me a few pages in which he described his hours each w eek, as some of
I
own
experience of the kuttab. Daily he dreaded going because the
teacher kept a thick stick at his side with which he would the boys
if
they were not properly memorizing their lessons. Father
himself could recite the entire
he had no idea up, he
He
whack
at that
vowed never
Quran by
age what any of
to subject his
own
the time he was eight, but it
meant.
When
he grew
children to such an experience.
decided, too, that the one thing he wanted
them
to
have was a
garden, a place where body and imagination could run free. Listening to
my
friend read these words
I
found myself intuitively understanding
A and
that English
27
Border Passage
the English books with which Father had sur-
all
rounded us had been intended
to serve exactly the
same purpose
as
the garden: to nourish and free imagination.
This, then,
gloom,
my
was what
returned
I
Ain Shams under a
to.
pall of
father dying, the best of the past vanishing in decay, in
disarray, turning, like the bitter fruit of the fabled al-zaqqutn (the tree
that grows in the
Unable
women's
to leave,
I
pit of hell), to
dust in one's mouth.
took a teaching position at the newly opened
college at al-Azhar University. But almost every
wasn't teaching
my
bottommost
be at the
I'd
passport and a
way out
Mugammaa,
of Egypt.
moment
I
trying desperately to secure
The Mugammaa,
a vast building
dominating Tahrir (Liberation) Square, was the country's bureaucratic center,
where
all
the bits of paper that ruled people's lives were
my
processed. In the Nasser era, at least in
experience,
it
became
a
place of nightmare, where the country's already notoriously compli-
cated bureaucratic system became one of the tools with which the
government controlled and punished dissidents and others
it
disliked
by denying their applications without explanation or simply stalling
under endless
pretexts.
became, with
It
its
innumerable
dows dominating Tahrir Square, the emblem and, heart of the revolution's abuse of power and of
its
cell-like
win-
me, the very
for
concealed, diffuse
malevolence.
Every day
from one bokra
I
would be referred from and the
floor to the next
— tomorrow — or
office to office to office
next, then told to
Some
next week.
or, as
I
on the minister's desk but was not signing that
I
it
told eventually,
some reason
For four years
was denied a passport.
obvious that in
it.
was
for
I
I
come back
further signature was re-
quired and the relevant person was not there that day,
paper was missing,
and
my
some
bit of
application was
— no one knew why— he
was put through
was simply unable
this. It
was not
to get one.
It
was
was not merely bureaucratic convolutedness that stood
my way but an
intentional political will to deny
my father's daughter
her freedom. I
refused to give up.
It
was not a choice
for
me. As month after
28
Leila
month and then year
after year passed,
me began
Everyone around
have to accept
to urge
— that
I
utterly
my
and
me and
relentlessly
My
father.
yearnings and that refusal
my
my in
to
I
was obviously going
be able to leave and not
studies abroad. Relatives
treated
me
and friends
as unreasonable for being so
determined to leave
father alone
was
to face reality, resign myself
was not going
going to be able to continue
remonstrated with
me
simply would not give up.
I
down and accept what
to the inevitable, settle to
Ahmed
— everyone, that
seemed completely
to
is,
refusal to give up, even though, as time
some sense "unreasonable"
except
my
empathize with
or, at
any
wore on,
rate, unreal-
istic.
I've
never been sure
compelled to stay felt to
me
like a
I
could not take no for an answer. Being
my studies, that my family's
being compelled to give up
in Egypt,
sentence of doom. There's no doubt
difficulties in Nasser's
now
why
Egypt and the bleakness of the future
my
faced there were key in
I
myself
determination to get out, as were
my
hopes and ambitions for professional and intellectual development.
But
it
was more than
that.
I
needed
to
understand myself and
lieved that the path to understanding lay in returning to
graduate studies there.
to
that
I
same understanding
a
else, too, a
sense of desperate resolve.
few months
death, and
after
now
I
My
shadow always
pletely
life
to Egypt.
the
that she did not
unendurable
I
more
had grieved I
at
her
feared
I
want and
that finally
became com-
to her. terrified
me and made me
resolute.
was going
was not
I
me if found myself trapped on with my life. Aunt Aida had felt
Her example, always there before me, all
there, adding to
her despair became hauntingly real to me.
Egypt forever, unable to go
trapped in a
find
aunt Aida had committed suicide
had come home
that a despair like that might overtake in
would not
I
be-
in a university in Egypt.
There was something
my
believed, moreover, that
I
England and
to leave,
no matter what. Once
just inefficient bureaucracy that
the required scholarship
— from
it
was obvious that
was holding
the British Council
me up
— and
it
(I
had
had
ful-
A
29
Border Passage
every other condition that the government officially required for
filled
a passport),
I
began trying other avenues. Resorting
wasta ap-
to the
proach of getting things done through connections, one of the normal
ways of pursuing one's
and family friends
tives
ments myself with It
begged and badgered
my
case or get
my
shook hands,
father over the
my release.
privately
though not
High
Dam became
a minister,
meeting with him. At the end of
to obtain a
his eyes alive with sympathy,
my
thing like as brilliant as
my
from pursuing
appoint-
finally to
was an engineer by training and who
managed
me
rela-
undersecretary or that minister.
this
publicly supported I
to inquire into
I
was one of those meetings that would lead
A man who and
affairs in Egypt,
studies.
father
The
it
he said that
would be a crime
following day
my
if
it,
as
was any-
I
to prevent
exit
we
me
permit was
signed.
This at
man remained
in office only a
few months.
I
had been struck
our meeting by his courage in even indirectly acknowledging the
value of
wanted
my
to
work and
father's
his service to the country.
Nobody
be known to be supporting, or even to be respectful
someone who was the object of Nasser's
fury.
of,
Occasionally in those
my name somewhere, someone would react with visible emotion shaking my hand fervently, telling me how deeply they admired my father and how much it meant to them that my father had taken the stand that he had. But always when
days
was introduced or gave
I
—
when
this
happened we would be
public place
— and certainly not
This resolution to It
my
in
in a
some
private venue, not in a
government
office.
passport difficulties had a further blessing.
helped dissolve Father's sense that, as he once said to me,
had been the
sacrifice
had insisted that continuing
my
I
made
to his conscience.
be more
"realistic"
studies abroad, while so
reconcile myself to the fact that
abroad, never for a
my
efforts,
moment had
sharing with
would manage
me
I
failed.
I
set aside the
many
dream of
others had urged
was not going
to
me
to
be able to study
Father wavered in his support for
always the hope that perhaps this time
to get a passport
time after time,
I
and
my future
While so many others
and sharing,
too, in
I
my despair when,
remember how one morning when
things
had gone particularly badly
Shams with my
He
Ahmed
Leila
30
me
asked
at the
Mugammaa and
Father began to cry as
story,
told
I
went out to Ain him of my plight.
I
my
him: he had not meant to do this to
to forgive
and he hoped that some day when
I
was older
I'd
had done what he had done. But of course
I
understand
him
told
life
why he already
I
understood. I
remember
also
to say goodbye.
vividly the last
He was
well
enough
so
hurt, until
so openly affectionate.
encountered
I
his lashes.
acknowledgment
come
I'd
sitting
He would not look at who was usually
gray.
was taken aback and a
his eyes, casting
And then and
that he
I
I
I
me
understood.
little
a quick, brief glance It
was
in his eyes, the
would never see each other again and
was no ordinary goodbye.
that this
The
had.
I
be out of bed and was
extraordinarily offhand, gruff even, he
warm and
from under
to
somewhat
in the upstairs hallway, looking
me and was
meeting he and
last
time
I
heard his voice was about a year
England working desperately hard
later.
I
was
in
to get myself registered quickly for
a doctoral degree instead of the M.Litt. that beginning students are
registered for until they prove their worth. tell
him before he died
that
I
so
I
had succeeded
hoped
in this.
to
But
be able to it
did not
call came through from Cairo, my mother's Daddy wanted to talk to me. "Hello, Nana darling," I heard him say, his voice so tender. That was all. She must have held the phone for him.
happen, not in time. The
voice saying that
He
died the following day.
Or maybe it was March 1 My mother died exactly two years later. Or almost exactly. On the ninth, or the eleventh, or the twenty-somethingth. Later, when I could not remember the exact day, I tried to calculate it, to think w hat day of the week it had been
On March
9.
1
and so what day of the month. there was no one to ask.
them.
I
No one
No one mourned,
.
could never quite get in the place
at least
where
I
it
time, as
left
if
behind,
my
and
then knew
not in the world around me.
without mourning and without the visible grief of those
had been
straight,
lived
like
And
me who
parents' deaths felt quite unreal for a long
they had not died at
all
but just somehow vanished.
A "I
Border Passage
31
was never certain that mother had died," wrote Emily Dickin-
son in a
when she
letter to a friend. Except,
she went on, in those
moments
listened to the choir singing, their voices so clearly
"from another
coming
life."
Sometimes even when we have heard the choir sing to believe that the
dead are dead.
it is still
hard
&rom
Colonial
TO f^OSTCOLONIAL
SUEZ CRISIS THE through who
of 1956 would
lived
it
and
come
to
be thought of by those
also by historians of empire as the piv-
moment that heralded the final passing of the European empires, when the world moved irrevocably from the colonial to the postcolonial age. In fact, there still were many countries under European domotal
ination, but
because
it
Suez became a symbolic and important date above
all
marked the moral defeat of the European powers and the
public exposure, on the world stage, of their hectoring tyranny toward countries under their dominion. their brazen
Nasser,
It
also
made
plain their
open greed,
abuse of power, and their moral bankruptcy.
who had
precipitated the crisis,
would emerge
as
its
hero.
The sequence of events is well known. In June 1956, Nasser announced in a speech that he was nationalizing the Suez Canal and appropriating
its
revenues for Egypt
unjustly, to Britain his act
and issued
— revenues that had been going,
and France. The threats,
and
British
and French denounced
in October, joined
by
Israel,
they
launched a military attack on Egypt. The spectacle of two of the world's mightiest powers combining to attack the small nation of
Egypt, in collusion with Egypt's
new
neighbor, had the effect of dem-
onstrating to the entire watching world
how immoral,
how
unjust and bullying, and
the European imperial powers actually were.
The outcry
A
Border Passage
33
was worldwide. Not only were Third World nations unanimous their
condemnation but there were huge demonstrations
and France, and
in Britain, at
any
rate, resignations
in
in Britain
by major
political
to a halt
and compelled
In Egypt Nasser emerged triumphant as the leader
who had dared
American action brought the attack
players.
the withdrawal of the aggressors.
to stand
up
to the imperial tyrants.
Arab nationalism had begun side Egypt.
Now,
him
to gain
his heroic stature
the Arab world and beyond, he
Even
prior to Suez his call for
a considerable following out-
enormously magnified throughout
became
politically unassailable within
Egypt. Henceforth he ruled openly as dictator and his government
became more and more
overtly repressive.
Besides transforming Nasser into a national and Arab hero, Suez
seemed
also to give
already under
new impetus
way around
to the struggles against imperialism
the globe and to spur opposition to impe-
rialism within the imperialist nations themselves. In the late fifties
and through the
sixties, struggles
against imperialism grew fiercer and
more determined everywhere, and country
after country in Africa
elsewhere gained independence. In Britain and France,
and
leftist intel-
lectuals supported the struggle against colonialism. In France, for in-
stance, as the savage battle for Algerian independence its
climax,
leftist
among them finally
intellectuals
— came
—
Sartre,
out in support of the Algerians. By the time
Frantz Fanon, the philosopher and theorist of the colonial
condition, was
among
the most admired voices
while anti-imperialism, Marxism, and socialism
and the
among intellectuals, had become the pol-
intellectual positions of the avant-garde.
Thus began the
era that
would
colonialism that would lay bare tural, political,
and
I
obtained a passport and returned to college in England in the
late sixties,
itics
moved toward
Camus, and de Beauvoir
its
give rise to the critiques of
huge costs
— psychological,
cul-
and economic. And we began, through the new lenses
insights of figures
Memmi, and Edward
such as Fanon, as well as Paolo Friere, Alberto Said, analysts
all
of colonialism and
quences, to interrogate, reinterpret, and reevaluate the of the generations that preceded us.
And we began
lives
its
conse-
and work
also to look with
new in
Ahmed
Leila
34
eyes at the lives of our parents and grandparents, the generations
which our own
lives
were rooted, and
to see
what they apparently
had not seen, the psychological consequences of colonialism and that silent, insidious
process of internalized colonialism.
Reflecting on
this
all
and thinking back
to
my
father,
I
had a
how enormously complex these issues were. The members of his own and of the preceding generation had undoubtedly internalized colonialism, possibly more fully than we had, and certainly in sense of
any case they had been
less analytically
conscious of the psychological
processes they were subject to than those of us of Fanon's and of thought, for example, not only of my father man whom Father had admired above anyone else, Gandhi. of how Gandhi himself, when he had started out as a young
subsequent generations. but of the I
thought
man, had dressed not collar
and
I
in the familiar loincloth
suit of the English
hard to become.
And
gentleman that he had
yet, for all that,
had remained more deeply rooted different
ways of seeing. Gandhi,
lation of
European
to
draw
and
fully
Jain, in
and
ideas, did
explicitly
but in the starched
end
at first striven
they far more than
it is
in their
own
heritages
their
and assimi-
for all his exposure to
and he came
his days in a loincloth
on the understanding of
we who
and
life,
both Hindu
which he had been nurtured.
Similarly
Hasan Fathy, the Egyptian
architect
who
in the forties
pioneered the return to the use of traditional materials and to ecologically
sound as well
architecture
—
as aesthetically satisfying indigenous forms in
an approach eventually adopted
Third World countries other heritage, a
way
Thoroughly versed
in
— seems
to
globally, particularly in
have done so by tapping into an-
of seeing other than that of the
Western architectural
ideas,
modern West.
he developed
his
innovative views and methods in reflecting on the fact that, as he wrote, "the peasant built his house out of
mud, or mud
bricks,
which
he dug out of the ground and dried in the sun. Here, for years, for centuries, the peasant has
been wisely and quietly exploiting the ob-
vious building materials, while we, with our ideas, never
modern school-learned
dreamed of using such a ludicrous substance
so serious a creation as a house."
as
mud
for
A
Border Passage
owed
Father, too, quite possibly
35
own
his
innovativeness
pating, as he did, the ecological understanding that
an ordinary way of seeing in our day tradition
and perhaps even
to his
all life
and
become
to his rootedness in his
own
sense of the profound connect-
its
the processes to which
all
to
antici-
thorough immersion in the language
and thought of the Quran, with edness of
—
was
—
we
are subject. Think-
ing about a dam, he considered earth, river, sea, fish, organisms, and
people and thus came up with an "ecological" understanding long before "ecology" was a
common
who women
concept. Interestingly, those
have studied Rachel Carson, Barbara McClintock, and other
pioneers of Western scientific thought have suggested that the originality of these
women
ferent cultural ethos
sprang in part from their rootedness in a
dif-
— a women's ethos of connectedness — different
from the ethos of competitiveness and individualism of the
men
of
their culture.
No doubt about He grew up in a
it,
though,
my
father did love science.
world in which the inventions of science and the
ways of the West were quite
transforming the world around
visibly
him. Cairo in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was exuberantly surging forward in acquiring these "modern" ways. Al-
my
ready a few decades before ruler of Egypt (khedive to Paris,
is
father
a Turkish
royalty
title
for "sovereign"), after a visit
had ordered the construction of a new section of Cairo
today the heart of the modern city
wooded
was born, the Khedive Ismael,
parks,
and
streetlights.
who were coming
to
opening of the Suez Canal
—
to
He was
be
laid
out with boulevards,
eager to show the European
Egypt to attend the celebrations for the
in
1869
just
how modern and "European"
Egypt was.
The Khedive Ismael was by no means alone
in his attitude. In
those days the Egyptian elite and intelligentsia pursued and believed in the idea of
Egypt as a rapidly advancing nation, as dedicated to
"progress" and to
becoming
fully
"modern" as any of the
nations of Europe. Consequently, they believed
(much
"civilized"
as the intelli-
gentsia of Turkey today believe of their country) that Egypt should
— Ahmed
Leila
36 take
place and be accepted by the European Powers as, to
its
intents
new
still
to Egyptians.
to surmise that in
them
their race.
and ineluctably
begun
or even remotely
that defined
different, unalterably
and ineluc-
Europeans and unalterably and ineluctably
They had not
in the
ilized"
They had not grasped
European eyes there was one thing
as unalterably
tably unlike
them
all
and purposes, a "European" nation. European domination was
yet understood that this
inferior
was what defined
European gaze and that nothing would make them
and "modern"
in
European
They did not know
eyes.
"civ-
that noth-
ing else counted, not "progress" or "development" or "modernity," just race.
In any case, by the mid-nineteenth century, Egypt had indeed
already been forging rapidly forward in the adoption of
modern ways
and technologies, leading the way among Muslim and eastern Mediterranean countries, ahead even of Turkey.
enormous
strides in the acquisition of
Muhammad
dynamic
ruler,
in 1805.
He opened
Ali,
It
had begun
to
make
European know-how under
who had become
its
governor of Egypt
schools and colleges staffed by Europeans and
sent student missions to Europe to acquire and bring
home
its sci-
ences. By mid-century, Egypt was on a par with European nations like Italy
and indeed ahead of others. Trains,
for example, linked the vital
centers of Cairo and Alexandria before railways were introduced in
Norway. By then,
too, the
country had begun to move forward in the
establishment of industries, until Britain, alarmed at the prospect of
an industrialized Egypt capturing Middle Eastern markets away from British exports, exerted pressure
on the Ottoman sultan
to
put a halt
to Egypt's developing capabilities.
By midcentury, a growing body of Egyptian
intellectuals
who had
studied in Europe and were familiar with Western ideas were coming to constitute a significant political
and
intellectual leadership in the
country and to advocate various reforms. By the time a
my
father
young man, there had been two or three generations of such
ligentsia,
among whom
committed
to
intel-
there was a consensus as to the kind of society
Egypt should aspire to become: a try,
was
fully
modern European-style coun-
freedom of speech and
free public education, to the
A modernization of the role of veiling,
and
to
a dominant
would shape
Border Passage
women and
37
the ending of the practice of
government by democracy. This tradition of thought,
when my parents were young, And in my own family anyway, they
tradition within Egypt their generation.
would remain deeply committed
to these ideals
and aspirations
all
their lives.
While Egypt had begun ish rulers,
were
in
march
its
into modernity
by the end of the nineteenth century
it
under
was the
Turk-
its
power. The British Occupation of Egypt began in 1882,
the Khedive Tewfiq appealed to the British for help in putting a native rebellion. In response, the British
who when down
British
bombarded Alexandria and
landed their troops in the country. The rebellion that the British helped suppress had been led by Colonel Urabi, one of only two native
who had risen to the rank of colonel in the Egyptian army. days, when Egypt was still part of the Ottoman Empire, not
Egyptians In those
only was Turkey and litical
its
imperial capital of Istanbul the ultimate po-
authority over Egypt, but within Egypt, too, the ruling class was
essentially Turkish.
And according
to the laws of the land, native
Egyptians were prohibited from holding senior positions in either the
government or the army.
All
such positions could be held only by
Turks. But Urabi and the other native Egyptian colonel had risen to their rank
because these laws had begun to
fall
ernment, controlled of course by Turks, was stitute laws prohibiting
was
this that
to
The
now proposing
gov-
to rein-
Egyptians from holding senior positions.
had triggered the
official
the British troops were on Egyptian
be governed by the British, though
it
soil,
British Occupation.
Egypt began in effect
continued
considered not a colony of Britain but what centuries, a province of the
It
rebellion.
Thus, in any case, had begun the
Once
into disuse.
it
officially to
had been
be
for several
Ottoman Empire. While some
in the
country would always hate the infidel British presence, others, and in particular a growing thing, Egypt in
The
number
of the intelligentsia, did not. For one
some ways prospered economically under the
British invested Egypt's resources in projects,
and road construction, that brought prosperity,
such as
at least for
British.
irrigation
some, and
Leila
38
Ahmed
that developed the country as a producer of
raw
materials, in partic-
ular cotton, for British industries.
But conversely, the British contin-
ued
Egypt to develop as an industrial
their policy of not allowing
nation, a policy
now
whose
more obvious
costs to the country are
to us
than they were to the people of those earlier generations.
the British held back
and even cut funding from other
projects,
And such
as education, essential for Egypt's long-term prosperity.
But
at the
time what was obvious and palpable to Egyptians, es-
pecially the elite
and the
middle classes of Cairo, was that Egypt
rising
was becoming prosperous. In addition, although Lord Cromer, the British consul general in Egypt
from 1882
to
1907, was
more benign and more
and
in effect the country's
distinctly autocratic, British rule
beneficial to the country (or so
intelligentsia believed) than despotic rule
another or by the local monarch
Moreover, under the free
press,
British,
chiefly because
thought did not matter and
who
that,
press would be useful because
it
was
still
some of the
by one Ottoman sultan or
served as his representative.
Egypt enjoyed for the
Cromer
governor
time ever a
first
believed that what Egyptians
on the other hand, having a
would provide a
free
safety valve. Cairo
Ottoman world with a free press, and consequently it became a magnet for the literati of the Arabicspeaking world. Major publishing houses in Damascus and Beirut moved their presses to Cairo. The result was that Egypt enjoyed a thriving press vibrantly alive with free debate, and it became the venue
was the only
capital in the
of an outpouring of books, newspapers, and magazines that included fierce criticism of the British,
on the one hand, and open criticism of
the traditional system of despotic rule, on the other. Egypt's prosperity, rapid modernization, tracted also
many
at-
immigrants, not only from the Ottoman territories but
and particularly from Europe. For under the
skewed
in favor of
British the laws
were
Europeans. They were exempt from paying taxes
and could not be prosecuted by any
Not
and open society
surprisingly, Italians, Greeks,
local court
and Maltese,
— even
for murder.
as well as
French and
British, flocked to Egypt.
Not everyone, though, benefited from the country's
prosperity.
A
Border Passage
my
Middle-class people like
father,
39
who managed
to get a
modern
education and thus to join the professional classes, did well, and so did the landed classes,
who
benefited from the improved irrigation
projects and transport systems try's
revenues. But for
which the
in
common
British invested the
working peasants
it
was a time of dire
hardship and dispossession. They were heavily taxed, and
way
those unable to pay fled their land, making their
where they found refuge winding medieval
its
up on the with
its
many
of
to the capital,
abandoned areas of Old Cairo, with
in the
alleys, or in
outskirts to
coun-
the ramshackle constructions put
house them. The ever-expanding modern Cairo,
handsome new apartment blocks and gardened mansions on
the Nile, was where the Europeans, the old upper classes, and the
made
rising professionals
homes. The luckier ones among the
their
destitute country migrants
found domestic work in the houses of
the well-to-do in the new, other Cairo.
It
was, then, for some, an exhilarating time to be young.
time of hope,
new veil
when
all
sorts of ideas
personal freedoms for
— were
in the air
by the young. And
it
men and women,
and being
women's
rights,
the casting off of the
freely discussed in a press avidly read
was a time when everywhere there were signs of
coming of the West and
the improvements that the
was poised (apparently) laid for internal
— democracy,
was a
It
to bring to all of
plumbing
its
modern ways
humanity. Pipes were being
in people's houses, streetlights
up, and tramways began running. Cars
made
their
were going
appearance on
Cairo's streets almost as soon as they did in the capitals of Europe.
And Egypt was A moment
prosperous. in
my own memory
with the sense of a
have had. in
I
was
new world
that
sitting in the car
connects
me
young people
with
my
with that era and
like
father and
my
father
we were
must
driving
from the outskirts toward the center of Cairo. Our route took us
past the king's
Ubba
Palace. As
we drew
nearer, the rough potholed
road turned into a smooth, elegant avenue running the length of the palace gardens
— gardens that were
invisible to us
behind their high
ochre walls except for a luxuriance of foliage that here and there
40
Leila
A
spilled over.
Ahmed
couple of cars, no more, passed us, going in the op-
posite direction, their headlights in the gathering
avenue,
dusk picking out the
As we reached the end of the
rare figure of a trudging pedestrian.
noticed a not-unfamiliar sight in the Cairo of those days: a
I
young man standing on the median leaning against ing by
its light.
member
My father,
a lamppost, read-
at this point in his life a solidly established
of the middle class, chairman of the Nile
Water Control
Board, former dean of the Faculty of Engineering, said to me, "That's
how
I
did
memory, thought
my homework
I
at his age." It
was obviously not an unhappy
he chuckled to himself as he added, "In those days
for
was lucky
I
where there were streetlamps
to live in a district
to study by."
My father's older brother had
when
taken him in
their father died.
That brother, who was himself scarcely more than a boy, finding himself
now having
had considered lights at
to provide for the family it
a waste of
money
and perennially short of cash,
for his
younger brother
burn
to
home, reading.
Their father had been a qadi, a judge. Just months before his
death he had been appointed to a prestigious
High Court from with
My
in the capital.
his native Alexandria its vivid,
father
post on the Islamic
remembered
and moving
glowing carpets and
new
into a
its fine,
traveling to Cairo
house arrestingly
lovely,
dazzling chandeliers. Then,
suddenly, his father died.
But
for
my grandfather's
death,
my father,
his brightest son,
have followed in his footsteps and become a mufti
and scholar of the
law), the profession that the
might
(a religious leader
men
of the family had
practiced in a tradition going back (according to family legend) to the
time
when
they had fled the Spanish Inquisition, settling
first in
Mo-
rocco and then making their way to Alexandria. But soon after his father's
that
my
death
my
father
modern
father transferred to a
had
his first
school.
It
was there
encounter with things English, in the
person of a British teacher.
Gazing
and
at this figure,
embodiment,
dress, of the different world
and
in his complexion, language,
its
enticing ways
now
palpably
A
41
Border Passage
encroaching on the local world, the child would be immensely taken
by the man's impeccable "modern" dress
he would
(as
later recall in
the faded pencil-scrawled pages of his memoir). All his
would himself be an impeccable
life
my
father
dresser, in European-style suits,
which soon became the ordinary dress of the professional the upper classes. Only the tarboosh, the fez that
work, would be retained of the old ways.
my
as well as
father wore to
My grandfather,
on the other
hand, must have dressed in the kaftan and turban that were traditional for a mufti
he was when he
My
father does not set
donned
this
new and
first
One can imagine
attire.
at
and scholar.
himself in the mirror,
down how
evidently much-coveted
him, however, standing, adjusting
now
the very
old
it,
looking
embodiment himself of the new
and "modern" man. I
believe that
my
father,
from a very young age,
science and with the world that in his study a portrait of Isaac
me
as a child, the
it
beam
side split rainbow-like into a
Father would devote his that science
that encapsulated, even for
wondrousness of science. Newton stands
brary, holding a prism in the path of a
on the other
love with
He would one day hang
unveiled.
Newton
fell in
life
in a
li-
of light, which emerges
band of
colors.
to harnessing these invisible forces
had revealed. He would do so
in the service of the
com-
munity, through the construction of dams and the development of irrigation
and
electrification projects linked to the Nile.
map of the Nile in its desk. He had explored the
logical his
Photographs
in
A
huge geo-
hung on the
wall beside
river, too, in its full length,
by steamer.
entire course
our family album recorded that journey: in the back-
grounds of photos of himself and of the more numerous ones of his assistants
were the
sails
of feluccas and the fertile riverbanks, the
black granite boulders of Aswan, palm trees, and barren distance; waterfalls its
and then jungles, a dead and
empty, pale
lion
hills in
the
and a man holding a gun, and
The map, in contrast, was mostly sand-colored, ochre spaces marked here and there with swaths of
lakes.
deeper ochre and cut into by the contours and traceries following out the flow of river.
42
Leila
Eventually, too, as
I
Ahmed
said earlier, Father
would spend
his last days
trying to prevent the catastrophic destruction that the insensitive, un-
imaginative misuse of these forces could wreak. I
wish that he had lived to know that he had, in
forefront of a lation
new
fact,
been
in the
kind of thinking. But he did not. The only conso-
he enjoyed in that
last
period was the entirely meager one
af-
forded by the fact that certain words in the Bible seemed to offer
confirmation of his views. The Egyptians would build dams, the passage said ("turn away the rivers"), and this would bring destruction.
The passage occurs in Isaiah. Once or enough to sit up in his room wrapped in to
brief pleasure, but pleasure evidently
was
at best a mixed,
a shaking of the
well
gown, quietly
to find
— and of course inevitably— that
ambiguous pleasure, accompanied always
head
at the folly
and tragedy of
There was only one other picture
who was
his dressing
them for him again him. These gloomy prognostications would give him
enjoying the winter sunlight, he asked
and read them
me
when he was
twice,
also by
it all.
someone
in Father's study of
not a family member. This was a photograph of
Mahatma
Gandhi, lying on his funeral pyre and covered with flowers.
Christians' hatred for
today as
it
was
Muslims
in the days of the
is
as intense
and fanatical
Crusades. Fanaticism
still
abides in their tissues, permeates their entrails, and circulates in their veins.
Ahmad Amin, an
Egyptian contemporary of
my
father's,
wrote
when disillusionment with the West even among this earlier generation of
these words in the early 1950s,
had begun intellectuals
to set in deeply,
who, whatever reservations they had, nevertheless
admired the West and believed that Egypt should follow steps.
still
in its foot-
(Amin, a conservative Muslim thinker, had from the
start
both
admired the West and cautioned against too wholesale an imitation of Western ways.)
But these are words such as ine
— my father
uttering.
Although
never heard
I I
often heard
— and cannot imaghim speak
critically
A
of British political duplicity and injustice, this
I
never heard him speak in
comprehensively dismissive way of Christians or of the West gen-
erally.
had
43
Border Passage
Possibly this was because in his
to fight,
own
life
and
in the battles
he
Egyptians as well as British had been corrupt, and Mus-
lims as well as Christians had been tyrannical, unjust,
and
destructive.
Years before tangling with Nasser, Father had run into difficulties
with King Farouk. Father had refused to endorse some engineering
scheme
had put forward with the support of the
that a British firm
scheme from which both the firm and the king stood
king, a
a lot of
money and
that
was
essentially,
my
to
make
father believed, a scam.
Father was fired from his job on trumped-up charges to make way for
someone who would endorse the scheme. For a number of years then,
The rest of us stayed Egypt and he would come back every few months to see us, arriving he had to earn his
in the 1940s, in
with suitcases
filled
him were
against
with
living abroad.
In Cairo, meanwhile, the charges
gifts.
investigated
and he was eventually reinstated and
fully exonerated.
Certainly
father
had been the
tice. It
to his
my
had himself personally suffered
British
who,
in his youth,
British injus-
had nearly put an end
dreams of becoming an engineer. After graduating from the
College of Engineering in Cairo, he had his studies in
won
a scholarship to continue
England. The British Administration had demanded, as
a condition of his taking
up the scholarship, that he abandon
engi-
He had no choice, and so he agreed. He might even have obtained though that am not sure of. But somehow
neering and study geography.
And he
did for a time study geography.
a degree in the subject,
I
he managed to get back to the subject he loved and not only obtained a degree in
it
Birmingham
—
why
but also distinguished himself at his university
as a singular
and
reading of
brilliant student. Father's
the British had tried to obstruct his training as an engineer was
that they
wanted
to prevent natives
from acquiring such
the country would have to continue to
That was the way the British were
their dealings with Egyptians, trying
the country for themselves.
depend on
in those days,
skills
British
he
know-how.
said.
one way or another
so that
Unjust in
to hold
onto
44
Ahmed
Leila
I
know
also that the events of Dinshwai,
which occurred when
he was a youngster, were landmark events in his consciousness, as they were for that entire generation.
I
remember hearing him and
when we
others talking of the great tragedy of Dinshwai one evening
were
our beach cabin in Alexandria.
sitting in
I
was too young
to
follow what they were saying and had to look up recently what exactly
happened
Dinshwai, a small village in the Delta.
in
when some
British officers decided that they
wanted
It
had
to
go out pigeon
all
was not popular among the
shooting. This sport of the British
begun
villagers
because to them pigeons were creatures they kept and bred in dovecotes on the roofs of their mud-brick huts.
went forward, and
The
villagers,
with
sticks.
in the course of
blaming the
One
officer
officers,
ran up to help him. At that
emerged and, seeing the two
No one was
— and
The
shoot, in any case,
a barn in the village caught
came out and began
to beat
fire.
them
escaped and, running back to camp in the
heat of noon, collapsed and died.
killed the officer
it
killed
A
passing peasant, seeing him
moment figures,
fall,
a group of British soldiers
assumed
that the peasant
had
him.
ever tried for the death of the peasant.
The death
of
the officer, however, was treated by the British as a heinous crime against the Occupier, it.
From
the start they
example of the
murder
show
and they created
seemed determined
villagers. Fifty
men
to use the trial to
— rather than manslaughter. The defense
tried to
no
avail to
had been fortuitous and the attack un-
that the circumstances
istration,
make an
were charged with premeditated
planned. Long before the court reached
its
verdict the British
Admin-
as the papers reported, ordered the erection of gallows
outside Dinshwai. to
a special tribunal to deal with
The
villagers
— men, women, and children — were
be compelled, the Administration had decided, to watch the pun-
ishment and execution. screams of the
When
villagers, four
the verdict
men were
came
in,
amid the
tears
and
hanged, and seventeen others
savagely and repeatedly whipped before being taken off to serve sen-
some of penal servitude for life. The drama unfolded, followed daily by everyone through June and then the whole country plunged tences,
—
in the country,
into mourning.
A All Egyptians,
was
seemed, would remember where they were and what
it
they were doing
45
Border Passage
when
they heard the news of Dinshwai.
Ahmad Amin
dinner party on the roof terrace of a friend's house in Alex-
at a
was June 27, 1906. When the news arrived, "the banquet turned into a funeral and most of us wept." Salama Musa, another andria.
It
contemporary of for a
walk with
my father's,
his brother
also
was
in Alexandria.
and they had stopped
He had gone
out
to eat at a restaurant.
There, purchasing a newspaper, he read the verdict and was over-
come. For days, he wrote, he was unable he
because of the rage
those "who had so brutally wronged our people." Even the
felt at
British,
in
to eat
wrote Musa, seemed ashamed of what they had done, though
England the British foreign secretary, as Musa
justify
recalled, tried to
Cromer's conduct by stating that such tough action had been
necessary because "Islamic fanaticism was flaring up Africa."
Musa, a Copt, was thoroughly disgusted
enemy
a nonexistent Islamic
all
over North
at the fabrication of
and
to justify savagery, injustice,
in-
humanity. In the ensuing years, Egyptian politicians tiate
would go on
to nego-
with the British for Egypt's independence and, by the end of
World War
I,
would bring about a
partial British withdrawal. It
was
soon thereafter that Egypt's experiment in democracy would begin.
There was one further major change under way that would ically affect
my
father's
life,
and indeed
my
crit-
own. This was the ending
of the old system of separation between the Turkish upper classes and native Egyptians.
Through the these two groups
first
decades of
of Egyptian professional
power and
century intermarriage between
this
became more and more common. As the new
men
class
rose through the ranks to positions of
authority, they consolidated their
the daughters of the Turkish upper classes.
out such marriages, but they, too
—
able,
new
status by marrying
They themselves sought
hardworking
men
distin-
guishing themselves in their professions and clearly on their way up in society
— were sought out by the Turkish
pursued educations and professional
lives
elite.
Ambitious Egyptians
with a zest and dedication
46
Leila
that
many
Ahmed
of their aristocratic Turkish brothers, secure in their in-
herited wealth, lacked.
Rising through the ranks, establishing himself in
younger brother get an education, status in ily.
Aziz
life
my
life,
helping his
father, too, consolidated his
by marrying the daughter of an upper-class Turkish fam-
— "beloved," "dear one" — my mother would
viating his full
name, Abdel
Aziz.
Her own name,
call
Ikbal,
him, abbre-
was unusual,
a gender-neutral one as often a man's as a woman's. Mother's family's
wealth, like that of most such families in Egypt, was in land.
owned
a fine estate, devoted mainly to growing fruit
tangerines, bananas
—
—
They
grapes, oranges,
in the fertile oasis of al-Fayyum.
J?n (Expectation of J3^ngels
REMEMBER
I
tence
itself
made up
IT
my
AS A TIME, that era of
seemed
to
have
its
own music
—a
lilt
when
exis-
and music that
the ordinary fabric of living. There was the breath of the
wind always, and the perpetual murmur of
awan
childhood,
came
that
trees; the call of the kar-
in the dusk, dying with the dying light; the reed-piper
playing his pipe in the
dawn
living: street-vendors' calls;
clip-clop of a donkey; the
and, throughout the day, the music of
people passing in the
sound of a motor
car;
street, talking; the
dogs barking; the
cooing of pigeons in the siesta hour.
Night too had clogs of village in pairs,
its
women
varieties of music.
The clack
of the
from work or from errands among the shops
of Matariyya.
And
wooden
returning home, sometimes singly, sometimes
the sound, as
much
a part of
in the
summer
suburb
nights as the
croaking of frogs, of the neighbors' waterwheel creaking gently, turned
by an ox whose eyes were blinkered so he would not know he was going round and round rather than forward. The neighbors had a
mango
mud walls of their land. Along one of my bedroom window, was a stream borthe mud wall and fruit garden of the next
grove within the dried
those walls, directly opposite
dered on
its
neighbors.
other side by
The stream, dark and
peared beyond the walls into open
still
and edged with reeds, disap-
fields. It
was
all
that remained,
I
48
Leila
was
told, of the
before
Ahmed
canal that had run parallel to our house until just
was born. The canal was
I
filled in
and a road
down on
the time that a railway line was laid
about
built at
the other side of our
house, linking the suburbs and the distant country centers beyond
our house with Cairo and with Maadi on the other side of Cairo. In the depths of the night, one also sometimes heard hyenas
somewhere out on the
distant edge of the villages, in the heart of the
countryside, and very occasionally but so faintly that they were like a
beat on the ding.
membrane
of night, one could hear drums: a village wed-
There would be pipe music,
carried to us;
drums,
I
what one heard, or sensed
do not know why, awoke
did not think,
bring alive in
Terrors above
living.
lives in
— the beggars, the
why
blind, the cripples, or even just the
poor and
them on the
it
was that kept us on one
side of
other.
where the deprivation of others
obvious, no doubt produces
What
about death, whose
way they
Privilege, in a setting
is
glaringly
own mesh of anxieties and perhaps make of seeing another child, just like
its
does a child
on the other
all
things were the
the villagers themselves, and what
herself,
I
myriad ways, but also of other
things, the vagaries, for instance, of
also of guilt.
were the drums. The
a kind of obscure terror.
I
presence was there in our
the line and
rather,
me
in
am frightened of the drums. Instead they seemed to me the hidden and muffled terrors that inhered in and
threaded our ordinary
were
but only a note here and there
too,
side of the hedge, looking in at her, hollow-eyed,
in rags, as she stops in her play to stare
back?
I
imagine that the sense
of terror and precariousness that seemed to have pervaded
hood was not unconnected with whatever conclusions
I
my
child-
drew about
the mysterious arbitrary line that divided our lives and that could quite possibly at any
moment
shift
— people
are struck blind, die, in an
instant.
Sometimes the sheer pain and
terror of existence
would be
right
out in the open, in the screams, for instance, that tore through the night once, in the darkest time before dawn,
somehow
fell
when our
into the well by the waterwheel.
dead and the women's wails were
shrill
He was
and endless,
neighbor's ox
dragged out
like the wails of
A villagers
was
and poor people over the death of a person. Another time
away but
it
day that the screams went up from another house, farther
in the
ties,
49
Border Passage
still
piercing.
A
man
son of the house, a young
had committed suicide by drinking a
And once someone was run
in his twen-
bottle of Lysol.
over by a train just outside the large,
disused iron gate to our garden, a gate that had been the main entrance before the canal was
rilled in
unusually, the gate was open, and
and the railway
built.
That day,
saw bloodstains on the road and
I
here and there bloodied newspapers covering something, or some
mangled scattered
things, the
out
why he was run over. It Or maybe his foot
suicide.
might,
remember
that
I
forted me, I
I
remember, but
remember her
ing to
me
it
I
was
I
or
five
must have been
would squeeze myself
stuffed easy chair near the radio
figure
someone speculated, have been
got stuck.)
shivered for days after that, although I
(No one could
bits of a person.
in beside
six.
early
summer.
my mother
where she habitually
sat.
a
literally
I
in the
She com-
must have taxed her patience because
saying, "It's just too hot, dear,
I
can't have
you
stick-
like that!"
Other one-time events also happened on that side of the house, at that gate,
member
which seemingly opened only
for those occasions.
standing there once watching a train
full
I
re-
of smiling, red-
faced English soldiers chug slowly by. They called out and waved to us and threw chocolates; given their cheeriness and their dispensing of chocolates, this
World War.
I
was
must have been close five in
to the
end of the Second
1945.
Besides the drums, there was a whole variety of other beats and
rhythms that marked and threaded our days and nights, and most
were not frightening. Even the
trains, despite that dreadful accident,
were not frightening. They mostly passed
at a
casionally blowing their haunting whistles. (for
his
no better reason, head
to
I
It
comfortable chug, ocdid
happen sometimes
think, than that the engine driver took
it
into
put on a sudden burst of speed) that the chug would turn
into a loud, gathering, hurtling sound, as
would shortly be upon
us.
if
some unearthly monster
The sound would cause us children
to
drop
whatever we were doing and race to the top or bottom of the garden
50
Ahmed
Leila
or of the stairs. Safety lay in getting to wherever
was
hurtling monster
fully
upon
was before the
it
us.
And there was the regular beat of al-makana, "the machine," which pumped well water to the house and to the pond and garden and the various canals and waterways of earth and concrete that ran through it. Turned on every morning, it would come on again in the afternoons
when
were
with the sound of hoses, running water, the regular
filled
the weather grew hot, so that
summer
afternoons fall
of
a spade, and, in the background, the phut-phut-phut of the machine. All these, the
makana and
the running water, were good sounds, re-
way it makana would pick up and interheart. And for some reason, perhaps
assuring sounds, sounds about everything going forward in the should. Sometimes, though, the
weave with the sound of one's because
imagined the absence of that sound, the
I
ceasing, the sound of
The sound of
regularity of
my
Nanny was
my own heartbeat reminded me of death. my own breath did not frighten me the way
heart sometimes did, but
ny's breath, in the sixty
bed beside me,
when
I
to
was born. She
night, reading her Latin Bible, turning
sometimes
in prayer.
possibility of
Her Bible had
its
the
remember listening for Nanmake sure she was still alive.
I
sat at the foot of its
our bed every
moving her
silky leaves,
a picture of Jesus
lips
coming on
clouds of glory, the light streaming out in bands from the clouds in a
way
that I'd never seen
look like that, but exactly
how
it
when
I
it
do.
didn't believe that light could ever
I
got to England
Nanny would pause
looked sometimes.
sometimes and say meditatively, "Tu "The Call of the Curlew," by Egypt's fore-
in those days,
goes to work as a servant for a young
When
It
to see a
world in which
it
put
I
was
the sense of violence, of deadly violence that was there beneath
when matters of sexuality and transgression were concerned. The violence, after all, had alin a small but devastating way, been part of my own life.
the surface of ordinary pleasant living sexual ready,
remember
I
talking of
who supported
all this
herself by
with Fatma, a spinster and distant relative
making
all
the casual wear for the family
— 164
Ahmed
Leila
pajamas, nightdresses, housedresses. She would
come
to stay at
our
house, or at the aunts' houses, or at Zatoun or Alexandria, bringing
her Singer sewing machine, and would remain until she'd finished
we needed. Fatma was
the sewing
could speak
fairly freely.
ventions, possibly because of her
pendent and yet free-floating
whom
the only adult with
She seemed more able
own
I
felt
I
through con-
to see
marginality and her
social status.
I
all
own
de-
loved her visits above
all
because of the moments of deep laughter that we invariably shared.
She was
at
summer
Siouf that
for a
few weeks and
with her the day after seeing the movie.
It
was one of the few adults who did not sat in the
den,
was the
I
remember
siesta
sitting
— Fatma — and we
hour
retire for the siesta
shade of the downstairs balcony overlooking the front gar-
white paving stones, with vivid ornamental grass demarcating
its
them, dazzling
afternoon sun.
in the
Such was the summer we were having when Nasser made
his
speech nationalizing the Suez Canal on the twenty-sixth of July, the fourth anniversary of the revolution.
He was
speaking in the main
square in Alexandria and one could hear on the radio the surges of
euphoric applause breaking in as he spoke
— and he spoke
for several
hours. There was no euphoria in our home. Even back in the days of the revolution, the exile,
hension.
and so it
news of
I'd
often heard
logically they
was a
military
ocratic process feared,
of the coup that had sent the king into
was
coup
and
my parents
though
it
at
home, much
— a group of
officers
forcibly seized power.
at the very least in jeopardy,
was not called
cally" elected president
to
my
incompre-
lament the corruption of the king,
should be pleased now,
of course they were right.
to
it,
had been received somberly
I
thought. But to them
had cut through the dem-
Democracy
and perhaps
in Egypt, they at
an end. And
By 1956 the country was a dictatorship,
that:
Nasser was the country's "democrati-
and he would continue
for the rest of his life
be "democratically" elected and re-elected, always receiving 99 per-
cent of the vote.
The speech he now
delivered
was a rousing one, describing
— speaking
in colloquial Egyptian
British oppression of Egyptians since
A
165
Border Passage
the building of the canal, the construction of which had cost, he said,
hundreds of thousands of Egyptian
had taken
rialists
And
lives.
for themselves, as they
ever since then impe-
continued to
this
day to take,
the revenue of millions generated by the canal, continuing meanwhile
way to frustrate Egypt's hopes, selling arms to Israel, refusthem to Egypt, and deciding now as America had just announced to withdraw the funds they had promised for the buildand there could be only ing of the High Dam. And so the answer in every
ing to
—
sell
—
—
one answer now, he said take possession of said,
— was
what was
would be used
throw
to
rightfully ours, the canal. Its revenue,
was received
home
in our
he
dam.
to finance the
This fiery speech, exhilarating in perialism,
yoke and
off the imperialist
defiance of tyranny and im-
its
with deep gloom, principally be-
cause of Nasser's linking of the nationalization and the dam. Only in the course of hearing
did
it
my
father realize that, contrary to his
hopes, Nasser meant to go ahead with the
dam
despite the
enormous
damage that my father had warned him would ensue. Years later I would learn that Nasser had not informed the Egyptian cabinet the
—
body supposedly governing Egypt
— of
his intention to nationalize the
canal until hours before his speech and that
had been opposed
to the action
many
cabinet
members
because they opposed pursuing a
course of seizure rather than of negotiation and law.
who were
not the only Egyptians in the country
over the nationalization. But at the time
wished that we could just for once be
it
felt
like
And
less
as
if
so
we were
than euphoric
we
everybody
were.
How
else, that
I
we
could be nationalistic and anti-imperialist and just support Abdel Nasser.
But
me, that
knew
I
I
must
too by then, because reveal to
was beginning
society
who would
to
my parents had drummed
no one what they said
at
it
into
home: already the
be riddled with "secret police" and informers
we had heard the and knew of people who had
report critics to the government; already
rumors of people being tortured
in jails
disappeared.
The drama
nationalization speech
that
an end
was
to
would become a landmark
to old-style imperialism and,
be the in
first
shot in an unfolding
world history, bringing about
above
all,
to the old-style as-
166
Ahmed
Leila
sumptions and attitudes of imperialism that had been the norm. The nationalization of the canal and, even
French reactions Egypt
to
would
it
who had begun home and
content at
more
directly, the British
measures
to resort to repressive
and
from a dictator
also transform Nasser
in
to control dis-
with, as yet, only a relatively small following
abroad, to a Third World hero and the uncontested leader of the Arab world.
At home, over the ther's trips to
summer, things grew subdued. Fa-
rest of the
Cairo continued, and he continued, as
I
learned only
years later, to try to dissuade Nasser from proceeding with the dam,
announcement
despite Nasser's
used
now
I
remember
moment
the very
golden October day. side the
that the canal revenues
We
were
that
sitting,
we saw
A
the planes.
Joyce and
gym, looking out toward the playing
on the edge of the desert.
wind rose and
light
I,
fields
A
hold them down.
group of
girls
our eyes, and saw two
silver
last
fell,
line of firs
making
a great
we had
to
life is
words.
We
a but a dream, " a
looked up, shading
planes gleaming in the depths of the sky.
They must have been recognizably
different
from ordinary planes even
because watching them pass we said to each other, "Maybe
we're going to have a war!" there was
The political
we
was a
passed behind us, one of them
singing, "Merrily, merrily, merrily, merrily,
drone from above threading her
It
on the bench out-
and the
whirl of dust on the fields and tugging at our skirts so that
to us,
would be
to finance its construction.
enough going on
We
laughed because we were joking, but
to bring the possibility to
nationalization of the canal
was
exchanges had been reported
schoolgirls paid
vaguely aware
of.
no attention
to but
still
in the
our minds.
a live issue and various
news
— exchanges that
would undoubtedly have been
More important and immediate was
the fact that
since we'd returned to school at the beginning of October our school
days had been
filled
with
all
sorts of
emergency arrangements and
unexpected free periods because many of our British teachers cifically all
the
had announced
women at the
— had
failed to
come
back.
— spe-
The headmaster
beginning of the term that they had not
re-
A
167
Border Passage
turned on the instructions of the British government, which was
ways extremely cautious, he said with that smile of his.
He
was now
late
us shortly.
It
fully
— overly so
in this case,
al-
he added
expected that they would be joining
October.
The bombing began the following morning, October 29, 1956. The planes we had seen had been British RAF reconnaissance planes. French planes, Cairo Radio told Suez Canal region.
us,
had been seen
in action over the
The planes bombing Cairo were
The
British.
tack on Egypt was not, the radio said, as had been thought at
an
Israeli attack.
and a
The
distraction,
Israeli incursions in Sinai
at-
first,
were simply a pretext
an excuse for the British and French attack.
and
Air-raid sirens
clears
all
sounded throughout the day, and
throughout the day there was the sound of bombs and anti-aircraft fire.
At
home we
stocked up on candles and papered our windows and
car lights as instructed on the radio, to father taking control of
together
my
which we were glued,
knob so we could piece
twirling the
it,
from the BBC, Cairo Radio, and other stations what
A
was actually happening.
British station
came
BBC,
on, not the
broadcasting from Cyprus, explaining that only airports and military installations
were being targeted and that the station would announce
the times and targets of the attacks so that the people could stay away.
Once we'd established that the times they gave for the raids were accurate, we packed some essentials and set off, during one of the brief scheduled intervals in the
bombings, for Zatoun, with
stone walls a sturdier house than ours and less thought, to collapse
if
a
bomb
fell
too close.
were already there with their children.
We
likely,
its
my
thick father
My aunts Aisha and Nazli all
slept in the
basement,
considered safest, making our beds on the sofas that lined those downstairs rooms.
Cairo Radio said that
all
our planes had been flown to safety in
Sudan and Saudi Arabia, and British
it
issued bulletins of the
number
of
and French planes shot down; but other stations we picked
up, including the
BBC,
said that the entire Egyptian air force
been wiped out and that there had been no British
made speeches
saying that
we were under
losses.
had
Nasser
attack by two of the world's
— 168
Leila
Ahmed
mightiest military powers but that
if
they thought
we were going
to
bow to their tyranny and injustice they were wrong. We would fight, we would fight (Hanharib! Hanharib!) for our freedom and dignity, every single Egyptian would fight, we would all be issued arms, and we would all, every single one of us, fight. We were a small country and had no military power compared with theirs, but we would not be defeated. They would see, we would not be defeated. Hanharib! Hanharib! From village to village and house to house, we would fight and never surrender.
All the world,
he
said,
the tyrants, the imperialists. His friend
saying that
all
was on our
Nehru had
sent
side against
him
a cable
the people of Asia and Africa were with us, that the
aggression of the imperialists against the small, newly liberated country
of Egypt was a shock to the whole world.
on our
side,
and even America, usually the
America was on our
And
it
was true
Soviet
Union was
of the British, even
side.
— we got the same thing from the BBC.
world, apart from the aggressors,
were outraged
The
ally
at the British
seemed
and French
to
All the
be supporting us and
attack. Sir
all
Anthony Eden,
the British prime minister, had been declaring that they were coming in to separate the warring sides, Israel
going to land in the main
and Egypt, and that they were
on the Suez Canal
cities
to safeguard
But nobody believed Eden. The British parliament was as
a
we heard on liar,
sign.
the
demanding
BBC. People were shouting to
at
in
an uproar,
Eden, calling him
be told the truth and demanding that he
re-
Eisenhower issued a statement condemning the aggression, and
America sponsored a
UN
except for the aggressors
resolution supported by
all
— demanding an immediate
the nations
cease-fire.
But the bombing continued night and day. At night, of bombs,
now
now
muffled and distant and
would
close,
the searchlights' pencil-thin
beams raking the sky over
urbs unfamiliarly black.
an ambulance
head, did not, to
My brother went My mother, kissing
my amazement, make
a
altogether of serving in a dangerous area.
and watch
a city
off to serve in the
driver.
sound
and the sound,
fire,
I
to the
listen to the radio
sporadically, of anti-aircraft
as
it.
and sub-
Suez area
him solemnly on the scene or try to get him out It
was
his duty to serve his
A
169
Border Passage
country, she said, and she would be praying every
moment
for his safe
return. I
continued to spend
my
time by the radio in the basement of
Zatoun, reporting to the adults,
who now
spent their days upstairs
and no longer followed every version of what was happening on the
number of planes downed Cairo Radio and according to the BBC, the ships sunk
ground, the targets that had been according to
in the canal. After a first ship
by the
British, the
hit,
the
was unintentionally sunk
in the canal
Egyptian side deliberately scuttled several more
in order to totally block this canal that they
were bombing us
to
"safeguard." I
slept at night with the radio beside
whenever
I
was awakened
the volume low so that
waking
to listen to
of night
when
it
it
in the night
was
me and would
listen to
it
by sirens and bombs, keeping
murmur that only I could hear, light of dawn and in the pitch dark
just a
in the gray
the faint light of the radio dial was the only light there
was. Until the British
when thousands
bombing and subsequent invasion of Port
died, there
were few
civilian casualties.
bombings and searchlights with which we
And
Said,
so the
lived in those first days,
the constant and varied reports from the radio, imparted to
life
and
not a
sense of the horror and tragedy of war but chiefly a sense of general
excitement and of the heightened danger with which edged. Above
all,
life
was now
there was the exhilaration of feeling that here
we
were, a small nation unjustly and immorally beleaguered by two of the world's mightiest powers and greatest bullies, heroically fighting
on
to the support
and applause, as we learned from the
radio, of the
entire world.
And
so
I
followed through those days, riveted not only by news
of the developments on the ground but also by every detail of what
was happening and
internationally:
America again denouncing the French
British, the African National
solidarity with the people of Egypt,
Congress issuing a declaration of
huge demonstrations
in Trafalgar
Square against Anthony Eden and the British attack, speeches made against the British government by British
reported in
full
on the
BBC — the BBC,
members
of parliament,
often in the past
all
jammed by
170
Ahmed
Leila
now coming through loud and clear. We how Hugh Gaitskell, leader
the government in Cairo,
heard
all
about the battles in parliament,
denounced the aggression
of the opposition,
immorality and
how Anthony
an act of
as
saying that the British government was acting against
For the
time
first
and Gaitskell became heroes
my
in
For in addition to the drama
all its traditions.
was
me, as
for
mind.
I
was
I
think for
living
through with everyone
many
English Schoolers,
an inner drama, a personal drama about loyalty abused and trayed.
and
learned the names of British ministers. Nutting
I
else in Cairo, there
folly
Nutting, another minister, had resigned,
We would say to one another afterward, we
how shocked we had been
to see the British
trust be-
English Schoolers,
behaving in
this
way,
with such brazen injustice and to see them being so immoral and so openly, cynically acting on the principle that might
who had
ish,
uprightness and fairness!
how
I
had believed
in
I
remember
feeling
grown up saying
trusted them, and yet they had
bombed
like us,
us,
invaded us.
way one
of having been betrayed was deeply personal.
is
when one had
when one
I
Brit-
I
this,
done
felt,
I
was hurt
has trusted and been betrayed by a friend,
believed in the goodness and uprightness of
and then discovered that they have I
The
right.
could not believe anyone or anything anymore.
My sense the
I
them and
country
this to us, a small said, that
is
taught us that what they stood for was morality and
wonder now, looking back,
after all
at the
in the British despite the fact that
I
someone
been deceiving one.
anatomy of that sense of belief
was
living, as
I
was by then,
in
an environment pervaded with anti-imperialist and anti-British sentiment. First of
all,
obviously,
I
was a
schoolgirl
and knew nothing
about history other than what we learned in school, about battles and the
Magna Carta and William
the Conqueror and Bismarck and Ca-
vour. Second, the political speeches
all
around us were made
in that
declamatory tone that made one automatically discount whatever was being said as untrue
And
the attitude at
— as a
lie
or at the very least a wild exaggeration.
home would have confirmed my sense
ness and manipulativeness of the political rhetoric.
It
of the false-
was well known
A at
home
something or other went wrong in the country or
that, if
there was
some
111
Border Passage
political fiasco or failure,
Nasser would immediately
blaming everything on "the imperi-
deliver
one of
alists,"
"the feudalists," "the Zionists," "the forces of regression."
My
his long diatribes
parents always listened carefully to his speeches to glean,
from the various codes of
political discourse
and from the subjects he
harped on, what the country was in for next. His routine was so miliar at
would
home
say,
that
"Ah
yes,
my mother, when now were
fa-
he started in on the imperialists,
next,"
and would brace herself
attack on the feudalists, which she always took personally, as
were direct attacks on her and her family. She would
sit
for his if
they
there fuming,
countering his every charge. She did not believe they had been oppressors at
all;
on the contrary, they had been, she was convinced,
enormously responsible, conscientious landlords, generous
to a fault
toward the people living and working on their land. By the end of his tirades she
would be furiously invoking curses on
upon you, Abdel Nasser!
yell'anak ya Abdel Nasser! God's curses
In addition to imperialists glish ideas,
Adam
—
all
all this
was the
too intimately.
I
at
Jane Austen, Dickens, Winnie the Pooh, George I
could reduce what
caricature called imperialism and
reject everything English, as the rhetoric
Besides, even with
what we had just
come
I
knew
to hate
around us enjoined us lived through,
Eliot,
to
and
to do.
what had been
— a way that of course would not have known say then — was how multilayered and complicated everything
reinforced for to
—
I knew "the enemy" the home in English books, En-
fact that
was
Bede. There was no way that
some cardboard
how
his head. Allah
me
in
was and how even the
I
evil imperialist British
thing or another. There had been Anthony
were not
all
just
one
Eden and the attack on
us and the perfidy and injustice of that, but there had also been demonstrations in Trafalgar Square, and resignations from the British parliament, and people passionately denouncing their leader,
BBC
and the
reporting things as they were, often things that were totally in
our favor. I
emerged, then, from those packed few days lived in the semi-
172
Leila
Ahmed
underground rooms of Zatoun probably somewhat more
nationalistic
than before but probably, too, with an enhanced rather than a dimin-
how
ished sense of
On
complicated things were
—
politics, justice, truth.
a Saturday, five days after the British planes had begun their
bombing, British ships began the bombardment of Port Said. News of civilian deaths and casualties and of overflowing hospitals began to
pour
in,
reported, though in slightly lesser numbers, by the
as well as by Cairo Radio.
began landing
On Monday,
in Port Said.
The governor
BBC
and French troops
British
of Port Said refused to
surrender and the numbers of civilian deaths and casualties rose into the thousands.
London and
now
The
Soviet
desperately needed,
cease-fire
Union threatened
attacks on Paris and
the United States, refusing Britain the
went
oil
demanded an immediate
into effect at
and funds
it
The midnight on Tuesday, November 6, cease-fire.
1956. At American insistence, the British and French began a total
withdrawal from Egypt and Israel gave up the territory in Sinai
and returned
it
had captured
Anthony Eden
to its prior borders. Sir
left for
Jamaica "on doctor's orders" and shortly afterward resigned as prime minister. Nasser, the
man who had
stood up to imperialism and
anny, was hero to the entire Third World and
its
friends,
tyr-
and undis-
puted leader, too, of the entire Arab world. In Egypt henceforth there doing whatever he wanted
would be no bar
to Nasser's
mildly critical of
him was purged
or
somehow
— anyone even
or other silenced or got
rid of.
When we line
were back
had been down
our teachers had
at
left, I
at
Ain Shams
called
I
my
friends; the
phone
Zatoun almost from the day we got there. learned,
when
the country a few days after the attack began.
heard her news but got no reply
All
the British were ordered out of
when
I
I
talked to Jean
and
called Joyce. Soon, though,
she called me. They were just back, having gone to stay with relatives in Alexandria; there
ents
felt,
too,
had
were too many airports near Heliopolis, her par-
and Alexandria, they thought, would be left
our house and gone to
my
safer.
I
said that we,
grandfather's place.
I
paused.
A There was something
I
173
Border Passage
had sensed
from launching into ordinary conversation, talking
in our
normal way
When
about what we were feeling and thinking. There was a silence. the
phone had rung
I
had been upstairs and
the upstairs phone, which was in
my
were there, shirt
my
and
my
I
father's
was speaking now from room. Both
my
parents
father in front of the mirror buttoning his crisp white
stiff collar
and putting on
who was
mother,
sitting in
his tie
and braces and talking
inhibited.
still felt
to the downstairs
I
to
an armchair on that side of the room
me
glancing through the paper. They were not paying attention to I
me
in her voice that prevented
"Hold on, I'm going
said to Joyce,
to
but
down
go
phone."
"No, don't," she said, "my father's waiting to use the phone, so
on long."
can't stay
"Oh," his call
I
said, mystified,
I
wondering why she hadn't
and then called me, so that we could
let
him make
talk at length, as
we
usually did.
Then she
told
me
that they
were leaving Egypt
— immediately, the
very next day.
Her words threw me friend Joyce
into a turbulence of feelings.
My own
and her family were, apparently, on the wrong
best
side. In-
stead of supporting us and standing with us, they were on the
wrong
side. I
recall the general feel of
exact words.
I
what happened between us but not our
must have responded
stiffly,
my
hurt and withdrawal
obvious to her. Joyce explained that she had nothing to do with the decision,
it
was her parents who were deciding.
she'd stay, she said, but her parents thought for
them. She didn't succeed in persuading
remained
My down
stiff
announced
made me
that Joyce
would be dangerous
me
been speaking
call
of anything and
I
her back. Putting the phone
was leaving and
remarked how surprised she was I'd
she could choose,
and distant and hung up, saying a cool goodbye.
mother, however,
I'd
it
If
to hear that
to in that tone of voice.
it
my mother
at
once
had been Joyce that
She thought Joyce's parents'
decision to leave was an entirely sensible one.
"But the president said the Jews were welcome to stay,"
I
said.
174
Many Jews
heard him myself on the radio.
I'd
their
homeland, he'd
ports
said,
must be with us
did they
If
Ahmed
Leila
lived in
and they were welcome all
and accept Egyptian
you
way and
the
nationality.
Egypt and considered
accept Egyptian nationality.
Why
my mother
it
But
their passports
thought of Egypt as
didn't see
and he changes
give
up
to stay, but if they
their foreign pass-
That had sounded
it
fair to
me.
your home, then you should
not?
way at all. "What if they give up mind and turns against them?" she
this
his
"Why should they trust him? Why should they take such a risk?" "But why should he change his mind?" I asked. "He said that they're welcome in Egypt. He said that." said.
She continued to
argue with me, saying that of course he wasn't
to
be trusted and that the decision that Joyce's parents were making
was a very hard one any case
was
make, and probably they were
to
right.
And
in
was not Joyce's decision, and she was my friend and she
it
leaving. I'd be very sorry later
if
I
didn't call her
up now and say
goodbye properly. I
didn't
want
"Your mother I
to. is
did call her.
were both
in tears,
Months that they
I
looked at
my
father.
absolutely right," he said.
And
this time,
as she says."
by the end of our conversation, we
promising each other that we would write.
after they left, Joyce wrote to
still
"Do
did not
know where
been temporarily placed
in a
and her brother had gone
me from England
saying
they were going to be. They had
house with people they did not know,
to France,
where a family friend had
se-
cured a job for him. Her parents had been trying to arrange for her to
go to school but she was not sure, she
to school
said, that
anymore and they were arguing about
it.
she wanted to go
She wrote again
some months later to say they were in their own apartment in London and she was going to secretarial school but was not sure she would finish there because they might be moving again, to France this time because that was where her father had a job. I meant to write back but this
I
procrastinated.
Months
later
I
heard from her again, just a card
time with her address, in Paris, and the words
write?"
"Why
don't you
A I
procrastinated again.
England, where
Border Passage
I
was going
I
175
was beginning
to plan
and
to college,
I
my own move
to
put off writing until
I
knew when exactly I was going to be traveling, as I thought that maybe we could plan to meet. I could perhaps, I thought, stop in Paris on the way and we could meet. And so finally I wrote to her with my plans.
My I
letter
came back stamped "Unknown
at this address."
never heard from her again or from anyone
School,
when we went back in January, was no
School. Taken over by the Egyptian government,
Nasr
who knew
longer the English it
was renamed
—Victory— School. Documents had been discovered
ment,
it
was
said, that indicated that the
her.
al-
in the base-
school had served as a British
spy center. Probably, people said, the school had branched into spying
with the advent of Mr. Price and probably he had been appointed by the British government specifically for the purpose of beginning this operation. This explained both the abrupt recall of his predecessor
and the
British government's break with precedent in appointing
someone unfamiliar with Egypt knows, though,
if
any of
The new teaching below what
nominally in
one usually
was true or
was
if it
Who
staff at the school, all Egyptians,
had been
level
was now
my O levels, I was my A levels, exams that
had been. Having just passed
it
my
at that.
just propaganda.
by the government, and the academic
hastily recruited far
this
— a white South African,
first
sat for
year of preparing for
two years after
was easier than preparing
for
O
O
levels,
but the work
levels. In the past,
come from England; now they were going
I
was doing
both exams had
be set by the Egyptian
to
Ministry of Education.
Many the Jews.
students had
And once
left
—
all
the British children and nearly
the school reopened and
the academic standards were, others also friend,
Jean Said. After a few weeks
left,
it
was
clear
including
at al-Nasr
she
all
how poor
my remaining
left to
complete
her schooling in America so that she'd be able to go on to Vassar,
which was where her parents had always intended her I
do not know why
my
to go.
parents did not think, as Jean's did, of
— 176
Leila
sending
me
me
abroad to finish school.
would have been
It
my
college there. Instead,
College,
my
my sister's
college, as to
The
would go
I
to
father entered into discussion with Girton
what should be done about me, given
education had been interrupted by
anyone's control.
send
logical to
England, since the plan had always been that
to
that
Ahmed
matters outside
politics,
me
college decided to permit
to sit for the next
entrance exam the following November, even though
A
normally required and there was no expectation that
I
were
levels
would have
passed them. In June of that year
I
with flying colors. For the next year occasionally with the
important to me,
than
I.
new
friends
Amr and
Amr had been
Egyptian
sat for the
I
I
A
just stayed
levels
home, hanging out
had made. Two
in particular
in his final year of preparing for
just before the
A
and
levels,
Suez invasion, having
passed her baccalaureate at a French school and having
come
to ours
spend a year improving her English. Books played a major part
both friendships.
We
Amr.
would
I
— or rather he would
think now, hearing the
name
but of oleanders and
talk
and
I
would
listen
firs
grounds, where the
firs
evil.
and desert and red playing fields to the
copse
at the
We
fields.
end of the
leaned against the desert, and once there
to stroll,
now
I
Dostoyevsky, not of those brooding nov-
would walk along the edge of the would continue
in
would take long walks on the school grounds with
talk
about Dostoyevsky, symbolism, and the meaning of good and
els
were
Nawal. Both were a couple of years older
Nawal had entered our school to
and passed
we
daringly holding hands. There would be
other couples strolling there also, though not many, for there were
weighty taboos
among
us, the students as a whole, against
having
boyfriends and girlfriends. Occasionally, late in the school day, after
games,
when
the dusk was beginning to close
see a really daring
Since
with
I
couple
sitting interlaced
was of course not permitted
Amr
remained confined
to
in,
one might sometimes
behind an oleander bush.
have a boyfriend,
my friendship
to school.
Like Amr, Nawal took the lead intellectually, dazzling
me
with
her French-style literary analysis and her ease with philosophy. Be-
cause of her
I
now
read Proust and Gide and
Camus and
Colette,
A names
I
my
had heard
111
Border Passage
my mother
cousin Samia and
not until then thought to exert myself to read.
Nawal (whose
father
to connections ticularly her
mother, Soheir,
me
regularly included
aspects of Cairo to
Khan
and
to
family, par-
a daughter,
treated
began
I
in this
who were
was a close friend of
to
it
Soheir
She took us
hers.
to
I
one
alleys in
sisters,
and
shops
craft
Um Kulsum, who of Um Kulsum's con-
met
certs,
and hearing the famous Egyptian singer
stood
how
truly
My first visit
browse through the
And through
to discover
winding
its
was with Nawal, her four
city,
visiting
purchase jewelry.
way
had not hitherto encountered.
I
famous Cairo bazaar with
the medieval section of the
her mother,
my life. Her me almost like
for the rest of
who
in their projects.
that
life
Khalili, the
friendship with
was a well-known doctor) would eventually lead
would have
I
mention but had
My
live,
finally
I
under-
marvelous her singing was.
Soheir took us too to the annual charity bazaars held in the Se-
miramis Hotel. These events were run by society women,
who em-
broidered various things or baked cakes or donated jewelry and other items for sale. Besides raising funds for charities, these affairs had an
Frequented only by women, they were a kind of
unofficial objective.
marriage bazaar, for the
manned by mille.
n
stalls
where the goods were
In this
way they would be shown
society families,
who were
brides for their sons.
Um
among
there,
Kulsum,
too,
off to the
new crop
Aunt Karima took cialite life
out were
of pretty
girls.
life
(it
was
Among my own
was,
I
of other
a regular at these affairs,
part in these charity activities
they involved. This
women
other reasons, to scout out
was
not because she had sons but because she herself seeing the
laid
the society matrons' daughters, "jennes filles de bonne fa-
think, too
said) enjoyed
relatives, only
and the
much
lively so-
part of the
public domain, too nontraditional and too Westernized for the
conservative
women
my own
of
direct family,
my mother and
more aunts
and of course Grandmother.
My friendship with the years, so that
them
that
I
when
would
too, but not in the
Nawal's mother and sisters would endure over
stay.
way
I
finally
My
that
it
returned to Egypt
friendship with
had begun
it
would be with
Nawal would continue
— as a passionate intellectual
178
Leila
companionship. Her those
was soon overtaken by
life
tragedy. Already in
years of our friendship she began to suffer from a myste-
first
rious illness.
proved to be multiple sclerosis and
It
fected her mind, clouding
While
I
stayed
home
Amr and Nawal began finally
Ahmed
came
its
eventually af-
clarity.
waiting to take the Girton entrance exam,
When November
attending Cairo University.
sat for the
I
once dazzling
it
exam
in the bizarre setting of the Swiss
embassy. In those post-Suez days there was no British embassy and
no
British institution in Egypt to
their I
exam and didn't
want
was a kind of
to
rote
and
to
me I
friends at Cairo University that there
approach there, that one was expected said verbatim
to put
and not what one thought
down
for oneself,
sounded deadly. The American University had a some-
that
what better reputation, but either.
they could entrust
go to Cairo University or to the American Uni-
knew from
I
what the lecturer
felt
supervision.
its
versity in jCairo.
which Girton
wanted
to
for
some reason
I
didn't
want
to
go there,
go to England and to Cambridge.
"Place offered Stop Peace," the telegram from Girton read. Peace, I
learned from
to
be the
my
name
sister,
was not part of the message:
of the college admissions secretary.
it
just
happened
8
^he PSrem Perfected?
LOVED GlRTON from
I
October as dusk was
the
moment
falling,
of
my
arrival
on a day
in early
the taxi turning into the college drive-
way and pulling up under the red brick tower with its college crest. I remember pushing open for the first time the heavy wooden door to
how busy
the porter's lodge and
parents saying goodbye
assignment into the
— and
failing
it
was with people
with
its
shadowy
my
trees
glimmering now
in a dra-
October
light,
I
and bicycle
Wing Gyp,
taining the laundry
racks.
We
entered the buildings by
from gippo,
I
loved
it
know
to
women.
also
what they
("Gyp: at Cambridge and
Durham,
— Oxford Dictionary. Possibly, the dictionary notes, from gypsy. Gypsy: "a wandering race
come from all:
would come
rooms and bathrooms. "Gyp" was
varlet, or
lieved to have
I
the gyp being what they called the area con-
called the college cleaning
a college servant"
followed the assistant
luggage diagonally across the main courtyard
another heavy wooden door, leading into what as the East
arriving,
my room
matic streak of brilliance over the buildings. porter as he trundled
— students
then coming out again with
.
.
.
be-
Egypt.")
huge, heavy doors, corridors that went on forever,
overlooking courtyards and lawns and woods and hazy, distant mead-
ows, Victorian Gothic turrets and towers and spiral
words
— words
like
"gyp"
—
known only
to initiates.
It
stairs,
was
secret
like arriving
180
Leila
in a Bronte novel
Heights
who
Ahmed
— some combination of Jane Eyre
— and being immediately taken
in,
and Wuthering
accepted at once as one
belonged.
Of course and fogs and
this
was "England," a
place, with
its
red roofs and woods
my
rain, that I'd already lived in, in
mind, through
all
those years of losing myself in English books. This was one reason, no
doubt, that
took so easily to Girton and instantly
I
was that
other, of course, at
Cambridge and
who were
people
I'd
to
felt at
home. An-
my brothers and sister had also been students
grown up hearing them
talk
about
it.
Even the
my own life at Girton,
be the key presences in
Miss
Bradbrook and Miss Duke, director of studies and tutor respectively, were people
had been too,
I
at
I'd
heard about before
I
ever got there because
Girton and they'd had the same role in her
found,
knew about me. Miss Bradbrook,
had been a champion runner and that loved
A Room
of One's
Own — my
some reason
I
Indeed they
life.
for instance,
had written
about me. Magda had surely thought that her, but for
sister
knew that I
had, that summer, read and
I
sister
my
to
her telling her
this latter fact
would impress
found Miss Bradbrook's knowing
it
deeply
my sister had given away something about me that was very private. What was it about loving that book of Woolf 's that felt it was so important for me to be secretive about? Its fem-
embarrassing, feeling that
I
when feminism had
inism, tainly
I
not yet become a living idea again? Cer-
wasn't consciously a feminist in those days.
have been something to do with that that made
— whereas she wrote — and
book
I
thought then that what
feel that
There were other, felt
I
had
I
liked about
less obvious, less tangible
so familiar to me. For, in fact,
life at
inward
had hitherto framed the world
mood
of Girton, for instance
quiet, trees
—was very
grand and
lovely,
like that of
—
Am
it
must
both love the
was the way
it
it.
reasons
why
Girton
Girton was jn fundamental
ways deeply continuous with the assumptions, living that
me
be secretive about
to
think
I
as
I
beliefs,
knew
it.
and ways of
The
meditative,
this place of books, gardens,
Shams. Although
infinitely less
Ain Shams was a place essentially given over
to
reading and to a sense of the overriding reality of inner worlds of imagination. Even visitors
felt this
about Ain Shams. People
who
A came would
say that they
— or whoever
Border Passage
181
they had entered the world of Proust
felt
happened
their favorite writer
As
to be.
if
the place
were somehow located exactly on the edge and borderland between imagination and the ordinary world.
Girton then, spectacularly more lovely, was this too, and so naturally
felt at
I
home. (To
Cambridge
the English landscape around
landscape
— even
probably because of Girton,
this day,
Egypt's. Different as they are,
cracked and parched
— even
in
Cambridge
the pleasures of finding myself in of living once
more
in a place
—
love
much as I love any for me they share an
as
underlying similarity. Flat, dark earth, rich,
I
furrowed
fertile,
in a dry
fields
summer. One of
Cambridge again recently was that
where the look of the earth and
trees
and the shapes of leaves and the shadows they cast on the ground were deeply familiar
which
— and
Then
I
Africa.)
framed and regulated our ordinary
lives
home in. I found myself living, just as where women, presiding over the young authorities. This is how it had been from
was perfectly
at
in Alexandria, in a place
in their charge,
when
between Europe and
also the order that
was one that had
some of
recognized from childhood in Cairo, birds going back and
I
forth in their migrations
I
of hearing again familiar birds,
I
first
were the
came
into the world,
and here
ing reality, at Girton. Girton, that
community of women
— the
harem
it
was, the same underly-
to say,
is
— as
I
had
was a version of the lived
it
every
summer
in Alexandria.
Moreover, the order undergirding
this reality
and equally fundamental ways, though to
speak of
it
then. Here, too,
special, privileged people.
after
dusk
— gowns
marking us as university. to
I
was familiar
in other
would not have known how
we were marked
Wearing gowns,
off
from others as
for example, in the
town
that distinguished us
from mere townspeople,
members
of this ancient, exclusive
insiders, initiates,
Wearing them
to dinner in hall. Standing, waiting for grace
be said in Latin from High Table and sitting down, in a great
scraping of chairs and amid the rising
food ness
— food that for:
I
now,
roast beef
initiated into
it
hubbub
of chatter, to English
at eighteen,
have quite a fond-
and Yorkshire pudding, shepherd's
pie,
prunes and
— 182
Ahmed
Leila
women whose por-
custard, bread pudding. Eating under the eye of the traits lined
women
the paneled hall,
women
in plain white bonnets, stern
gowns with frills at the neck, founders, mistresses, our Mine as well, now that I was member and initiate. Sitting
in dark
foremothers.
eating, being served not
kitchen
staff,
women
by Saleh and
his assistants but
in black dresses with white collars
For here, too, our
lives
by the Girton
and aprons.
were sustained, as we pursued our quest
of meaning, ideas, truth, by a troupe of others, called not servants but
gyps and staff and workers and groundsmen and gardeners and assistants.
These were words that professionalized and
also sanitized
rendered psychologically and emotionally acceptable the
power and
class.
They were words
fortable classes of
Western
that, while they allowed the
societies to be sustained
ously to
someone not
com-
by the labor and
them (somewhat
service of others, simultaneously allowed
and
realities of
mysteri-
and so not wearing those
raised in this system
particular spectacles) to feel self-righteous
and
to believe that they,
unlike the backward, oppressive middle and upper classes of Third
World
societies, lived in classless,
common
oppress people. (Other
democratic societies and did not
words
for this pool of laborers in-
clude "helpers," "agricultural workers," and
"illegal
immigrants"
never, of course, "servants" or "peasants," though such people some-
times
live,
even
in this
founding land of democracy, in conditions as
bleak as those endured by people that other societies designate that
way. For Westerners, apparently, servants
your
it's
both — people whose the provided you use —
directly
labor,
lifestyle
that. Betty Friedan, for
okay and democratic to have
right
and
indirectly, sustains
words and never
call
them
example, unabashedly recommends in The
Feminine Mystique that the government subsidize university-educated
women der,
and what
fulfill
— of what society? — and thus
so that they can hire "household help" class in this classless
their artistic
and
color,
In Girton, then, this
you stuck
won-
be free to
intellectual potential.) life
devoted to the pursuit of "higher things"
sustained by the labor of others could be lived guilt-free and as
I
to the right
words
— without
oppressing or exploiting anybody.
And
it
— so long
any sense that you were
was
free of the
bonds of
A
183
Border Passage
intimacy and personal involvement with which the servant-master re-
was
lationship societies.
liable to
be fraught in those Third World, "backward"
no
sitting
with
Umm
Said,
—
as
or any other faculty
member
with a
sitting talking intimately, quietly
with someone as lowly as a gyp
mother
Duke
never saw Brad or Miss
I
of the
staff, let
alone
had many times seen Grand-
I
and Mother with
relationships here of servant
member
Fat-hia.
and mistress going back
There were
to girlhoods,
no mutual knowledge and sharing and companionship between them, no reaching out
to
comfort with the touch of long affection.
member of the faculty member
so far as
staff,
other
died, as Fat-hia
photo of her to hang in her
for a
don't,
(I
on the other hand, want
tions in the Third
But
in
I
would ask when Mother
home
died,
and have always before her.
to romanticize servant-master rela-
World: they were without question relations of
power and were surely mired which such
And no
know, asked when Brad or any
gyp or
in all the
imbalances and injustices in
relations are typically mired.)
any case,
it
was a deeply familiar world
to
me. In some
ways, indeed, Girton represented the harem perfected. Not the harem of Western male sexual fantasy or even the fantasy or reality, but the
women
harem
as
I
had
harem of Muslim men,
lived
the
it,
harem of older
presiding over the young. Even the servers here
— gyps, cooks,
— were women, and from these grounds, these precincts, the ab-
staff
sence of male authority was permanent. For unlike Smith and other
women's
colleges in America, the Girton fellowship
— was from the sively
Consequently ties,
start exclusively female.
female until the I
late sixties,
and
Girton would remain exclu-
when
have been privileged to
a Turco-Egyptian one
I
was a graduate student.
live in
two harem communi-
And
a British one.
destiny, too, alas, to live through the
— the professors
it
has been
my
ending of both the Turco-
Egyptian harem world and the hundred-year-long British experiment in
women's communities Going
I
as practiced at Girton.
to supervisions: putting
had just scrambled
on
my gown,
taking along the essay
to finish, arriving at the door,
door, knocking on the inner one.
opening the outer
184
Leila
"Come
Ahmed
in!"
Miss Bradbrook's high, birdlike voice.
My
moment
fellow supervisees already there or arriving a
later.
Usually there were two or three of us, no more.
Reading our essays aloud, listening
to Brad's
comments, watching
her expressions and reactions as she listened.
would
"Ye-e-es," she
the
say,
suddenly
alert,
leaning forward to poke
fire.
She might say nothing
good few moments or begin a sen-
for a
tence and
trail off,
before her.
Then she would
looking intently into the
fire
or just into the air
follow out her thought, and almost always
The sense one
the experience of watching her do this was riveting.
had was of being
homed
in
in the
facilely, simplistically.
aware
presence of someone
— listening meaning
gem that now that.
a
in
which
own
long silences
— of the
to
which we went
dark, although there
all
Books lined
all
light
as well as chairs,
were photos on
sat
left
open on
and a
fire in
fine days.
the winter.
the walls right to the ceiling and there was a its
this light,
along one wall and French
on where we
cluttered feel to the place, with
were
was always quite
for supervisions,
were windows
now
it
some reason her
sherry. For
doors opening onto the courtyard, which she
There would be some
multiple uni-
this object before us existed, as if
she was slowly turning before us to catch
room,
it
Whatever we were contemplating, we became
Sometimes she offered us coffee or sitting
nearly always
her probing reflections and her spare, exact
to
words, interrupted by her verses of
who
on the essence of the issue before us and never handled
somewhat
occasional tables, lamps, and stools
one of these, her
favorite,
a rocking
chair.
There
one of the tables in oval silver-gilt frames of Victorian-
looking people in Victorian and Edwardian clothes.
Mrs. Madge's room was quite different, spare,
like a
Japanese
Madge was (is) the distinguished British poet Kathleen and her room had something of the distilled, uncluttered love-
painting. Mrs.
Raine,
liness of her
poems. She was a botanist by training (she and Brad had
been undergraduates together
at Girton).
The
first
thing one noticed
A
185
Border Passage
on entering her room were the perfect plants that she always had a hyacinth or a white cyclamen in exquisite bloom. In her
she was
the diamond-shaped the sky.
fifties
then,
quite beautiful in a painterly, poetic way, sitting awaiting us,
A
windows behind
her, vivid blue eyes the color of
research fellow rather than a permanent fellow at Girton,
a poet in this academic world, Kathleen Raine self-consciously oc-
cupied an alternative space. She was scornful of academics and above of critics, although she did value, she said, the
all
scholars, people like Brad. it
was not knowledge
Such scholarship was
work done by true
useful, even
though
Raine defined
in the deepest sense of the word.
herself as belonging to a different tradition of knowledge, distinctly in opposition to the
"knowledge" pursued in universities, which she
regarded as a barren, dead, destructive, desiccated, rationalistic, su-
premely arrogant, and ultimately deadly enterprise. Real knowledge
was the knowledge of prophets, poets,
visionaries;
it
was there
Blake and Yeats and in the world's ancient traditions dia
came
Plotinus
into this,
— but not
But what exactly
and possibly ancient Egypt) and
anyone or even
was enormously drawn
was
stood, she
think In-
in Plato
and
in Aristotle, definitely not in rationalist Aristotle.
knowledge and tradition was
this alternative
never quite able to grasp, not in a way that to explain to
(I
in
to
1
I
was
would have been able
to articulate for myself.
what
I
But
intuitively
I
sensed, rather than clearly under-
saying.
Brad, too, deferred to Mrs. Madge's superior ways of knowing and in
terms that affirmed the innate mysteriousness of this other process
would say, suggesting that we some question up with Mrs. Madge rather than with her, "Mrs. Madge is a poet, you know." The statement was at once explanatory
of knowing, the poet's vision. She take
and conclusive. In Brad's vocabulary, poets seemed special vision, so that her
words were
at
to
be people with
once recognition and
af-
firmation.
Thus
I
had already back then a model of someone who openly
despised academic knowledge, indeed despised this entire enterprise
we call knowledge. know now more clearly than
of what I
I
knew
at the
time why, during a
— 186
Leila
Ahmed
particularly difficult time soon after I'd arrived in America,
and bought myself a copy of Kathleen Raine's
ems and had found such
the local supermarket, a white cyclamen,
me
ensuing days becoming for altar,
memory
invoking the
remembrance of
its
I
unfolding flowers in the
known, keeping
I'd
own
vision.
Miss Bradbrook and Mrs. Madge were the teachers of.
alive the
a clarity and steadfastness, a holding on, against an-
other tide, to the truth of their
most
bought, in
presences, candles on an
like living
of people
went out
latest collection of po-
And why then
solace in them.
I
saw the
I
Both were generous teachers, the best kind one can have:
they were passionate about pursuing what was true to them and un-
derstanding and defining
it
as exactly as they
sions they did this in our presence
(And yet
if
were
I
to grade
that students are asked to
them according fill
the course objectives clear?
you?
How
In supervito us.
to the teaching evaluations
out these days
What
knew how.
and without concessions
— Did the professor make
significant learning took place for
did the course help you better understand the intersection
— both would
of race, gender, class?
me
Brad would leave a handkerchief in
little
fail
Christmas
abysmally.) gifts in
my pigeonhole,
once
an envelope. The college would be almost empty
in
the last days before Christmas, everyone except a handful of people
from abroad
myself having gone home. Both Brad and Mrs.
like
Madge, along with
my
my
essays, although
end of the
year.
supervisions,
I
I
other supervisors, gave
me
was exceedingly shy and
terrified of
speaking in
and having missed out on two years of study that
eryone else at Cambridge had been through for their
A
levels,
exceedingly ignorant and unsophisticated, compared with students. Particularly with Mrs.
my
point distinctly in
on
excellent grades
never did well on the university exams at the
favor: she
Madge, though,
this
my
seemed
I
ev-
was
fellow
to
be a
could be scathingly dismissive of
fellow supervisees, particularly those
who were most
my
sophisticated and
knowing, and conversely was often very affirming of things
I
said
Sometimes now, when
I
have a
those few things
student
I
managed
who comes from
to say.
a less "good" school than others in the class,
A I
understand what
it
Border Passage
187
was that she appreciated, and
I
appreciate
it
myself in those students. Addressing things out of their deep need to understand, they bring a freshness and directness to their readings; they seem less cluttered in their thought and less entangled than others
by what they are expected to think and say
— everything the others
have been taught in the "good," fast-track schools
is
the right thing
to think, to say.
While Brad and Mrs. Madge interested themselves only higher realms of things,
my
Radzinowicz, took enough interest in the practicalities of
me
how to
a few elementary but essential skills, like
and even how
in the
other supervisors, Mrs. Bennett and Dr.
to take notes, Dr.
to teach
life
structure an essay
Radzinowicz showing
me
the index
brought to
mapped out the entire Faerie Queene in all its The kind of intellectual attention that Joan Bennett bear on whatever we were reading, steady, clear, like a
lighthouse,
was quite
cards on which she'd essential themes.
sheer contradiction
once
from the
different
— of
effect of complexity
and of
and dark being there inseparably and
light
— that Brad's attention brought out
in texts.
at
With Bennett one
could believe that, provided one thought clearly enough, steadfastly
enough, everything could be brought within the compass of our understanding, within the compass of rational thought and
understanding. Not so Brad.
somewhere
in
been
in
human
Raine. Radzinowicz was
between.
Besides the sible for one's
Or Kathleen
women who
taught me,
"moral" welfare)
I
also
saw my tutor (respon-
fairly regularly.
Egypt briefly during World
War
II,
A
classicist
Miss Duke conveyed a
sense that she was familiar with Mediterranean ways.
going to her with any
difficulties,
indirectly addressing issues that
a benign presence in
my
life.
I
and yet
I
who had
I
don't recall
remember her
as at least
was worrying about, and saw her
She had a wonderful painting
as
in her
room by Winifred Nicholson, Ben Nicholson's less well-known wife, to whose work she'd been introduced by Kathleen Raine. Raine, as we knew from the names she mentioned in supervisions, was at home in the artistic
After
my
and first
literary
world of England.
term or two
at
Girton
I
hardly attended university
188
Leila
was ordinary
lectures. This
Ahmed
at Girton,
among
students of English,
anyway. Lecturers often just talked about their specialties and usually
We read the books, which
quite unintelligibly to most undergraduates.
were generally much
by the various famous people lecturing
clearer,
there in those days but rarely went to
happened
lectures. All the significant learning
We
were
in
my room
late
more than one
at Girton.
one evening, the two other Muslims
the college, Selma and Hamida, and myself, and
English friends.
sitting
women whom and had
in
think a couple of
I
typewriter on the coffee
behest of our par-
at the
on our own, and we had been protesting
consequence been locked up together by the for help
Hence
were planning on sending newspaper, calling
it
college,
was typing
this
on the back of a Players cigarette box.
We
also deprived us even of paper.
message appealing
to a
my
Girton was holding prisoner,
ents, forbidding us to go out this
floor,
We were concocting a story about how we were Muslim
should type.
which had
on the
in
me, talking with them and then typing what we decided
table before I
was
I
or two of their
I
concocted story
this absurd, transparently
"S.O.S. from Girton's
Muslim Women." Of
—
who would believe that Girton was colluding Muslim young women prisoner? But there was evidently no limit to the nonsense that the Western or, anyway, the British press was capable of believing or at least to what it was willing to print and sell, in connection with Muslim women provided such course
it
was absurd
in holding
—
—
—
—
words as "prisoners" and "oppression" were
We
mailed the piece off to one of the tabloid newspapers, and to our
and embarrassment the newspaper proposed
incredulity
porter
down
to talk to us.
and we were come down and talk a hoax
He
liberally sprinkled about.
did.
We
were
all
I
really awfully sorry,
to us
to
send a
re-
explained on the phone that the story was
but he said he wanted to
anyway, could he take us out to dinner?
extremely sheepish.
No newspaper story ensued. how people in the
Obviously we were aware of and making fun of culture in which
But none of
us,
we found
ourselves
and certainly not
I,
seemed
to see
Muslim women.
had a developed or
derstanding of racism, which, in the England of
my
critical
un-
day and in the
A
189
Border Passage
word or
milieu of Cambridge, did not exist as a
people were analytically conscious
of. It is
something that
as
we
true that
did cluster
Muslim women but the group
together at times, not specifically the
of us from abroad and especially from the former British Empire, from
the places once shaded pink and deeper pink on the colonies and protectorates. There was Iraq,
Olu from
map
Nigeria,
—
British
Selma from
Achla and Primula from India, Hamida and Farida from Paki-
was more ambiguous,
stan (although Farida's relation to the group possibly because she
had converted
was not
to Christianity; the issue
her religion, for Olu too was Christian, but presumably something entailed in the process of conversion).
Sometimes we clustered
to-
gether at breakfast or lunch, not exactly as friends, at least not as
some recognizable connection, something odd and un-
close friends, but as people with particularly
if
comfortable
—
someone had a racist, as
story about
we would
call
it
now
Olu, for instance, shortly after she arrived, aghast
— another I
at different times
trying to "save," or convert, us.
I
to breakfast
to bring her
Africa,
morning
tea!
had
And
had experiences with fellow students
And
the hope of seeing us converted
was there even among some of the dons (the college ing one
had happened.
woman from South
student, a white
knocked on her door and asked her
Selma and
— that
came down
was particularly attached
to.
fellows), includ-
There would be some implied
— and sometimes not only implied — suggestion that becoming Christian
would be the proof and mark of our having found our way
to true
morality and civilization.
Talking recently to an American friend bridge at the time that
I
was,
I
who had been
at
Cam-
heard of the racism he had witnessed.
People at his college, Pembroke, would often in his presence make derogatory remarks about Jews, not realizing that he was Jewish.
never overheard such remarks about Arabs, but obviously both
my name made my
appearance and This bridge.
is
not to say that
A man
he discovered College,
spat at I
where
I
me on
Arabness
visible.
never encountered overt racism in a bus once when, thinking
was an Arab. And once I
I
my
I
was
Cam-
Israeli,
at a College Feast at King's
had gone as someone's guest, one of the young
fel-
190
Ahmed
Leila
me
lows of the college sitting at the head of our table told
that he
was a staunch supporter of .Anthony Eden and that the Suez Canal
— the Egyptians
should be in British hands
capacities to keep the canal open.
and the
British
Of course years.
would have
would no doubt shortly clog up
It
to take over
do what
free to
for the first time. .And of course, too,
— and
all
undeniably, interesting
moments
Convention says that story of one's
fall in
with this convention,
an exercise
experience in
it.
I
had brought myself with me
On
in Cairo. Still there were,
— and is
those years was not
living
There were three of
it
must
on what
make
inevitably is
for
then asked myself
that the a
I
me
why
I
most unforgettable,
moment
of either romantic
was a moment of intense presence
world around us and also of companus.
window open onto
midnight, the
me
dutifully set forth
For the truth
and connection with the
spring.
those
life in
also.
archaeology
in
or erotic involvement. Rather
ionship.
I
my
liked without supervision
I
Unthinkingly assuming that
life.
was even attempting lyrical
again.
one's romantic involvements that
it is
up the
just
it
the baggage of attitudes, beliefs, notions of morality, and
wariness that had been instilled into
now
running
there were other things going on in
was eighteen and
I
didn't have the engineering
We'd been
sitting
up talking past
a balmy, scented night of sudden
moment we decided to climb out (the ten and we were not officially allowed out
the spur of the
college locked
its
doors at
of the building after that) for no other reason than to be out on such a night, running across the moonlit lawn to the safety of the woods.
Here we
just
wandered about, whispering and laughing, picking
for
ourselves in the clearings bright with moonlight handfuls of dew-
someone had told me then that thirty years later I remember this night and not so easily remember who
heavy
violets. If
would
easily
it
—
was, in a given year,
believed
I'd
been involved with
—
I
would never have
it.
.And then, too, no matter what convention says, the people that
have remembered over the years and that relation with
were the people who taught
I
I
continued to have some
me and who
were
in au-
A thority in the college
and
attitudes
community.
and ways of seeing
—
mind in the way what I was doing)
that to
I
191
Border Passage
It is I
they whose words and presence
have returned to
many
what Grandmother or Aunt Aisha or
once said or how they looked at this moment or that. Those moments spent in Kathleen Raine's room and a few others, have something of that
sheer pleasure of those
women
company
of
Brad's,
and
same charge and richness and
— that rounded balcony shaped a ship cleaving the dark around us — listening their
my parents
dusks and nights spent on the balcony
starlit
in Alexandria
mother and
my
times in
have returned (without necessarily registering
women.
like the
to
my
prow of a
ship,
aunts and grand-
In Alexandria, as at Girton, the
devoted a good part of their time to analyzing, discussing, and
taking apart words, meanings, motives, characters, consequences, responsibilities
with
much
issue lay
(though in Alexandria their seriousness was leavened
laughter) and to reflecting on
and what
it
real people's actual
might
all
words and
where the moral heart of an it
was
real people's characters, motives,
and
mean. In Alexandria, though,
intentions that were taken apart and put together again.
exandria
it
was
real people
whose
lives
And
in Al-
might well be profoundly
af-
fected as a result of the burden of their talk, the conclusions they
came
to,
the advice they gave, the actions they then took. Sometimes,
no doubt, through the resolutions they arrived
at,
children were saved
monogamous, and women some unendurable situation. activity that engrossed them daily,
the devastation of divorce, husbands kept
appeased
(for
good or
At Alexandria and
at
ill)
so as to endure
Zatoun
this
with both gravity and laughter, was part of the job of sustaining
and sustaining the community
in its
ongoing
life
life
across the genera-
tions.
At Girton, on the other hand,
it
was
fictional people,
people in
books and novels and plays, whose words and actions and motives and moral characters we analyzed endlessly. Obviously activity that, in
actual circumstances. Also, of course, at Girton
end of Zatoun
it.
That same
orally
this
was not an
any direct sense anyway, sustained anybody's
and on
we
life
or
got degrees at the
activity essentially, practiced at Alexandria
living texts to sustain the life of the
and
community,
— 192
Leila
Ahmed
— by men of the culture and by Westerners, men and women —
was
called by outsiders to the process
official .Arabic
idle gossip, the
and even sometimes That same
women
however, practiced by the
activity,
written, not oral, texts
and on
fictional,
not
once did
their culture, too. it
manner and
in the
men down
)
life.
ner, that
—
orally
—
to sustain
men.
women
in
They practiced and
in relation to written texts rather
than
as their
activity
for these purposes
becomes suddenly a
worthy and honorable occupation. (There
tween cooking
life.
own
of Girton no
that
a profession, and to earn money rather than to
Performed by men
same
and
women
manner
colleagues
tradition of
the centuries had
living people, as
sustain
in the age-old. traditional
it
of Girton on
people was regarded
living,
as honorable, serious, important work. For the
longer practiced
empty
women, harem women.
malicious talk of
evil,
for the family
and cooking
great is
and
in this
man-
and important and
similar difference be-
as a chef: the
same
activity
masculinized becomes a profession and worthy of esteem, honor, remuneration.)
Why
are
we doing
women
in her
coming
to
Woolf asked, contemplating
this? Virginia
day entering the ancient, venerable universities and
form the
end of what she
tail
called the "procession of the
sons of educated men." with their ribbons and gowns and tufts of fur
on
their shoulders
we doing
this?
knowledge
is it
institutions,
and
their arrogance
she asked. that these
why
are
we
Is this really
men
and self-importance.
Why
are
what we want? What kind of
have developed and passed on in those
following in the
wake of men's professions
what are these professions and why should we, following
in these
men's footsteps, pursue them? "What are these ceremonies and why should we take part in them?*' Woolf herself, offered several honorary degrees over the course of her
life,
including from the University of
Cambridge, consistently turned them down.
A
men in moment perhaps
place to pursue the professions of
women. Girton had :::r.±. >:^r Foremothers
I
offered for a
a
community of
a kind of transi-
called those founders of Girton:
mv own
fore-
A mothers, too,
my
on
I
193
Border Passage
said of them.
But these foremothers had looked down
them
other foremothers and had held
in
contempt. They had
adopted the same attitudes toward these subjects idle gossip
men
—
as to
and what was worthy, important thought
had, and they
now combined
own
these attitudes with the feelings of
men and women,
Europeans and white people,
superiority that
—
what was
as their
felt
toward the cultures of the "inferior" non-European peoples generally. Harriet Martineau, a prominent nineteenth-century intellectual, visited
Egypt and was hospitably received in their harem quarters by a
group of women I
who were
probably just
like the
women among whom
grew up. Returning home, she wrote of how ignorant these Muslim
women were and how
course, Martineau spoke no Arabic.
how
spoke no English. So
harem talk. Of And the harem women, naturally,
worthless and mindless their
exactly
was
this
woman
of (supposedly, by
the measures of her society) austere, superior intellect judging them,
and how exactly was she
setting about assessing, with that fine, dis-
And she
cerning, superior intellect of hers, the value of their talk? just
thought of Muslim harem
But
I
activities of
men
women.
me
which Westerners and
In childhood, I'd picked in particular the
up
women and
this
sense of con-
women around me
that
and those
my mother
in the
world around me.
distinctly enters the fabric of
—just from
It is
"She was not a professional anything,"
in these pages,
remembering my own
tempt as a youngster. mother, as people
who
I
and
I
all
my
too took their "endless"
world where doing
— was everything. Men did things, were something or
somebody, and Western films,
wrote earlier
women, and above
talk as idleness, gossip, as "doing" nothing. In a
doing, not being
I
inarticulate, internalized con-
too saw those
"did" nothing,
quite clear
my own memories
in the negative.
and
the
from the books we read, the films we saw, the intangible
attitudes at school to
as mindless.
of the local culture at large held
tempt for women, and air,
women
too internalized the low regard in
also traditional
the
is
one of a steady stream of Europeans who looked down on and
women
too, at least
Western women
in
could be something or someone, compared with the
books
women
194
Leila
around
me
who just were. In the fabric of my own conwomen among whom I lived and most of all my mother
in childhood,
sciousness the
I didn't want to be. The only escape from this, way out, I must have concluded at some level, would be for grow up to become either a man or a Westerner.
were everything that the only
me
to
Ahmed
•
•
II
"RUNNING FROM THE FLAMES THAT LIT THE SKY' ...
A
damn
plot you might think.
Yes indeed,
was
it
called
colonial-ization, spelt
with a
z.
The prince of the plot was called Brit
But actually he had many
A in
brothers.
After much time
and many
millions of £s later
they leased us back our
land
through a deed called In-Dee-pendence
This meant the land was
But
everything
was
We
ours,
we produced,
theirs.
even got our
own
leaders.
Meanwhile, another plot called Imperial-Ization
had worked
and
its
way through
the earth
and Back on
We (with a
the
world
was carved up
re-aligned.
the Plantation
all fought each other little
help
from
outside).
We
squabbled over what would remain
when
the In-Dee-pendence deed
and
was passed
the prince departed for home.
And so, in the midst of the troubles
my
parents packed their bags.
They followed to the
We
the general recruitment drive
imperial palace
itself.
arrived in the Northern Hemisphere
when Summer was
set in its
running from the flames that
way
lit the
sky
over the plantation.
We
were a straggly bunch of immigrants in
a
We made
lily
white landscape.
our home
among
knowing no one but
One day
A
strangers,
ourselves.
I learnt
secret art,
Invisible-Ness I think it
it
was
worked
called. .
.
.
Meiling Jin (black British poet), "Strangers in a Hostile Landscape"
0\ENALTIES
Cairo THE graduate
life
years
for England. effusive,
I
I
returned to after those rich, sheltered under-
was
far different
knew from my parents'
shock
to
rooms
overgrown
off
at
we had when
I
left
— always brief rather than came as a the dining room and
the bleakness of their lives
Still,
my
and shuttered,
parents occupying just the
one end of the house. The garden was
in places
Amm
grass.
letters
life
me. All the downstairs rooms except for
were closed
upstairs
from the
and arriving always with the censorship tape along one side
— that things were hard. hall
OF DISSENT
and desiccated
derelict,
in others, fruit lying rotting in the
Suleiman, the aging gardener,
still
lived in his
room
at
the bottom of the garden and tended to the garden, but now, with no
young
assistant, only sporadically.
Most of the time now my upstairs. ious.
Nanny, of course, was gone.
when died.
father was
And Mother was permanently
I
I
was a
would
waterwheel leaves
child, in the lie
lying in the corner
slept in the
bed we had shared
when
I
woke
walls, eucalyptus,
room
permanently anx-
room we had shared
— and
listening to the familiar night
— seeing,
on the
I
ill,
gray- faced,
in
sounds
in the night, the
which she had
— the
frogs, the
same dance of
mimosa, shadows cast by the
street
lamp, the shutters standing open.
Nanny's ghost was there,
I
think,
one summer
night.
Not
in the
198
Leila
room with me but
Ahmed
I woke up about two and heard the someone pacing up and down the hall from one end, where my room was, to the other. Back and forth, back
in the hallway.
heavy, solid footsteps of
and
forth.
assumed
I
was Mother, who had a habit of pacing thus
it
whenever Father's health took a
particularly
what had happened. There was nobody
room
the middle
"Maman?" No have been clearly
to
my
mother's room.
response.
I
pushed the door open.
— she was
in her
and looked
I
got
I
room ill
up
went through
I
suppose there must could see quite
I
in case
it
so that
it
went back
I
had been he;
it
was conceivable
had been he who had been pacing about. But he was
it
to see
said, at the door,
I
bed and sound asleep. Puzzled,
into Father's
must have been a time when he was not
The
in the hall.
"Maman?"
moonlight or something, because
to the hall
that
bad turn.
asleep.
pacing, meanwhile, had stopped. I
went back
back and
forth,
end of the
hall
to bed,
now just
and the pacing began again. Loud
I
door,
now
I
woke Mother, and she too
them but had decided not
I
got
stood there listening.
hear anything but she looked as
if
listened.
she could.
to distress
me
footsteps,
retreating to the other
and then returning again. Again
Mother's room. Sound asleep.
gan again.
my
outside
She I
up and went
The sound
to
be-
said she couldn't
was sure she heard
by agreeing, since footsteps
could only be explained by the presence of a ghost, what else? That
was the kind of thing Mother might well was
slightly deaf, so
had now come on
do.
But
it is
true that she
maybe she really didn't hear anything. A light room and we went in and found him,
in Father's
unaware that we were up,
when he woke we fell quiet, he
settling
down
to read
on the
sofa, as
he
explained what was happening
often did
at night.
and, as
listened for the footsteps. Yes, he agreed,
I
exchanging glances with Mother, he did hear them. Houses creak night, he said,
wood
wood
creaks, that
was probably
creaks, but randomly, not in this way,
all it
was. Okay,
like footsteps
I
at
said,
receding
and returning, receding and returning. "Well, you
know
it
could,*'
he
where footsteps have habitually stress."
said. "It
could be the points of stress
fallen,
you know, releasing that
A couldn't believe
I
somebody walking. There
— now
it.
Border Passage
"No,
Listen,
it
199
wouldn't do that, sound exactly
wood
footsteps, not just
it's
and now
they're at this end, listen,
.
.
.
like
creaking.
Do you
think
it's
a ghost?"
He
listened. "I don't
We
all
that night.
went back
And
morning that
it
know," he said
to bed.
I
never heard the footsteps again after
do not know
I
finally.
now why
had been Nanny and that
was so certain the next
I
had something
it
purgatory and having to retrace things done in one's
dreamed
it
something
—
or,
more
to
me
in
the changes
undergo
all
I
I
my
life
when
the expectations, assump-
all
had grown up with were
lived
I
dreams.
This was a period in tions, certainties
do with
suppose
Nanny had communicated
exactly, felt that
my
to
life. I
through in those years
some of were changes such as we dissolving. True,
— the death of the older people one
close to, the illness
is
and decline, quite perceptibly now toward death, of parents. And even at the best of times
one
and even
— such events, natural though they
time though they are,
my
for people
much
are, expected,
are hard to take in
still
case, these natural events
older than
I
some
and adjust
— twentyday, to.
some
But
in
were taking place within the context of
a completely unexpected reversal of circumstances. I
my
wrote earlier of
how
I
would
rors to be the result of her having
ing
listen skeptically, disbelievingly to
mother's anxieties about money, supposing these inordinate
now how
to
cope with
less.
been born But
what the family revenues were, and
in fact it
to I
wealth and not knowdid not
may be
was not done anyway,
I
must have
felt,
by the time finances were a problem in our
know
it
were
was "not done."
in relation to lives
exactly
that her fears
justified. Inquiring into one's parents' financial affairs It
ter-
Mother, for
was Mother exclu-
money matters. My father left all these affairs to her, and even when he was not ill there was a distinct sense at home that money worries were to be kept from him. sively
who
dealt with
In fact there
was something surreal about the
Mother's anxieties about money, whether or not justified.
For example,
I
remember
a day
situation
my
and about
skepticism was
when Mother arranged
for
200
Ahmed
Leila
Gaafar, the chauffeur, to purchase half a kilo of apples because Father, feeling better,
was
off,
had awakened craving an apple. As soon
she fretted about
were indeed expensive
someone who
how we
house
like this,
even
How, if
I
thought, could
most of
up and neglected, someone who had a chauffeur be unable to afford half a
which
really couldn't afford apples,
in those days in Egypt.
lived in a
as Gaafar
to
it
was shut
send to market,
kilo of apples?
But the surrealism was
on the surface. In
really only
fact,
it
is
quite possible to live in the fine house in which you have always lived ill,
— and have no money. And up and move,
to
it is
not so easy,
when one
find a smaller, less expensive place.
chauffeur, in their circumstances, was hardly a luxury.
of you
is
Even the
They
lived a
considerable distance from shops and markets and pharmacies and the place where they got Father's heavy oxygen tank. Father could drive,
but most of the time
was a whole other
drive. Besides, there
them
for
many
now was unable
layer:
years and was married to a
worked on Grandfather's
estate,
to,
and Mother could not Gaafar had been with
woman whose
family had
and these were bonds and responsi-
(When I returned to Egypt more than twenty years later, Gaafar, who had retired to farm a small plot of land after my mother died, made a sixhour journey to see me and to honor the memory of my parents.)
bilities that
could not just casually and simply be dissolved.
Also underlying I
realize
now, were
my skeptical attitude toward Mother's my own fears of having no money.
prospect terrified me. a lecturer at
I
I
had a
job, as
one of Cairo's main
good a job as
I
anxieties,
think the
could get;
universities, the Islamic
I
was
Women's
College, which was part of al-Azhar University. But the pay was low, barely I
enough
to cover the rent for
was dependent
my tiny rent-controlled apartment.
for everything else
medical treatment, pocket money
— food,
clothes, transportation,
— on my parents.
able, less terrifying to believe that
my
It
was more bear-
mother's fears were fantastic,
exaggerated than to believe that they really didn't have that
I
having
was a burden, too great a burden, on them. The
money
is
inversely proportional to the remedies
money and
terror of not
and options
A one has. And
money
in that
my
so were
if
my
201
Border Passage
options and
my
and earn
capacities to go out
moment and that society were limited, how much more What job could she have got?
mother's?
My having an in that society
apartment on
and
unusual and even
my own,
in those days, slightly
I
improper.
a young, unmarried
should explain, was
The
woman,
itself
very
came about
situation
be-
cause the Islamic Women's College was in Maadi, a Cairo suburb on the other side of the city from Ain Shams, and so the
Ain Shams by
and then by tram
train to Cairo
one, about two hours.
And
as
it
happened
—
I
Zamalek
Maadi, was a long
think none of us would
—a
became
avail-
(a central residential district of Cairo) in the
same
have even considered the possibility otherwise able in
to
commute, from
flat
apartment block and right next door to where a close family friend,
Madame
Sherifa, lived with her
helped lend an
two grown children. Her being there
of propriety to this enterprise: a responsible older
air
person was close by to keep an eye on me. Yet such was the unusualness and air of slight impropriety that
my
parents probably would
not have agreed to the arrangement had things not been so gloomy at I
Ain Shams and had they not also been worried about
was about being unable
that
I
was trapped
Mugammaa,
miserable
For those were the years
to leave Egypt.
in the country, referred
how
from
office to office in the
the vast government building dominating the center of
Cairo.
And just
all this, all
happened
to
these obstacles and miseries, were not things that
be occurring
courtesy of the government.
— they were being deliberately dealt
"He himself
wife, get his daughter." All this
is
old
and
ill?
Then
wanted
to
of? Speaking out to
get his
because of some vindictive, malicious
person or persons, people who, to curry favor with the leader,
us,
rayyis,
the
my father. And for what, what was he guilty when he was ordered not to be a tyrant? Refusing
punish
be silenced because he feared the costs of his silence would be too
great for his country? All this
was happening because we had an unscrupulous govern-
ment, a government
that, in its totally controlled
media, spouted an
202
Leila
Ahmed
endless rhetoric of liberation, socialism, Arab nationalism, and the
Glorious Revolution; a government that ill-treated and abused the rights of
its
powerless citizens simply because
But these were grim years
whom my
a fair proportion of the people
been part of
their
were also
tions
could.
it
for others too in Egypt.
parents
For one thing,
knew
or
who had
broad network of social and professional connec-
in difficult circumstances, also struggling with unfa-
whose properties had been
miliar poverty. Mostly they were people
nationalized or placed under sequestration (under government con-
and mostly
trol)
they, too,
were elderly people,
their children abroad.
now was rare, but it might occasionally happen that would see at Ain Shams an elderly woman or couple, sitting talking quietly over tea with my mother, and that when they were gone Socializing
I
I
would hear from her about how
some
taking
longer afford its
it
palatial old
or about
person had just stopped
how the such-and-such
home because
have the right to
sell
The chauffeur
feur.
this or that
heart or other medication because the family could no
property, lived
still
family, living
still
in
under sequestration did not
families
was now being supported by
its
chauf-
room over the garage and
in his old
shared with his former masters the salary from his job with a newly rich family.
Cairo was
and
full
early sixties)
of such stories. These were the years (the late of the
Nasser regime's worst repression, when
Egypt's prisons bulged with political prisoners (ironically for a
fifties
regime that proclaimed
— Muslim Brothers and
itself socialist
of the Soviet Union) Marxists and Communists.
It
and was an
ally
was a time when
Cairo was riddled with mukhabarat, the secret police, and their army of informers, ordinary people recruited to report (and eventually re-
warded era
for reporting)
any criticism of the government, and
when people suspected
Basil,
was the
of being disloyal to the revolution were
being jailed or were disappearing; rumor had jailed or disappeared for
it
even the most
it
trivial
that people could be
or oblique
comment.
our childhood friend and neighbor, was one such case.
appeared while doing military service; his mother, desperate out what had happened, appealed to the
He
dis-
to find
army and the government
A for information. After
two years
on him. He had been
torture
ground when he was trying
damn
in prison,
he reappeared, the scars of
in a military hospital after breaking his
jump. One day a radio was blaring
leg in a parachute
radio down!"
It
to sleep,
and he called
in the back-
out,
"Turn that
was Nasser making a speech. For those unpa-
words Basil was thrown
triotic
203
Border Passage
in jail for
two years, tortured, and
beaten.
government persecution of
Stories of
political
enemies, abuse of
power, greed, corruption, violence, and general thuggery were Cairo.
A man who
had disappeared was found by
bag on their doorstep months it
was the
military that
rife in
his wife in a garbage
An officer (and broadly speaking new class in power) had driven to a
later.
was the
grocery store, ordered the owner to
fill
numerous
bags,
and driven
off
without paying. Protesting or disobeying could be costly. People suddenly got rich for no discernible reason, while acquaintances of theirs
and sometimes even family members were taken
woman
dayat, a Syrian alist
I
had met
and Nasserite, appeared
in
off to prison. Hi-
England, an ardent Arab nation-
in Cairo and,
though a
woman
of modest
means who had never been to Egypt, took up residence in a plush Zamalek apartment. Meanwhile a mutual acquaintance who, in our presence, had been openly critical of Nasser, was in prison. Egyptians
abroad knew that they had to watch what they said to other Egyptians
—
West were to this
that
it
was well known that Egyptian student bodies
riddled with mukhabarat. But
person
—
one needed
this era
as, until this
incident
it
it
obviously had not occurred
had not occurred
Of course much
of this was
me
to
watch what one said before other Arabs,
to
when Nasser had become
in the
too, in
the idol of Arab nationalists.
rumor and speculation; there could
be no proof, or no proof that ordinary people could have access myself have no idea which of the rumors were true. But this of
memory, not of
live all.
history,
and of the memory of what
it
is
was
a
to.
I
work
like to
through the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution, rumors and
An atmosphere
of government terrorism was the reality of our
world.
Something
else
happened
to the feel of Cairo in those days
— as
204 if
Leila
once you make hatred and derision
enemies that Nasser was so good
mal and acceptable
One saw
else.
one
in
(that particular derision
area, they
become
generalized to everything
mark
to
a vast gulf between the old Cairo
and
man who
just
An
Cairo of the aftermath of the revolution.
happened
to
old
be passing, shuffling slowly by on the pavement, sneered
by two young
in this society
where
toward
at injecting into his speeches) nor-
things unimaginable before, small things, details that
seemed
nevertheless this
at
Ahmed
men
young
for the
simply because he was old: unimaginable before
where respect
for the elderly
was so ingrained and
to address the elderly disrespectfully
thing so extraordinary that
I
had never actually witnessed
ber the shock of seeing this
was some-
it. I
remem-
now and the feeling I had that I was human taboo. (I know, though,
witnessing the breakdown of a major that
I
cannot succeed
in
conveying the shock of
where the idea that respect for the elderly
is
this
scene in a society
human
a fundamental
value seems weird and not particularly meaningful.) In the old days, too, other people in the street
havior;
someone would have
would never have tolerated
told those
young men
off.
I
this be-
remember
observing with the same kind of shock as a group of boys threw stones at two
women,
mother and daughter, stepping out of an
a
old-
fashioned and clearly once-grand car. "Your days are over," they called
you know
out, "or don't
am
I
it
yet?"
not an apologist for feudalism or class privilege or even in
some vague way brought about
for the old order.
many good
I
am
sure that the revolution
things and that for other people and in
other parts of society doors were opening and new, golden opportunities offering themselves.
know
I
But not
too, familiar as
lutions in our
own and
I
in
my neck
now am
of the woods.
with the history of
many
revo-
in earlier times, that as revolutions go this
revolution was very mild in
its
consequences
for political
enemies and
the old displaced classes. There were no guillotines, no mass executions.
And
I
and equality
first
that
of
all
all
revolutions bring about justice and liberty
and above
all
for the revolutionaries
them-
The French Revolution executed not only the aristocrats but those who presumed to ask for a little liberty and equality for
selves.
also
know
A their
own groups
— Olympe de Gouges,
crime of daring to ask for a I
know
that ideals
205
Border Passage
little
for example, executed for the
liberty
become tarnished and
and equality
for
women. And
that hordes of small-minded,
greedy people ride in on the coattails of revolutionaries, abusing
power and further tarnishing the the end leaders
even
if
come
to
ideals of the revolution.
that in
depend on these sycophants and hangers-on,
they are not themselves corrupt. There were never, for in-
stance, any rumors in Cairo that Nasser himself
On
And
was greedy or
venal.
the contrary he lived, everyone always said, a simple, even an
austerely simple,
life.
There were rumors that he was vindictive and
ruthless toward those that he
deemed
political
enemies, yes, but ve-
nal, no.
But it
this
was the only revolution
lived through.
Whether
I
liked
— socialism, — and the Glorious Revolution, became me red-
or not, words like ishtirakiyya, al-wataniyya al-Arabiyya
Arab nationalism
olent of fraud. This I
I
for
was not an
even consciously registered
tional, lived perception.
those people in
my
And
it
analytical reaction intellectually. It
the fact
experience
is,
who took
and
I
don't believe
was merely an emo-
too, that over these years
principled stands and
were honest and upright and did not abuse others were not the olutionaries, not the Nasserites or the rich, busily lining their pockets.
Arab
nationalists, not the
who rev-
new
IO
&N
THE PROVES OF
^HITE J^CADEME
WAS SITTING on a plane at Cairo airport within days of getting my passport. I'd gone out to Ain Shams to say goodbye to my parents: saying farewell to my father for what we both knew would
I
be the
last time.
Finally. off.
I
But
was
I
wanted it
just to
wanted the engines
to start up, the plane to take
be out of Egypt.
was a precarious, uncertain moment,
for just
too.
My
scholarship
one year, which was simply how British Council schol-
arships were.
What
then?
Would
I
get the funds to continue?
Cam-
bridge (and most other British universities) did not allow students to
work part-time while getting case, didn't allow
with
all
would
me
to
My
their degrees.
work
in
England, and
student visa, in any it
was unimaginable,
the problems in the news about immigration, that the British
give
me
a
work permit. Cambridge had accepted me only
for
the M.Litt. degree, not the Ph.D., on the understanding that they
my status after a probationary period. depended on my work's being good enough in the
would review for
them
to
upgrade me.
It
go back to
England,
at
now and no one
Oxford.
to turn to if
I
my
failed.
I
felt,
next few months
was desperately important that
there was no safety net, only a black hole under to
Everything,
feet.
My
I
succeed:
No
sister
Egypt
was
in
A student herself, with family responsibilities, she
A was
no position
in
to help
me. And
struggling to establish their
touch, anyway. things didn't
own
if
coming
Was
it
Now
I
I
in England.
sat
my
in
siblings if
life
many
there are
station, wait-
assumed, sweeping the platform and won-
England had turned out
to
At the
watching a black woman, from be the right move for
to
London than
better to be sweeping a platform in
trapped in some other
to
be
in another, sunnier world?
British-born black people in England but
was not the case then,
that
and we were not much
lives,
out.
Africa or the Caribbean,
her.
brothers were in Switzerland,
couldn't imagine turning to any of
I
work
ing for the train to Cambridge,
dered
my
was January. Gray and raining
It
207
Border Passage
in the latter part of the sixties. In the
these years of the aftermath of the British Empire, black
sixties,
— and British English "black" meant of Europeans — had become the major issue of the day.
immigration
in
political
cians talked endlessly about
coming Powell,
to their shores.
who had
a
how
to stop
curb
it,
it,
non-
us, all
all
Politi-
this flood of blacks
among them Enoch
Right-wing extremists,
mass following, advocated deportation, forced mass
repatriation, for the presence of these "niggers," these savages
— us
threatened not only British jobs but the very fabric of civilization.
These
issues, continually in the
news, and this kind of language
formed the ambiance and backdrop against which life
now began my
I
as a graduate student. I
had been assigned the ground-floor room
on Trumpington
hostel
vacant.
It
room
in the
that
smelled of trafhc fumes even with the
the roar and rumble of
ton Street
Street, the only
is
traffic
one of the major
was
I
arteries into
would have
window
as constant as the sea
Cambridge.
from the woods and lawns of Girton. And attached to Girton,
Girton graduate
happened
little
in fact,
to be
closed,
and
— Trumping-
A far cry, although
then, I
was
connection with the college
apart from occasionally going out there for dinner. As
I
discovered,
college affiliations were essentially nominal at the graduate level.
There were two entirely fortuitous circumstances back,
I
see were essential to
would have made
it
my
survival.
that, looking
Without them
through those years or managed to get
I
my
doubt
I
degree.
208
Leila
Oddly enough, those years were ically, as
Ahmed
as hard, emotionally
the preceding difficult years in Egypt.
and psycholog-
say "oddly" because
I
outwardly and in concrete terms they were not particularly hard in the
way
was denying me pursuing the
The I
first
nobody was
a passport,
life I
wanted
months
to see students.
ill
now
piece of good fortune that
supervisor until a few
Thomas Adams
me from
forcibly preventing
to pursue.
was assigned Professor Arberry
too
had been. Nobody here
that being in Egypt in that last period
He
fell
my life was that He would be my
into
my supervisor. my second year, when
as
into
died a few months
later.
he became
Arberry, the Sir
Professor of Arabic at Cambridge, was a scholar in
the tradition and possibly of the stature of the great British Orientalists.
Among
other things, his translation of the
Quran was, and prob-
ably
still is,
one of the
and
finest English versions,
and of Rumi
Sufi poets,
in particular, are
still
his translations of
highly regarded.
Arberry had Parkinson's disease and was by this stage in his
life
He never came to the faculty building so I would home on Gilbert Road for supervisions, where I would sometimes glimpse his wife, who herself was disabled, her hands quite in a wheelchair.
cycle out to his
crippled by arthritis.
mystical air about
was a
him and
rare, special gift to
brusque although learn
Working on mysticism, he himself had I
in his responses to I
felt at
the time
have known him.
my work and
was very tentative
in
what
I
as
I
do today
He was
— that
it
never harsh or
almost always encouraging,
did and only just beginning to
what research was. He managed always
to
seem
positively in-
— the outline of my research — that wrote him. No doubt and was partly because the subject was focusing on — the
terested in
what
I
had
to say in the papers
project and then the draft chapters this
—
a gentle,
for
I
life
I
work of Edward William Lane, probably the of the nineteenth century
finest British Orientalist
— was a subject that he himself had written
about.
The second piece was
of good fortune to
that, within the first
later marry.
few weeks,
The marriage would not
I
last,
fall
into
my
life
just then
met Alan, the man probably most of
all
I
would
because
of the stresses that overtook our lives and that neither of us
knew
A how of
to handle. Still, Alan's affection
my
arrival
209
Border Passage
and then through the
and friendship through that year first
year or two of our marriage
were crucial to me. His warmth and support, the fact that with
him
laugh, not least at
connection and
Alan and
I
was able
I
my own
be completely myself and also to
to
anxieties, gave
me
a fundamental base of
stability.
met
Alan an American.
at a party at the
was rather a
It
house of another student,
fine
been standing before a was,
large,
when he came up
murky
like
house on Panton Street
Americans on the whole had more money than the
it
and
his ability to laugh,
rest of us.
had
I
make out what a moment, then
painting, trying to
beside me, stood studying
it
offered a mock-Freudian, pseudo-artsy analysis that was at once intelligent
and funny.
following
We
weekend he
arrived, looking spruce
and keen-eyed, bearing an African
and scrubbed and shy
violet, to take
The connection we made was immediate.
— and I
I
—
in
to see
each
American
his-
He
America.
in
and had brown eyes and black, deep black
thought he might be part Native American, but he said the
black hair
came from
a
Welsh
ancestor.
The African violet flourished. I took managed to keep a plant alive for long. It
out to dinner.
began
had already done a postgraduate degree
was four years older than hair.
me
We
other regularly. He, too, was a graduate student tory
The
spent the rest of the evening together.
was the Vietnam
era.
that as a sign. I'd never before
Americans seemed
make up a signifiI knew were
to
cant proportion of the graduate students (several that there as a way,
happenings
in
somehow America
or other, of avoiding the draft).
—
tablishment, Kent State, Woodstock, flower people their every detail by everyone in the circles
as American.
Vietnam and
protests, sit-ins, confrontations with the es-
Knowing about these
I
— were followed
moved
things and
in, British as
in
well
knowing the language
and issues and debates that went with them was part of the graduate student culture of the day.
Radicalism was in the
air,
anyway. Though
less in
England than
elsewhere, in Europe too this was the era of student protests and
sit-
210
Leila
made
ins that often
Cohn-Bendit
dubbed
Ahmed
the headlines. Marxist student leaders (Daniel
"Danny the Red,"
in France, for example,
as
he was
newspapers) become household names, and in the strike
in
of 1968, which brought Paris to a standstill, students joined with the
workers.
But
it
was America, and events
there, that set the tone. For
me,
of course, the day-to-day happenings in America and the import and significance of the issues they raised were
connections and friends in ical
and
intellectual issues,
this I
all
quite new.
To make
community and understand the
had
ican scene, from understanding what "institutional violence"
and why
it
was important
to
oppose
to learning
it
in
their lives
and
their understanding of
meant
about Che Guevara
and reading Marx's critique of imperialism, which friends changed
polit-
scramble to learn about the Amer-
to
told
me had
American involvement
Vietnam.
These events and perspectives At the seminars
I
now began
tone academically as well.
set the
attending,
where Americans were among
the smartest and most articulate people, the language of Marxist theory was often the language used by the senior graduate students and
those
who were
intellectually in the lead.
language and theory that
was new
to
political
and
I
To me,
different ring
intellectual radicalism of the
moment and
me and had for me a quite for my American and English
all
of
whom
were, broadly speaking, from the
middle and upper classes and had lived their cratic societies
where they were
liked. (All the
free to say
Americans
I
met
Words
like
lives in stable,
what they in
as well, of course, as all the English people
white.)
of the lan-
in fact familiar to
and meaning than they did
cohorts in Cambridge,
where they
was new, a
me, many of the ideas and terms that were part of the
guage of the day were
—
this too
hastened to master. While Marxist analysis
liked
Cambridge
who were
demo-
and
to
go
in that era
there
— were
"revolution," "socialism," "liberation struggles,"
"class oppression," "the struggle against imperialism" represented, for
my classmates,
me they had quite another that my classmates were advoon the face of it anyhow, my
great shining ideals. But for
undertow. According to the theories cating as superior intellectual truth,
A parents and family and
were on the wrong
211
Border Passage
who had
those
all
side, distinctly
on the
suffered in the revolution
side of the bad,
whereas the
unjust people in power, spouting their rhetoric of revolution, socialism, al-ishtirakiyya, the struggle against al-imperialiyya
apparently were on the side of the good.
more complicated than endorsement of
that
naturally that
it
was
and that Marxist analysis did not mean
and language had
made me more
experience doubtless
knew
and so on,
and tyranny. But the resonances that
injustice
theoretical perspective
I
y
for
me
in relation to
reluctant to
embrace
this
my own
it
than
I
might otherwise have been.
At any
rate, then, for
my
classmates the popular theories were
those that exposed and explained their governments' "wrongful" im-
and conduct and that deeply and
perialist policies
and addressed intellectual
their
own
situations
and
their
own
directly spoke to
moral, political, and
dilemmas. These same ideas and theories, however, did
not in a parallel way or in any simple sense directly explain or
my own
minate
life
and the history
entailed for me, personally
and
I
realize
—
now
did for
it
that the process that
of having,
first,
ple's lives, the lives of
lived.
analytically, a
and complicated negotiation than student
had
I
I
to learn the facts
my
Connecting
to
illu-
them
much more complex fellow students.
underwent as a graduate and
realities of
other peo-
those in whose history and experience the cur-
rent academic theories were grounded,
and of having, second,
to
master theories that explained their experience but that needed considerable refining
— must
and transforming
have been the
students from the Third the Third
World
typical,
to
have meaning for
to the
West.
Many
it
— for
this quite
simply has been the
we had
lived that
were
at the center of
it
was not those
our studies, nor
the perspectives arising from those histories that defined the
intellectual
Of
of us from
arrived having lived through political upheavals that
legacy of imperialism for most of our countries. But histories that
life
indeed the defining experience for
World coming
traumatically affected our lives
was
my own
agenda and preoccupations of our academic environment.
course, the histories and perspectives that defined not only the
curriculum but also the theoretical perspectives and issues of the day
— 212
Leila
were those of the countries at the very center of the
to
Ahmed
which we had come,
were
societies that
Western world. Moreover,
was not only
it
the old academic establishment that reflected the perspectives of
powerful,
these
dominant
societies;
even the oppositional, anti-
establishment, countercultural, "radical" intellectual trends and
cri-
tiques of the day also in fact represented the views of the powerful classes in those societies
new
— the white middle classes — but, now, of the
generation of those classes. For, obviously,
was not the con-
it
cerns of black or working-class Americans or Britons that defined our
agenda
in the
academic world or that we needed
order to get on with our studies,
it
about in
to learn
was not those groups who were
we needed now
generating the theories and critiques that
to acquire.
Blacks and working-class people and others on the margins of West-
ern societies
who
joined the academic world had, just like us, to
scramble to learn the experiences and histories and perspectives of others
— of the Western white middle — and learn put those
agenda
to
needed to do
this,
to
it
to
class,
first,
make our way
in the
All these kinds of issues, inhering in
was
living
through as
pursued
I
which
set the
intellectually.
my
We
academic had
to
do
academic world. situation
my work and
life
and
in
what
I
as a graduate stu-
dent, we would eventually identify, address, explore, and analyze, as my own generation and the generation just ahead of my own began to
living
and
was exactly the kind of experience that would
fuel
mature as academics and
passively learning
intellectuals.
For what
I
was
the intellectual revolution that would come, particularly in the American academic world, as those from the margins
— blacks,
people from other cultures and from minority cultures in
women, the West
understood their exclusion from the academic curriculum and
work ble.
make
to
And
their
own
perspectives and histories academically
thus they began to rework old theories and
grounded
in the lives
set to
and
histories of their
own
visi-
new ones and to make
devise
people,
sense of the processes and currents of history and society from the perspective of their
But for
me
own
this revolution
— our own —
lives.
had not yet happened.
I
know
that there
was
what
was
a sense of fundamental disconnection between
I
A
213
Border Passage
grappling with academically and
my own
make sense
of what
life
and
and
entirely private I
remember con-
cluding vaguely sometime in those years that Theory
must have noth-
isolated struggle to
ing to do with Life, or that irrelevant to theory
my
and vice
I'd lived.
anyway, was obviously completely
life,
versa.
think
I
I
had some
also
intuitive
understanding of the connection between geography, power, and the
making of academic knowledge,
for
I
would occasionally wonder
waking, say, in the middle of the night
knowing what was happening
to
— why American
But
in the
day
I
to the-
Ghana
ory and to everything else, whereas the lives of people in
Egypt or India, for example,
and
lives
Americans were so important
were apparently completely
or
irrelevant.
dismissed these as midnight thoughts that had noth-
ing to do with anything.
Preoccupied in standing, writing stand,
and write
such things
make
tity
I
of the
and race
charged in
daylight
with learning, mastering, under-
life
the things that
needed
I
to learn, master, under-
in order to survive as a graduate student,
I
make
of finding myself defined as black?
enormous negative
— whether
this culture?
pondered only
in those
significance with
Arab or black
— were
relegated
What,
for
And what
did
to the margins, the edges of consciousness.
example, did I
all
my
my
which
iden-
quite unambiguously
These, too, no doubt were subjects that
I
wakeful moments in the night, waiting for
sleep or for the dawn. It is
extraordinary to think that
it
was exactly these kinds of con-
cerns, relegated to the margins, dismissed as of
anything, that today
make up
no consequence
the very questions that
we
to
often directly
wrestle with, particularly those of us working on feminist issues and in black
and cultural
tives today, is the
defines
What,
studies.
for instance,
meaning of race and
from our perspec-
racial identity?
Who
that
is it
what constitutes "true" knowledge? Does the white male
ac-
ademic canon, and the white male perspective on other cultures and other races or on
women,
versal understanding of
Whose
represent a "truer," more valid,
human
more
uni-
experience than any other perspective?
experience and whose perspective should be at the center of
our studies in the academy?
Whose
lives?
Men's? Women's? Which
214
Leila
men and which women? class women? And whose us? Does an valid,
more
Ahmed
Native Americans? Blacks? White middleperspective and theories should weigh with
intellectual in
Cambridge or
New York have
authoritative understanding of our world
cesses shaping our lives than
Cairo or Lagos and
someone who
who works
spectives, experiences, theories?
more
Delhi or
lives, say, in
out of those different cultural per-
Can
really
it
be the case that
only us here in the Western world (including those of us
world from the 'periphery")
to this
a truer,
and the pro-
who have some
who
it
is
migrated
special, privileged
relation to true knowledge, true understanding, true theory? (Or only
who ground themselves in the same assumptions and knowledge systems as we do?) How do we define what "knowledge" is and what it is that we should be learning and believing and us and those abroad
studying and passing on as the essential, cherished heritage to the next generations?
So
this
my days
Whose
was how
I
lives,
whose
whose
values,
occupied myself
in those first
histories?
months:
I
spent
reading in the library, writing papers for Arberry, seeing Alan,
going to seminars. As time went on and
normally do, to acquire
new
analytical
I
began, as graduate students
and theoretical vocabularies,
the experience of attending seminars nevertheless continued, occasionally at least, to be
an experience of straining
to grasp
what was
being said in what seemed to be an increasingly abstract language.
And indeed
the late sixties was the era
theory and French theorists
when
the language of French
— structuralism, poststructuralism, Levi— was just beginning be used
Strauss, Barthes, Foucault, Derrida
by the rising young
stars
among
to
the Cambridge faculty and even by
one or two of the smartest graduate students. At any
rate, this
was
the language occasionally spoken in English department seminars. In
my
other department, Oriental Studies
(I
was
affiliated
with both),
they spoke only the old-style, perfectly comprehensible academic language.
By the end of the summer hostel, larger than the
I
moved
to the
one on the ground
tops of trees as well as of buildings.
I
floor
room
at the top of the
and with a view of the
had come
to
know
the other
A hostel residents
215
Border Passage
and had become particularly friendly with Veena, who
was from India and occupied the room below mine, and with Barbara,
When came home in the evening would often come my room and stand chatting with Veena while she cooked
an American.
down from her supper
I
I
— nearly always
from a poor family
lentils
and
Veena was
ing outside her room.
rice
— on the stove on the land-
a theoretical biochemist.
and had arrived where she
in the south of India
was through scholarships and sheer native etarian
She was
brilliance.
She was a veg-
and a practicing Hindu and had on her desk a picture of
Ganesh, the deity whose form elephant.
is
that of a benignly smiling,
The small space around
it
was arranged
like
an
humanlike altar,
with
stick of incense. Barbara, who was also a who did experiments on rats, tried valiantly to engage with Veena, who was eager to talk about her work with a fellow scientist. But Barbara, who was utterly committed to rational scien-
a few flowers always
and a
scientist, a physiologist
methods and
tific
for
whom
religious belief
was simply
superstition,
could not overcome her prejudice about Veena's devotion to Ganesh. It
tainted for her the value of Veena's
work and she could not bring
herself to take her seriously as a scientist. I
too, actually,
ing about
own
was prejudiced about Ganesh.
Hinduism and
I
had
still
I
knew almost noth-
essentially the prejudices of
my
upbringing, which regarded monotheistic religions as infinitely
superior to other religions.
I
had no conception
at all that for theists
God was One, too. But I liked Veena and understand how she prayed to what, in my ignorance, was Hindus,
like
I
image of an elephant. "Everything religious images, Christ
bolic as well. This
is
symbolic, "
did try to
simply an
Veena explained,
all
on the cross was a symbol, Ganesh was sym-
was
to
me
an unfamiliar but perfectly plausible
idea.
Over the ensuing months, the following events take
One evening when to call her.
I
call
I
get
home
there
is
a
place.
message from
my
from the coin-operated phone on the ground
of the hostel and hear of the various difficulties besetting her
sister
floor
life.
216
Ahmed
Leila
On my way up
my room
to
I
Veena on the
find
landing, cooking
down her face. She man who worked in the
as usual, but this time there are tears pouring
has been thinking about Ivan, the Czech
same she
is
lab with her
obviously
whom
and with
still
she was in love
He was
in love.
and went back
finished his thesis
— and with whom
in love with her, but
to
when he
Czechoslovakia and told his
parents he wanted to marry an Indian, they would not hear of
He was
it.
but he could not bring himself to defy
sorry, his letter said,
them. I
end up sharing her supper and by the end of the evening we and laughing, doubling up with laughter. She's been
are laughing
ing to explain to is
me what
it is
exactly she's working
an exciting time for her. She thinks she
on and why
plain the equation that
is
"Why?"
I
ask her.
tries to
me why
And somehow
explain
it
seems suddenly hilarious
I
am
down our
able
matters.
the noncommunication that en-
some mathematical formula and
in this sea of incomprehensibility, trying to grasp
tears run
is
tries to ex-
her basic premise. "Y equals such and such,"
she says, trying to convey to
sues as she
and she
could be very exciting. She
it
this
on the point of making
is
a real breakthrough. If her calculations prove correct to substantiate her theory,
try-
We
to us both.
what she
I
flounder is
saying,
laugh and laugh until the
faces.
house on Gilbert Road. There are
at the Arberrys'
rattling
and banging noises coming from the kitchen. The woman who cleans
them puts her head round the door and asks me if I would cup of coffee. A few moments later she returns with two cups. for
Arberry, handing I'll
you
have no for the
difficulty
me back my
recommending
My
to talk to
to the
is
really good.
board that they register
Ph.D."
Early in the morning Cairo.
chapter, says, "This
like a
I
am
urgently called
mother. After asking
me. After a moment
I
how
I
down
am, she says
hear his voice.
to the
my
phone.
It's
father wants
A Nana
"Hello,
217
Border Passage
darling!"
How are you?" Then my mother's
"Hello, Dad! Silence.
anymore now, ya habibti
The next day when
me
informing
voice again. "He's too tired to talk
you again soon."
[darling]. We'll call
get
I
home
that Father passed
I
seems odd over the following days that nothing
It
There
nothing in the world around
is
me
to indicate that
any significance whatever has happened. Everything
is
is
anyone here.
anything of
find myself reading intensively,
I
whom
reincarnation
—
as,
I
I
— the
based on I
move.
I
spirits in
me
all
sorts
of ways,
spirit
presences.
read
I
made through
see,
I
the
way
feel, as
—
as
am
letters taking
shape under
about to make and gradually
And feel
it.
He
—
is
my hand
is
and
is
that
at once,
begins to
(for the writing
is
slow)
the words, "I've
moves, the shock and disbelief of the
is
using
my hand
to write.
He is
spirit,
aristocrat.
She died
in the
And
David,
has just died in a car dead; he just cannot
young, in his twenties. Then another
some kind of
in-
pen, not knowing
spirit takes over.
French woman. She writes the F of "France" with a great
She
book
my pen and
And almost
my
for
automatic writing.
my own,
crash in Cornwall and cannot believe that he believe
scents,
maybe. Yeats
again and again the same words, "I've just died!"
my hand I
as
too, that
Vision, Yeats's
that Yeats described.
forming across the page in writing not
just died!"
A
A
his wife's
but not at that point frightening me,
watch the
what word
who
in
Madge. He believed,
decide to try automatic writing myself, holding
shocking
I
think, did Mrs.
spirit revelations
voking the
I
searchingly through Yeats's
scent, suddenly, inexplicably, of roses
himself experienced
different
is
studied years ago with Mrs. Madge, believed in
manifest themselves
spirits
instance
was,
it
seems just the same.
Life, everything,
works. Yeats,
different.
just as
people's eyes today look just as they did yesterday. Nothing for
me,
find a telegram waiting for
away the previous afternoon.
flourish.
seventeenth century
now to look for an ivory cross that belonged to her and somehow it has something to do with William and Mary had here
—
—
218 been unjustly taken from for
it,
plies.
ask her
if
the living to
mean page. I
I
is
she? Pur-
permissible,
Is it
right,
is it all
put
I
this,
say,
I
By which
it?
acceptable to do
it.
A
I
long
I
don't
can
I
want
do
to
it if
God
last.
Then
doesn't want
her departing loneliness. She
feel
is
my pen down.
dawn by now.
broad daylight,
mean
dead and
right for the
is it all
Does God permit
like this?
happen but
lonely, she says, spirits get
is
can sense her replies even before they appear on the
must stop now.
It is
in
time? Resting, she re-
all this
sense her reluctance to answer. No, she writes at
I
come
Where
have to end
to.
gone.
it
it
taken her so long to
in purgatory, she says.
is
communicate
now
it
she knows
she talking to me? She
is
not can
I
will
has
if
lonely for the living.
pause. By
Why
she has met Yeats, or Freud or Jung, or
Freud
are.
Why
gatory.
her.
what has she been doing
ask,
I
I
where they
us
Ahmed
Leila
I
I
go to bed and
fall
find myself terrified.
that this has happened, that
I
Waking
asleep immediately.
Am
I
What
going mad?
have stayed up
automatic writing, communicating, apparently, with
does
night doing
all
sensing
spirits,
their feelings, their thoughts? I
he
tell
says.
Alan. "No,
"You know, your
reassure me. that
am
I
don't think you're going crazy,
I
I
He
me
sees
much
of
it
says,
is
he doesn't think
for
am
as
I
doesn't
— but he for
me
give
to
him
is
know what
it
is
— subconscious, my
is
"resting" for a couple of
— something
seems particularly
going crazy. Now,
not concerned as to
call.
him
do with
to
with William and Mary. Freud's
sanity
continue seeing him. But should a
to see
recount the details
if
to relish.
had come
I
a crowTi or claiming to be myself a French aristocrat
He
doesn't
to find the entire matter fasci-
some reason
irritated
a detail he I
my mind and need
woman had been
— thoroughly
being in purgatory
losing
He seems
hundred years or so and was,
7
it
know, saying on the phone now
enormously amusing,
of our exchanges: that the
an ivory cross
am
I
that afternoon. Benson, the psychiatrist,
actually quite wonderful.
nating and
I
just stress,*'
death and everything." But
father's
call a psychiatrist
vers worried that
immediately.
it's
spirits,
.
.
.
in
but
No, he wearing
this, no.
he doesn't know
and doesn't see any reason I
feel
I
want
to
I
can always
A How does How does one
How
one deal with death?
who
think about those
am back
I
essentially
219
Border Passage
does one think about
it?
are gone?
once more into the rhythm of regular work. Focusing
now on my own
research,
have given up going to most
I
seminars.
spend several weeks in Oxford reading manuscripts in the Bod-
I
long bus ride from the center of town,
leian. Staying in lodgings a
see
my
sister a
couple of times.
On
weekends
I
I
return to Cambridge.
IVe decided to attend a lecture by the head of Barbara's depart-
ment, a I
brilliant, internationally
should hear.
It is
— genes and
about suicide
known
scientist
whom Barbara thinks
an open lecture, intended for nonspecialists.
The
suicide.
gist
of the talk
is
can quite legitimately be thought of as "nature's" way the genes
weak. this,
I
—
to cleanse
am
and
some
tled as well as appalled
secretly
been drawn
that suicide
— the way of
and purify the species of the psychologically
shocked, feeling there
also, in
It's
is
something
terribly
wrong with
scarcely acknowledged recess of myself, star-
—
someone might be who on occasion has
as
to thoughts of suicide.
But
I
can't think
how
to
respond intelligently to Barbara's enthusiasm for the talk or to say
why
exactly
I
found the talk lacking
in
compassion, inhumane,
wrongheaded.
A
letter arrives
Europe
from
to visit us all
Alan and
I
my mother
and expects
to
decide to get married while she
only recently that Father died.
Mother here of Egypt?
saying she
for the event
We
It
is
planning a
spend a few days is
Cambridge.
here, even though
would be good, we
and who knows when she
had already talked of marrying before
the bitter arguments between
in
trip to
feel, to
will next this.
have
be out
Mindful of
my mother and sister on the my parents were alive
long ago told Alan that as long as
it is
subject, I
I
couldn't
consider marrying him unless, just as a formality, he converted to Islam. Alan
is
completely secular and he has no problem with the idea
and apparently even quite
likes
it.
I
don't
know
exactly why, other
220 than that
for
it is
him perhaps
have to do something about
name
choosing a Muslim
He
Ismael.
is
just a bit of
now
enjoys telling his friends and,
me
Ahmed
Leila
it,
that
an adventure. Anyway, he
my mother
is
coming and we
he embarks on the project with gusto,
for himself, Ishmael, of course
—
in Arabic,
delighted that he will be able to say to his friends, "Call
Ishmael!"
We
seek out a sheikh in London and Alan learns to
recite the fat-ha (the equivalent of the Lord's Prayer), although this
not a requirement, and he learns the formula that a convert
is
required to utter as a
mark of conversion: La
Muhammad
— There
illahi ilia Allah,
no God but God, and
is
wa
Muhammad
his Prophet.
is
Mother I
rasul Allah
is
She
arrives.
me,
stays with
literally
with me, in
borrow a sleeping bag from Barbara and sleep on the
my room.
floor. In
the
when my parents came to Cambridge they stayed at the UniArms or the Garden House Hotel. Miss Duke, who knew my parents from then, now invites us to lunch. At some point when we're in her garden and out of earshot of the others, Miss Duke tells me about friends of hers in Greece who lost everything in a political upheaval and about how she loaned them money, which eventually, when things were all right again, they returned. Knowing how difficult things must be for my mother, Miss Duke goes on, she would be quite happy to lend us some money, "until, you know, things sort themold days
versity
selves out." I
is
am
touched by Miss Duke's thoughtfulness and generosity, as
my mother when
I
tell
declines the kind offer.
her of our conversation.
Who
knows, she
says,
My mother of course
when
things will "sort
themselves out"?
Most of the time my mother is
not quite taking in where she
point
I
is
someone
and what
is
in a daze, as if she
happening. At one
cross the street ahead of her, absorbed, talking to Alan about
something, and
when
I
look back
gering, lurching as she walks. ill.
like
is
I
She
notice that she seems to be stagis,
as
we
will later learn, already
A As
look back to those days
I
221
Border Passage
am
I
sure that she was suffering, too,
from what must have been depression. That was why she often
seemed disconnected and unable thing, although she was,
I
to take a positive interest in any-
think for our sakes, making heroic efforts
seem, involved.
to be, or at least to
It
seems so obvious now that
must have been her condition. She had
who had been her companion, and
this following those last
Nothing, at any
this
the one person
friend, intimate all of her adult
life,
harrowing years in Cairo.
seemed
rate,
lost, after all,
to truly rouse her interest, not Alan's
conversion or even our marriage.
There was only one moment fully present
and engaged
Father and she began to
when he
in
tell
our exchange. We'd been talking about
me how
She had
actually died.
when she seemed
in all that time
she had been out of the room
left his
bedside for a moment, to go
bathroom, and had come back to find him gone. The same
to the
thing had happened with her mother.
"they couldn't bear to go while so they waited
Alan and
When
"It
was
as
if,"
my
me,
in attendance.
my mother and
Mother then
left for
sister.
Alan and
bassy, formalizing
she ruminated,
there, couldn't bear to leave
got married, at the Guildhall, with
Miss Duke and a few friends Oxford, to see
was
was out of the room."
till I I
I
registered our marriage at the Egyptian
I
in
it
an Islamic contract, remembering
Aida's difficulties around divorce,
I
did not
fail to
em-
my Aunt
invoke the clause
—
Muslim woman to invoke transferring the power of divorce from husband to wife. Alan and I then went for a week to St. Ives in Cornwall. that
On thought
Veena
the right of every
is
it
the evening I
we
heard you," she
to Fulbourne."
"Good God!"
I
Barbara didn't chotic breakdown.
came up to my room. "I have some news. They've taken
got back Barbara said. "I
Fulbourne was the Cambridge mental hospital.
Why, what had happened? know exactly. Veena had had some kind
said.
Among
telling colleagues that
of psy-
other things, Veena apparently had been
she had discovered the secret of the universe.
222
Ahmed
Leila
Barbara herself was shaken and we stayed up
late in
my room,
talking.
Despite her reservations about Veena as a scientist, she had grown
fond of her.
plunged into
I
my work now,
about almost nothing to the British ters
else.
Museum,
working on
my dissertation,
was going down
I
London almost
to
to read manuscripts,
thinking daily,
unpublished works,
let-
by Lane and his circle of friends. In the early
fall
Dr. Radzinowicz, tutor to graduate students, gave
a party at Girton to celebrate our marriage. tian psychiatrist
whom
I
invited Husain,
an Egyp-
who had been at Cambridge with my brothers and He and my sister fell in love immediately and soon
liked a lot.
I
married.
A
few months
later
my mother
returned to England, this time
going straight into a hospital in London. She had cancer, although
we knew
apparently, though treated for
she did not. She thought she was being
it,
damage caused by an overdose of
wrongly given to her
in the first place.
place in
my
she died
of. Still to this
mind,
I
radiation that had been
Once
the confusion was in
could never again feel entirely certain as to what
day
I
wonder
or cancer? But to begin with
I
— was
thought
it
it
an overdose of radiation
was cancer and
aware that she did not know, so when she said
up
to see her, "Imagine!
and
surprise
enough. I
saw
I
They thought
disbelief but not,
gave away,
a kind of
I
believe,
shadow come
I
to
had cancer!"
I
I
was un-
me, when I
I
went
simulated
think, well enough, not quickly
what
I
then thought was the truth, for
into her eyes, a dark understanding
suddenly clouding them as she lowered them away from mine. For the rest of I
my
life
I
would remember that
would ask myself whether
mother
a
it
was
I
life
my
knowledge that she did not want.
In the next few weeks in London,
Mother regained her
looks,
as she must have been as a young girl, extraordinarily Her cheekbones grew prominent as she lost weight, and her blue-gray like the sea, seemed to grow more luminous.
becoming now, beautiful. eyes,
my
unwittingly given
look, for the rest of
who had
A my
said
I
last
goodbye
223
Border Passage to her in
London
where she was
airport,
taken onto the plane in a wheelchair. She died a couple of months later in a hospital in Cairo. Fat-hia,
her maid, had moved in with her,
sleeping on a cot in her room. Fat-hia,
my
aunts told me, had said to
them, as they sat through the days outside Mother's room, that she
my mother more
loved
than she did her
own mother and
that,
when
she was going through her divorce, Mother had saved her from suicide.
In her last days,
I
was
told,
Mother seemed not
one. She seemed to be seeing only those
Grandmother, her brother Fuad, her last
day or two.
It
who had
my
too,
chimed
in,
in the
sister interjected as
my
my aunt
Nazli said,
Yes, ah daruri, ya habibti,
no doubt,
aunts talked of Mother's death. Probably, darling,
and then Aisha,
already died
That was just
sister Aida.
was no doubt delirium,
to recognize any-
darling.
"But
back if
still,
you know," Nazli resumed after an
in her voice, "the
way she was
she could see them." As
died, as
if
they had
if
interval, the
talking to them,
they had come, those
come now
to receive
it
who had
her as she
wonder
was exactly
as
already
came over
to
them, to greet and receive her and gather her to them and love her
had always loved
as they
her.
Anyway, she was gone.
was spring when she
It
As
I
died.
write these words, aware of the
sound of
my hand
across the
page, the scratch of a pen, a great wind outside bends everything
before
it,
baring the underside of leaves, tossing them
bunches, flinging down small branches, tugging ine the house tossing, it is
coming
free, as
it
I
know now,
to death,
I
house.
in great I
imag-
did once in a dream. In fact
sturdy, fixed, like a well-planted tent.
ness.
at the
down
But
I
feel a
sense of dark-
find myself saying to myself, that the road leads
and more precipitously,
it
seems, than
I
had
yet realized.
Veena and her breakdown. Veena and her picture of Ganesh.
When
I
think back to Veena and to that period in
think of the silent costs of the lives that
we were
my own
living.
life,
I
224
Leila
Ahmed
think of the events and words that
I
made up
days and that were the ordinary backdrop to our
the news in those
lives.
Enoch Powell
holding forth about black immigration and the menace and danger that blacks
(all
how they must deported. And headlines
of us non-Europeans) represented and
be turned back and those already in Britain
about white youths going on "paid-bashing" rampages. "Paki-bashing"
was the term formed the
for attacks
on Pakistanis and Indians, who
group of recent immigrants
largest
we
the words and events that coffee.
We
spoke of
I
Such were
routinely took in with our morning
took in this open racism, lived with
it.
in those days
to Britain.
it,
and yet never once
do not remember a single conversation
I
had with Veena
or anyone else either about racism or about ourselves as actually
touched
by,
and implicated
Why? How was
that
it
in,
we
these racist words.
apparently were not able, did not
how. to speak about racism? Racism was not,
which
I
lived, a subject that
an issue that might touch
in the
was openly talked about,
us.
know
Cambridge at least
in
not as
For one thing, there was the myth that
racism existed only "out there," not in civilized Cambridge. Cambridge
was indeed too well-bred
for the crass
and overt racism of an Enoch
Powell or of paki-bashing, and most people
knew and had
I
dealings
with openly deplored these ghastly, appalling happenings. But there
was undoubtedly,
too, the sense that
we were
not quite what they
were and that our cultures and religions and race (but that particularly
would never have surfaced) were not quite up
and would be best
left
to theirs
outside the door.
think that there were other reasons
I
word most
why both Veena and
I,
read-
ing and hearing about the overt racism that was out there, did not fully identify ourselves as
among
its
targets.
To begin
with,
we were
not direct targets. There were no physical attacks on nonwhite people in
Cambridge. There was never a moment, going out into the
that
I
was
fearful of being attacked. Paki-bashing violence
not in Cambridge but
in places like Leicester
Hill Gate, working-class cities
streets,
happened
and London's Notting
and neighborhoods. And there was the
silent implication in
Cambridge and probably
press generally that
was working-class blacks who were not only the
it
in the liberal British
A
who were
targets of racism but
probably in fact somewhat inferior:
"them," the working class, and not people
And
it
was an implication
like
that, unconsciously,
we would have known
than working-class blacks. it,
I
we were probably
some
at
indeed implicated by these prejudices, even
spoke of
us here in Cambridge. only
on and ourselves believe and accept.
too eager to seize
Nevertheless
225
Border Passage
knew
full
I
am
level that
we were
and
if less fully
perfectly sure that, though
well that even civilized
directly
never
I
Cambridge did not
regard us as equals.
But we didn't
And
talk of
so, privileged
superprivileged,
we
it.
though we were and
world of the
living in the
lacked the psychological sustenance that the pres-
ence, perspectives, and words of other people like ourselves would
have afforded us, not only people of our
own
particular group but
those subjected to these insidious or overt assaults of racism.
was the only other black person
I
knew
well in Cambridge. There
a Pakistani graduate student at Girton
there
and
must have been other blacks between. This too,
far
I
whom
I
knew
slightly,
come from
their countries without family
no one we might meet
we were
living just as
munity with
whom
to
at a
and
who
nearly
then, iso-
live,
No one
lated in predominantly white communities. street,
and
must be a distinguishing aspect
of the experience of middle-class academic immigrants,
always
was
we were few
in other colleges, but
expect,
all
Veena
living
on our
bus stop was living through what
an ordinary part of our
exchange words about
lives.
We
common
had no com-
experiences, no
make some connection with that would break the sense of isolation. And there was no one with whom, shutting the door on this assaultive world and its demeaning tide, we could share and affirm our own feelings and beliefs and ways of being. one
to joke with, to
There was another dimension that defined the perspectives, beliefs,
came
and values that were the norms
in the societies
as implicitly but distinctly inferior. This
from which we
was the pronounced
and almost aggressive secularism of the Cambridge of student days. There was no doubt that people
who were
my
graduate
religious
not regarded as quite on a par intellectually with those
were
who were
226
Ahmed
Leila
unambiguously and forthrightly secular. Even Christians were marked in
some sense
And anyone who
as intellectually lesser in this ethos.
belonged to and actually believed in any of those "other" religions
were
like
who
Islam or Hinduism was completely outside the realm of those
be taken seriously.
to
And
so Veena, engaging in
what
home
in her
was the
society
simple, ordinary act of putting an altar before Ganesh, here found
And
herself the target of the scarcely veiled contempt of her peers.
no doubt she sensed
it
as clearly
my
not be considered an equal by riously as an
academic had
Veena and
and surely
as
I
knew
I
would
defined myself as a believing Muslim.
I
women immi-
(and thousands of other nonwhite
I
that
peers and would not be taken se-
grants into the academic societies of the Western world) were living
through our own version of the experience of Betty Friedan's generation of
women
had no name." pervasively
our to
own
speak
in
America, what Friedan called "the problem that
We
too were living in a society that insidiously and
undermined our own experience, our own perspective, and
sense of of,
reality,
and
in
ways that we too did not know how
and that undermined and denied
our case, our
too, in
own
histories and cultures and the foundational beliefs of our socie-
ties.
The Friedan generation
chiatrists,
find
took Valium,
words
for
demic
felt suicidal,
what they had
own consciousness but
A
of middle-class
lived,
women and
and eventually,
writers
is,
I
and other
flocked to psy-
as they
began
would transform not only
also that of their class
similar quiet revolution
women
and
to
their
society.
now under way women of color, who as
believe,
as aca-
yet live
scattered and isolated through white academia, continue steadfastly to
map and name and make
our
visible the territory of
own
different
experiences.
It is
no wonder, then, that Veena had a nervous breakdown.
And perhaps in bringing suffer.
these kinds of unspoken stresses played
about the physical
illness
from which
Sometime between my mother's
first visit
I
some
part
now began
and her death,
to I
A
227
Border Passage
me and that I of my days in
to suffer a vague, mysterious illness that trailed
began
would not be able
to
shake off for the remainder
Cambridge. didn't feel like anything particularly serious. Slightly swollen
It
glands, a bit of a temperature, exhaustion, so that doing any
When
thing was a chore.
symptoms
the
didn't go away,
doctor. Probably glandular fever, he said. tests he'd
done, but
could
I
have had
still
didn't
It
—
went
I
little
to the
show up
in the
it
generally took a while
month
or two, before going
it
to clear.
back, but
me me
know how long
don't
I
I
waited, a
did eventually go back.
few days
for observation.
They picked up my chart and ing comments. James put
gesturing and talking.
No one had
The
GP referred
Blood samples, chest
flicked through
my X
ray
They were
it
a bevy of
X
ray,
and
young men.
as they stood exchang-
up on one of those
just out of earshot.
light boxes,
Then they were
addressed a single word to me, James only briefly
nodding when they
Then
cleared.
came by with
so on. Dr. James, the specialist,
gone.
had not
It
Addenbrooks, the Cambridge hospital. They took
to a specialist at in for a
I
first
came
in.
was sent home. They hadn't come up with anything but
I
were going to continue keep a diary of
to observe
my symptoms and
me, the nurse told me.
a daily chart of
I
was
to
my temperature and
return in two weeks.
Weeks
No change and no
passed.
diagnosis.
Addenbrooks every month instead of every gone
in,
Addenbrooks had been on Trumpington
road from where long bus ride
where
I
fun, nor
I
lived.
Then
the hospital
Hill's
Road;
it
down
lived to the
was having
I
I
moved
to its
bus stop. In the rain and cold the to sit for
down the new site, a
Street, just
was something of a walk,
trip
was no
for that matter,
was always
and unwell.
Somewhere along the
line
I
complained
to
Husain,
my new
brother-in-law and a doctor, that nothing was happening and fed
up
from
too,
an hour or two waiting for James in the
gloom of the out-patient department. Nor, feeling tired
Now reported to When had first
fortnight.
at not getting better.
He
offered to
I
was
make me an appointment
228
Ahmed
Leila
whom
with Sir Ronald Firth, physician to the queen,
know.
eagerly agreed.
I
Reviewing
me
my
record and running some tests himself. Firth told
although the results were not absolutely conclusive, he be-
that,
lieved that
what
I
had was rheumatoid
chronic disease, he said
(I
arthritis.
knew nothing about
could usually be controlled by medication.
on
he happened to
and
steroids,
I
was
happy
entirely
it
He
was a benign
It
which
in those days),
me
suggested putting
At
to fall in with this plan.
last
someone was doing something. and
was getting
I
thought, over the next couple of weeks, that
I
returned for
my
regular Addenbrooks appointment.
James or
his
nurse that
either to
and feeling
wanted
better.
me
to see
As
I
was
the next
Why would
anxious.
me
leaving, James's nurse told
week and
my
I
better,
mentioned
seen Firth and was taking steroids
I'd
band and my brother-in-law. He This request to see
I
that he
wanted
James
that
to see
my
hus-
also ordered an eyelid biopsy.
relatives of course
made me extremely
he want to see them unless there was something
very seriously wrong? Tuesday rolled round again, and the four of
us
— my
for
sister,
Addenbrooks. But
And then James's nurse James's office
For
me
about
I
came up
I
is
were quite
it's
pale.
rheumatoid
"What?"
He
I
I'd
said
off
anxious to eat.
we had
sat waiting for a while,
and asked Alan and Husain
to us
to tell
go into
to
it
said.
I
me
— why
Finally the door
else
to tell
James
to
was asked
to
opened and
said, "I don't agree
arthritis.
believe
I
I
it's
I
it
out, as
if
furious.
particI
don't
The evidence
what
word he was
never heard before. again, barking
with Firth,
sarcoidosis.
believe that that's
couldn't catch the
them
would he want
was red and Husain and Alan, Husain
not completely conclusive but
of course,
far too
lunch before setting
had some awful disease and he was going
them and not me?
think
for
— only them, not me.
join them. James's face ularly,
was feeling
at the hospital, after
and they would have
it
— met
I
that instant confirmed the absolute worst. Obviously this
was the end.
see
Alan, Husain, and
it
is."
saying, which,
A
229
Border Passage
"Could you please write
it
down?"
was
I
still
stunned and could
not grasp what he was saying.
He still
word on a piece of paper and handed
scribbled the
"What
to
me,
asked.
is it?" I
now
learned, like rheumatoid arthritis, an autoim-
It
was, as
I
mune
disease,
which meant a disease
reason attacks it
it
apparently furious.
And
itself.
it
also
meant
in
which the body
that, unlike, say,
some
for
an infection,
wasn't something whose progress could be stopped or altered; treat-
ment cases,
was
essentially
James
said,
just to alleviate
symptoms
as they arose. In
ran a benign course, and he
it
expected
fully
most it
to
my case. They were going to continue to see me regularly and to treat me as need arose. Meanwhile he wanted me off the steroids. in
That was the end of our meeting. Outside
naturally immediately
I
things he had told
happen
to
them about
me. No, no, they
said,
this illness
I
to
know what awful
and what was about
he hadn't said anything
any awful thing that he expected then?
wanted
to
to
about
happen. Well, what had he said
couldn't get anything out of them, just rambling meaningless
nothings.
Why
were they, and Husain
particularly, looking so upset?
Well, he hadn't been pleased about Husain's taking
Husain should have consulted with him
them
at all
and
in
me
left
couldn't believe
it,
For
out there and subjected
simply couldn't believe
answer from either of them, so happened. Alan
first.
later told
me
that
I
it.
But
me I
me
to Firth
he had called
this
to this terror?
I
never got any other
suppose that that
really is
what
James had actually bawled Husain
out quite sharply, and that Husain had privately told Alan that he had in fact notified
James, leaving a message with James's secretary, but
had
would be ungentlemanly
felt
that
Still,
it
to this
traordinary. This at
work, as
I
day
was
I
British patriarchy, medical establishment-style,
know now.
that setting. But for certainly never by
to point this out.
find James's insensitivity as a doctor quite ex-
me
Perfectly standard it
was new.
any doctor
I'd
in Egypt, as
and ordinary behavior
in
never been treated before,
someone not
to
be consid-
—a 230
Ahmed
Leila
ered or directly addressed in the deliberations that passed between
men. Different patriarchies evidently had Dr. James's treatment blighted for
me. For the next few years I
my life
was emotionally devastating.
it
had
moment
would take I
up on
it
for the next couple of years,
was
as
outside his
if
he had put a curse on
room
or of the conviction
whose name he'd barked out
this disease
a fatal or a devastatingly crippling turn. For
learned from
be, as
It
could not free myself of the terror that
I
moments
those
felt in
that at any
and
their different styles
forms of casual, ordinary, acceptable erasures.
their different
my
reading
—
for of course
it
me
could indeed
Alan and
both read
I
— a very serious, sometimes crippling, and sometimes
fatal disease. Its course,
at
swiftly
however, was unpredictable. You just had to
wait and see.
Had
had a decent doctor,
I
become the little it
change
I
like to think,
anxious, terrified person in
not been for
my my
I
I
would not have
now became,
afraid that any
health was augury of impending disaster.
And had
anxiety about this illness and the stress
it
placed
on me and Alan, we might never have divorced. But there
it is.
Alan was having problems with his either to revise
He had no getting
and resubmit
precise idea
little
help from
how
it
my
told
he had
it
and he was
And he had just accepted
and he was
had no understanding of
I
first
He was
they wanted him to revise
his supervisor.
in Hull, his first teaching job,
terror
thesis.
or accept an M.Litt. instead of a Ph.D.
until the
a job
in terror of lecturing
day that
I
had
—
to deliver
lectures.
A hundred problems came up. Where would we live, who would commute? He felt I was not there when he needed me, and I felt the same about him. And once he was no longer a student he changed and began
who would be
person It
to pressure
to
fit
there for
into the conventional role of wife, the
him when he
got
home from
his job.
was a miserable time.
What
got
me
tory of the period,
had
me
all
through I
it
was
my work.
Reading deeply
in the his-
began piecing together from the boxes of notes
around me, the material
I'd
gathered in
my
trips to
I
Oxford
A and the ing.
Museum,
British
And
this,
I
the
life
of the
suppose, was
my
third
of good fortune. Lane, after
though
man whose work I was
study-
and hitherto uncounted piece
could have been someone who,
all,
and writing about Egypt and Islam and becoming an
living in
authority on them, disliked the country,
He
231
Border Passage
culture, people, religion.
its
could have been someone who, at least privately, wrote conde-
scendingly or even contemptuously of
been a
me
distasteful exercise for
much
about him, so
one's biography. But fortunately it.
to
it
could, therefore, have
much
spend so
company
time in his
almost everything about
And
it.
—
as
time thinking
one does writing some-
Lane loved Egypt, unreservedly loved
From
work he undertook would be an
his arrival, his entire life
and the
and service
act of devotion
to this
much loved and in which he felt, home than he did in his own land. He
country and culture that he so almost from the
had
first
more
start,
at
fallen in love with the idea of
through reading about
it
(which
Egypt as a young boy, simply
understood perfectly, longing as
I
as a youngster for the red roofs of
flat,
boring roofs). Scraping and saving for years to
to Egypt,
he
prove to be
finally arrived at the
all
way
make
the voyage
age of twenty-four, and
it
would
and more than he had hoped.
By the time rather the
I
England rather than our own
had
I
was done working on Lane
did about Arberry, that
I
I'd
I
would
been
about him company of
feel
in the
human being and that it had been a privilege and know him. Of course I knew Lane, in important ways,
an extraordinary gift to
far
and
come
to
more intimately than letters. It's
I
knew
Arberry:
read his private journals
a peculiar and quite poignant relation, that of biog-
rapher and subject, at least liking for the person.
you come
it is if
to feel, as
I
did, a great
Reading someone's private words you share
hopes, fears, longings, knowing
all
book
will
will
I'd
be published, which
the while what he does not
his
— which
succeed, which illness will prove
fatal.
Working on Lane at this time in my life was also a gift to me in some quite specific ways. Lane's love for Egypt, after my own recent alienating experiences there, brought restorative way. His letters,
it
back into
my
life in
a positive,
whenever he was away from Egypt, were
232
Leila
Ahmed
of sighs and aches and longings for that country
full
— as well as of
endless complaints about England. Egypt, Egypt, Egypt!
Oh, Egypt! Oh,
be back there. Oh, to be
to
Ah
ya Masrl
once more taking
sitting
supper on the bank with the boatmen. Oh, to be there in those sum-
mer of
nights, listening to the croaking of frogs, breathing in the scent
orange groves! In Cairo his pleasures were talking to people,
its
learning things, studying things, drawing
man, a trained engraver), hearing
them
stories
(he was a fine drafts-
from
his friend the book-
seller,
looking over his manuscripts, joining in prayers at the mosque,
sitting
on there afterward
I
me
learned from Lane too
to learn
it
— how
in work, just work. his
in meditation.
—
I
at a
know
got to
moment when
it
was valuable
his daily routine exactly.
of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful
Muslims
utter
on beginning a
to
half-hour
stroll
Poole, who, to Egypt,
and
for
his wife,
words that devout
Lane would break only
meals with his family
when she was abandoned by
and
— the
— In the name
task, dedicating their labor to
in the service of His purposes.
—
for his daily
his sister,
her husband,
religious
temperament and
also valuable to crisis,
me
in that
a crisis about loss of
we tend
near despair
I
— meals grace.
unconventional but
his
and Christianity, were
was going through
tremendous inner
a
meaning and about the kinds of things
to define as "spiritual."
— not
Sophia
came with him
would begin always with the utterance of the Christian
Lanes deeply
God and
Nefeeseh, a Greek or Greek-Egyptian
also deeply religious habits, interweaving Islam
that
Going
desk every morning after an early breakfast, he would begin his
workday with the words "Bismillah al-rahtnan al-rahim"
that
for
person could be devoted to and absorbed
totally a
It
was a time of depression and
surprisingly, given the losses I'd suffered in just
two or three years and the anxiety over
my
health.
I
remember standdown my
ing one day at the bus stop outside Addenbrooks, holding
coat against a sudden cold blast, watching the wind pick up and whirl
on the edge of the road too,
and
as
if
a circlet of leaves, feeling myself whirled,
spiraling into vast interstellar spaces
empty with mean-
inglessness. I
was desperate
for, craving,
some
religious faith,
something that
A would say
me
to
that
all this,
to
lich,
Teilhard de Chardin.
church a
converting.
not to do
lot
belong
And
was
I
so. It
— Bultmann,
I
Til-
close, really quite close to it
— and
was
I
right
would have solved nothing and would have only mud-
In reality
to.
was meaningful.
in Christianity
came
I
living,
did not, in the end, go through with
I
my crisis was
died things further. For to
what
and read deeply
went
233
Border Passage
I
not in fact about which religion
have never had any
one
difficulty feeling that
could perfectly well believe both Islam and Christianity at the same time, although
I
many Christians and completely unacceptable. And as I have gotten
recognize, of course, that for
Muslims such a view older and learned
is
more about other
religions,
I
feel the
same way
about those too, including, of course, Veena's Ganesh and Hinduism
more
generally.
No,
my
crisis
was grounded
in
two things.
about
faith, just religious faith in itself.
her,
was thoroughly pervious
I
sumptions of
my
And
time.
to
For
I
First,
it
was a
crisis
was no Veena. Unlike
and permeated by the secular
this in the
end
— because
I
as-
could not
sustain religious belief and could not shake myself free of the conviction that religion
no reasonable thinking person could possibly believe
— was the reason
not because
I
Second,
all
— simply
real issue
— and
was not which
faith
faith itself.
my crisis and my attempt to resolve it by turning to Chrismy response to, and my attempt to remedy, a loss
had been
had suffered ing that
whom
did not go through with conversion
had understood that the
but any faith at
tianity
I
I
I
— without knowing that
had
lost anything. Until
religious belief
had been
in
was
I
had suffered
now
I
just a given,
true, of course, in Egypt,
but
had
lived in
it,
without know-
communities
an ordinary part of it
life.
had also been true of
Duke and Brad were
in
my
life,
had been deeply
religious.
my
who
years at Girton. There too, people, and in particular the people
had been most important
for
This
Miss
devout, practicing Christians, and Mrs. Madge,
although she was not Christian (on the contrary, for her, Christianity, the beast slouching toward Bethlehem,
marked the beginning of the
dark ages) was definitely Something. For the graduate student years
I
was
living bereft of a
first
time
now
community of
in
my
belief
234
Ahmed
Leila
and bereft of the sense of sustenance and reassurance that such communities can provide whether we are active believers or not. Such communities buoy and sustain aware of
I
it,
without our necessarily even being
us,
by their sense of the meaningfulness of
finished
my
thesis, got divorced,
and began
our
all
lives.
to apply for jobs.
I
continued to have physical problems but they did not get worse. In addition
I
was freed now from James's curse
an Egyptian doctor
who was
Cairo
in
London
to
whom
I
was taken by a friend from
England. This doctor,
briefly in
as a result of a visit to
who was
a chiropractor
as well as a conventional doctor, spoke utterly persuasively of the
medicine and of
limits of regular
how
little
doctors
knew
particularly
about such vague sub-clinical ailments where the medical evidence
remained inconclusive, and he began tling the authority of James's
for
me
the process of disman-
pronouncements about my own
and
life
body and future.
Veena recovered. She completed her
thesis
Czech boyfriend, came
cessfully. Ivan, her
and defended
suc-
it
drawing
to see her and,
strength from what she had been through, found the courage to his parents that
Veena
I
left for
he loved
Prague
this
woman and would
not abandon her.
marry Ivan.
to
began working part-time, teaching
at the
Cambridge College of
Arts and Technology
(now Anglia University)
college supervising.
got no offers of full-time jobs but
I
a letter from a publisher to say that they sidering
my
thesis for publication. Like
I'd
I
did receive
would be interested
most of
my
cohorts,
sent an outline and sample chapters of
to various publishers
sent the manuscript it.
But
I
Still,
— and
off,
now
I
had had
liked
it
and
in
in
con-
and
just
and ap-
my
thesis
this astonishing reply.
feeling certain, though, that they
was wrong. They
some
as well as doing
as a routine part of the business of finishing one's doctorate
plying for jobs,
tell
would
due course published
I
reject it.
the end point of this process of education that in Cairo
I
A
had pursued with such yearning did not so craved.
do
It
we asked nor
tions that
much
nect
it
was
had
I
had learned
I
to
essentially academic. Neither the ques-
the theories that
we
with anything that was real for
studied seemed to con-
me
or to take
— thought that remained
up or
my own
address the concerns that were at the heart of
thought
me what
after all give
was interesting enough, the work that
Cambridge, but
in
235
Border Passage
truly
life
and
private, unarticulated, relegated to
the midnight hours and the margins of consciousness.
One day
A
I learnt
secret art,
Invisible-Ness, I
think
it
it
worked
was .
.
called. .
— Meiling Jin But
what those years
forgot
I
in
Cambridge had been
for
me.
I
had gradually come about for me bemy academic work and the ideas and questions that had meanmy life, and forgot the feeling of unease and silence and limbo
forgot the disconnection that
tween ing in in
I
which
I
had existed
in those years
—
until
I
returned just this
last
year for a fellowship year in Cambridge. It all
began
who knows what
come back
to
me
to
within days.
—
just being in that familiar space.
It
was triggered by
Walking down the
corridors of the university library, going to the tearoom, looking out
on familiar
and
vistas, all places
feelings that
and
had made up
vistas redolent for
my
life in
me
of the people
And walking meadows along
those years.
and cycling into town through the familiar Backs (the
the river and the backs of colleges) and the familiar colleges.
As
it
turned out, of course,
and of unease and discontent
common
my own
experience of disconnection
in relation to
academic work was a
among many of my generation, particularly peoand white women. A sense of unease and discontent with
experience
ple of color
what was being purveyed
to us as
knowledge
in
our universities, and
236
Leila
Ahmed
the feeling that the real issues were being bypassed, were not even visible in the curriculum,
a major intellectual
would shortly
America,
fuel, particularly in
and academic revolution. Through the
seventies,
black studies and then women's studies programs sprang up on cam-
puses throughout the States. The founding of such programs reflected the growing understanding that what was being purveyed to us as
"knowledge" and "objectivity" and grand transcendent truths represented in fact neither "truth" nor "objectivity" but rather merely the intellectual traditions, beliefs,
and perspectives of white middle-class
men. For ours had been the era
when we were
taught,
more
or less as
gospel truth (academic gospel truth), that writers like D. H. Lawrence
represented great moral visionaries lett
would expose
for their
— the very writers whom Kate Mil-
misogyny
in
Not
iconoclastic book, Sexual Politics.
what
in
1970 was a
only, Millett
writers openly endorse the "natural" inferiority of
radically
showed, did such
women
but their
works were thoroughly riddled with contemptuous views of
and even
glorified rape
and other abuses of
ceptable norms. Until then
some time
after
we had been
would continue
to
women
be taught
vision,
who modeled
as ordinary, ac-
routinely taught (and for
—
it
took a while for the
feminist challenge to be taken seriously) that such great writers but writers
women
men were
for us, out of their
not only
deep human
men and human moral
the true nature and ideals of relations between
women. This was
the era, too, of the Kohlberg study on
development (published
in the early seventies), in
which Harvard
psy-
chologists maintained that the "rigorous," "objective" research they
had conducted showed that
women were
deficient in their sense of
justice and thus morally defective. These were the conclusions that
Carol Gilligan in another groundbreaking book {In a Different Voice,
1982) would take on and expose for their outright prejudice. She
showed how the male
bias of the researchers in this so-called objective
study was there in the very conception of the experiment, and in
its
questions and terms and conclusions, and finally also in the researchers' inability to grasp,
that
even
when
their
own
evidence pointed that way,
women's moral reasoning proceeded from a
different ethic,
an
A
ethic of "care" rather than of "principle"
no sense It
less
was these kinds of
— but an ethic
men
"moral" than that of the
tive" truth, that
237
Border Passage that
in
in the study.
things, presented as "neutral"
were our ordinary academic
fare.
and "objec-
These were the
and the views that we read and studied and versed ourselves exams. This insidious, built-in denigration of lived with
was
texts
in for
women was what we
and imbibed. In exactly the same way
in those days the
steadfast, insidious, built-in denigration of blacks,
Muslims, Arabs,
and people of other cultures and the colonized generally, was just the ordinary academic fare. (Not that studies written from this perspective are not produced today, but today there
a thriving culture of chal-
is
lenge and dissent that did not exist then.) In that scholarship, blacks,
women, Muslims, and
so on could be the objects of study, as in the
Kohlberg study, for instance. But they could not be
its
subjects.
The
perspective through which they were understood, measured, analyzed,
judged, had to be that of white men. Otherwise, the conclusions arrived at could not be considered "objective."
In America, social ferment and activism formed the backdrop to
the at
new
intellectual perspectives that
any rate
in
were emerging. In England, or
Cambridge, there was no
issues of race or of gender that
I
parallel
ferment either on
might have connected with. By the
my graduate student days had essentially acquiesced in and accepted my own proper invisibility from scholarship and the proper invisibility and object status of my kind. The passion and joy of thought and understanding would come back into my life only after had gone to Abu Dhabi to work and begun to feel driven by my end of
I
I
need
to understand, as the Iranian revolution crested,
Muslim women, and what began
possibilities lay
to read the exhilarating feminist
Placing
Muslim women
and among other
"One
is
I
see
it
ahead; simultaneously
I
books coming out of America.
at the heart of
things, (as
our history as
my own work was
now) a
in a way,
refusal of our invisibility.
not born but rather becomes a woman," goes Simone de
Beauvoir's famous dictum.
I
obviously was not born but
became black
238
Ahmed
Leila
when
I
became
went
to England. Similarly, of course,
woman
a
of color
when
went
I
was not born but
I
America. Whereas these
to
are political identities that carry, for me, a positive charge, revealing
my
and affirming connection and commonality, no
an identity
less a political construction, is
identity as
an Arab,
that, in contrast,
ex-
I
perience as deeply and perhaps irretrievably fraught with angst and confusion. It
was
began
first
Arab
Cambridge and
in
to suffer the
my
identity,
in these graduate student years that
mute, complicated confusions of
Arab
identity as an
in the
my
I
exilic
West.
Why now rather than when I first came to England? Many things now were different. I was no longer merely a visitor with a home in another land to go back I
encountered
would be
it,
slip
to.
As a
visitor,
I
by as of no great
could
moment
lived out elsewhere. This, obviously,
And England was
in a different time in
(somewhat
its
racism, insofar as
my
to
which
life,
was no longer the
history.
England was
significant black immigration,
let
Undergoing
case.
its first
for the first time dealing
hysterically) with the issue of color
and race on home
soil
rather than in the far-flung colonies. Racism, consequently, was far
more
insistently
and inescapably
a few years back. And regularly.
And
I
in the air
now
than
it
had been
just
was myself older and read the papers more
then, too, there was the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, which
unleashed in the press a deluge of frenetic, ignorant, biased, and outright racist views of Arabs. All of these in themselves
with for a young or
community
happenings. those days.
to turn to
with
and
would have been hard enough
knew one
to deal
experience of racism and no family
little
talk with
don't think there were
I I
woman
about these strange, unsavory
many Arabs
in
Egyptian, a Nasser enthusiast
Cambridge
who had
ernment scholarship and was friendly with the Egyptian consul. exceedingly polite to it
was routine
act as
him when
in those days, as
I
ran into him but
we
all
I
in
a govI
was
also avoided him:
knew, for Egyptians abroad to
government informers on one another.
My own rhetoric of
recent history and experience then in relation to the
Arab nationalism and
to that great
hero and leader of the
A
Arab world, Nasser, was part of the
my
underlay to in the
immensely complicating
difficult,
experience at this point of what
West. For where exactly was
no
certainly felt
I
239
Border Passage
loyalty
it
now
that
I
it
was
be an Arab
could take
my stand?
toward or solidarity with Nasser, with his
endless, empty, fraudulent rantings about al-Uraba all
to
that awful, badgering nonsense that
was fortunately no longer being
I
—Arabness — and
read about in the papers but
directly battered by.
On
the other
hand, the racism and ignorance and bigoted imperialist perspective with which both Nasser and the Arabs were often presented in the
on an emotional
British press were,
me.
I
level certainly, perfectly plain to
hated Nasser, but at the same time
saying about
him was
I
knew
that
imperialist, racist rubbish.
what they were
And
the flagrant
heartlessness and injustice with which the British press often wrote
of the Palestinians was also perfectly plain to me. things well. But
did not
I
know how
myself the complicatedness of I
my
to explain
position
and
I
knew
all
these
nor even understand feelings.
Emotionally
was
their spokes-
couldn't fully side with the Arabs insofar as Nasser
man and universally adulated hero. But it was even less possible for me to side with the bigoted British racists and their stupid diatribes against Nasser
and the Arabs.
Not only did ground with
we
have no community of people from
I
whom
to discuss these sorts of things,
did not as yet have a language with
which
to
my own
back-
but in those days
speak subtly and
complexly and in ways that would enable us to make fine but crucial distinctions in reflecting ject of being Arab.
on the highly fraught and complicated sub-
Touching
nationalism, loyalty, betrayal, ical ingredients
that
think about clearly.
as it
it
does on matters of identity, race,
had
all
the emotional and psycholog-
make a subject almost impossibly difficult to And over and above this, being Arab was pro-
foundly implicated, of course, in what has proven to be one of the most painful and intractable political problems of our day, the
Palestinian— Israeli conflict. It is
how it.
not at
to address
As
if all
this
me now that did not know back then this subject, given my own complicated awareness of were not enough, there was for me a further layer of
all
surprising to
I
240
Leila
Ahmed
complexity and connectedness to the matter that had been inscribed
my own
into
life
and history
ways that
in
I
would only come
un-
to
derstand fully in the process of writing this memoir.
Edward
when and
I
its
was
Said's Orientalism in the
part in the consolidation of colonial
has justly taken
many
appeared after
its
live
left
Cambridge and
hegemony, which today
place as a major text of our times, gave us (among
other things) a language with which to begin to talk of some
aspects of the experience of being Arab.
us a
I
Arab Gulf. This work, analyzing colonial discourse
way
to
Most
particularly
speak of being Arab in the West and of what
embattled in a sea of prejudices, prejudices that came
it
it
gave
was
at
to
us as
"knowledge" and as "objective," "neutral," "transcendent," "unbiased," "truths."
And this text
yet the
my own
burden of
history layered
with a degree of unease. Most
Orientalisms profound resonance to
difficult
my
and rhetoric of Arab nationalism. Nasser, pages only fleetingly, but he Said's general thesis
echoed
is
of
my
experience of
all
probably was
ears with the perspectives for instance, figures in
its
there as hero and only as hero. Even
for
me Arab
nationalist rhetoric, for of
course the notion that European attitudes and policies toward Arabs
were rooted a
in a
European hatred that went back
commonplace of
to
that rhetoric.
to the
Crusades was
The book even echoed,
too closely
me, the overly simple binary view of Arab nationalism, which rep-
resented imperialism as uniformly and comprehensively negative.
knew from my own its
legacy had also
and
my
doubt
life that,
meant
for all the real injustices of imperialism,
that
I
had had choices when
my
mother,
aunt Aida most vividly and unforgettably, had had none.
it is
I
No
part of the nature of grand, overarching theories, theories
that redefine, as Orientalism did, ways of seeing of an entire era, that
they will overlook or erase particular terrains of experience.
Still,
me
seem
then, a theoretical analysis of imperialism that did not
allow for the complexities that had been part of
could not ring entirely true.
my own
for to
experience
A Then
own
there was also the
scholarship. Lane,
241
Border Passage
way
whom
that the
book intersected with my
had studied with such closeness, ap-
I
pears in Said's pages as one of the villains of Orientalism.
Lane's work as well as pretation
did,
I
was not accurate.
had no doubt
I
Said, after
book with
deals in this
all,
Knowing
that Said's inter-
at all
scores of writers and centuries of history, and naturally he could not
have studied
these writers and
all
ticulous detail.
Nor indeed does
all
the inaccuracy of this or that partic-
ular reading alter the validity of Said's broad thesis.
how my own
easy today to demonstrate
and me-
that history in specific
not in fact contradict Said's thesis:
It
would be very
different reading of
all
that
show how
is
required
Lane does
is
that
little
Western
reproduced and affirmed the views and
tradition both
to
sumptions of their times and
one
writers working within the
complicate that thesis a
as-
sometimes, endeavored to work
also,
against them. But back then this detail further contributed to
my
sense of unease with the book.
And which
to
finally, too,
although Orientalism did give us a language with
speak of what
seemed simultaneously
it
was
to
to flatten
be Arab in the West, for myself
and erase other aspects of being
Arab. Powerfully and forcefully written from this base in the this place of exile
(nor, of course,
lem of how broader, I
set
it
— the book did not
more complicated
down some
West
at all address
me the probmy way through the
set out to address) or simplify for
to think about,
speak about, or make territory of
what
it
was
to
write these words, obviously, in the context of a
at that all,
and embattlement
had
it
be Arab.
memoir and
to
of the ways that this major text of our age intersected
time with
my own
consciousness and experience, and not at
of course, with the intention of offering here a comprehensive
analysis of this
complex work. In addition,
academics working today
mously indebted
Western world,
intellectually to Said's
Orientalism specifically. criticism but out of the
of the field
in the
I
write
need
like
the vast majority of I
am
naturally enor-
work more generally and
to
them now not to register a belated and to recognize the complexity
to voice
— and the world and experiences — with which we
all
strug-
242 gle in
Leila
our ongoing endeavor to speak and write of the
make up our might be said Said's
Ahmed
own
lives
and our world.
to be,
among
other things, the
monumental product
heroic and transformative struggle
tellectual landscape for
plexity of
what
it
was
all
for
of us
him
to
realities that
Said's Orientalism itself, in a sense,
— transforming the
of in-
— with the fraught and specific combe
.Arab.
II
(y\ /
n Becoming an J^rab
remember the very day that
I
became
colored.
Zora Neale Hurston
THE TEACHERme,
called
interrupting
I
on me
to read.
irascible
me and pounce on
woman, and
started haltingly.
correcting me, quietly at
stumbled on, with more and more
to stand over
I
I
first
but gradually, as
irritation, leaving
every mistake
had not prepared
I
She began
her desk
made. She was an
my homework.
"You're an Arab!" she finally screamed at me. "An Arab!
know your own
don't "I
am
And you
language!"
not an Arab!"
And anyway we
tian!
now
I
said,
am Egypbanged my book
suddenly furious myself.
don't speak like this!"
And
I
"I
shut.
"Read!" I
sat
on
stonily,
arms folded.
"Read!" I
didn't
move.
She struck go on forever, I
me
like
across the face.
something
was twelve and
I'd
in
The moment afterward seemed
to
slow motion.
never been
hit
before by a teacher and never
slapped across the face by anyone. Miss Nabih, the teacher, was a Palestinian.
A
refugee.
The year was 1952, was doing
to
me
the year of the revolution.
in class the
government was doing
What Miss Nabih to us
through the
244 media.
I
remember how
al-Arabiyyal Al-Uraba!
We
Ahmed
Leila
I
hated that incessant rhetoric. Al-qawmiyya
Nahnu
al-Arabl Arab nationalism! Arabness!
the Arabs! Even now, just remembering those words,
a surge of mingled irritation and resentment. Propaganda
And one
ant.
radio, there
it
could not escape
I
feel again
is
unpleas-
The moment one turned on
it.
the
was: military songs, nationalistic songs, and endless,
endless speeches in that frenetic, crazed voice of exhortation. In public
places, in the street,
it
the
filled
air,
blaring at one from the gro-
cery, the newsstand, the cafe, the garage, for
have
it
on
at full
it
became
patriotic to
volume.
Imagine what
it
would be
like
if,
say, the British or
French were
incessantly told, with nobody allowed to contest, question, or protest,
now European, and only European. European! EuroEuropean! And endless songs about it. But for us it was actually
that they were
pean!
worse and certainly more complicated. British or
equivalent would be
if
the
French were being told that they were white. White! White!
who we were unsettled and understanding of who we were and silently excluded
White! Because the
undercut the old people
Its
new
who had been
definition of
included in the old definition of Egyptian.
Copts, for example, were not Arab. In fact, they were Copts precisely
because they had refused to convert to the religion of the Arabs and
had refused, unlike us Muslims,
to intermarry with Arabs.
As a
result,
Copts (members of the ancient Christian church of Egypt) were the only truly indigenous inhabitants of Egypt and as such, in our
anyway and
in the notion of
Egypt with which
a very special place in the country. In the ever, they
new
I
home
grew up, Copts had
definition of us,
how-
were included as speakers of Arabic but they were not
the heart of the definition in the
way
that
we
But of course the people who were most
at
were.
directly,
although as yet
only implicitly, being excluded by the redefinition were the Jews of Egypt, for the whole point of the revolutionary government's harping insistence that
we were
Arab, in those
first
years following the found-
ing of Israel, and following the takeover of Egypt's government by
Men
with a
new
vision
and new commitments, was
to
New
proclaim our
A
245
Border Passage
unequivocal alignments: on the side of the Palestinians and Arabs and against Israel, against Zionism. Ever since, this issue has been the key
emphases Egypt's leaders have placed
issue determining the different
have proclaimed insistently and emphatically
on
its
(as
Nasser did) that we were Arab,
identity. If they
a confrontational, unyielding line
deal with the Zionists." If
it
on
Israel
and that
we were Egyptians above
we could talk, negotiate. Our new identity proclaimed openly our Zionism in
— and proclaimed implicitly our opposition
our midst, Egyptian Jews. For although
The word
also contained in the word.
moment
to define
all
(Sadat), then
opposition to Israel and to the "Zionists"
explicitly
distinguished from Jewishness, an undercurrent
was
we would take we would "never
has meant that
Zionism was
meaning "Jewish"
"Arab," emerging at this
our identity, silently carried within
it
its
polar
opposite
— Zionist/Jew — without which
actually
had no meaning. For the whole purpose of its emergence now
was precisely
to tell us of
relation to both terms,
parents
Joyce.
I
am
and
my
sure
I
in
sister's
me, abstractions. They were people
to
talked about,
my
and
and they were
own, including
my
my
broth-
best friend,
sensed these insidious, subterranean shifts and
rearrangements of our feelings that
was
it
Arab and Jew.
knew and saw and
ers' friends
new alignments and realignments
our
Jews and Copts were not,
my
hidden, silent connotation
new bludgeoning propaganda us. And I am sure that this, as
this
effecting, or trying to effect, in
well as the sheer hatefulness of being endlessly subjected to propa-
ganda, was part of the reason that
I
I
so
much
disliked
and
resisted the idea
was an Arab.
Nor was
it
only through the media that the government was pres-
suring us into acceptance of
its
broad
political
agenda and coercing
us into being Arab. For this was the era, too, of growing political repression and of the proliferation of the mukhabarat, the secret police
— the
era
when
political
opponents and people suspected of
being disloyal to the revolution were being jailed or disappearing. In this
atmosphere, being disloyal to the revolution and to the Arab cause
246
Leila
(being, as
it
Ahmed
were, un-Arab) became as charged and dangerous for
Egyptians as being un-American was for Americans in the McCarthy era.
The propaganda worked on me and on others. To question our Arabness and all that our Arabness implied became unthinkable. Only despicable, unprincipled traitors
complicated legacy that
this
as
Arab
is
The
my own
carefully until
I
my
I
examined
sense of identity as Egyptian and
my memories and
feelings, they
took this journey into history and into the history of the world
my new
me
my
I
— some of quite surprising and even — and trace the process and voyage of discovery it
itself
understandings of
my
past.
to the incident with
asked myself what this scene between
about
how
remained opaque
childhood. These pages both describe the information that
Thinking back
parents and family, from
standing of what
it
meant
I
Were
I
me and
whom,
began
this chapter,
Miss Nabih told got
certainly,
I
Why
it
was
my
When,
that
I
I
me
under-
was so
definitely
parents thought, but why?
they part of some
elite
imagined they were Egyptian while "the masses" knew they were Arabs?
my
was Egyptian and not Arab,
not Arab? Presumably this was what this a class issue?
which
be Egyptian.
to
stubborn, so convinced that
we
with
it is
following pages recount a personal odyssey through the pol-
shocking to
Was
And
entangled.
discovered and pieced together
and
thing.
emotions, and history of our becoming Arab. For no matter
itics,
of
would do such a
in fact, did Egyptians
milieu which all
along that
become Arab
— or have
always been Arab?
The answer
to this question,
which
I
assumed
I
would
find simply
by looking up a book or two on the history of Egypt, actually took quite a lot of detective work, for in
any of the books where
embarked
in search of
I
some
it
was not
had expected
clearly or fully addressed
to find
it.
It felt
esoteric secret. In the last
as
if I
had
few years there
has begun to be a scholarship piecing together the history of the rise of Arab nationalism, but as regards Egypt, barely sketched
in.
it is
a history as yet only
A The
story,
247
Border Passage
anyway, begins in Syria, in the
where the idea of an Arab
identity
nineteenth century,
late
and Arab nationalism
arose.
first
Prior to this, "Arab" had referred throughout the Middle East only to
the inhabitants of Arabia and to bedouins of the region's deserts.
was among the Christians of of Syrian
men who had
and cultural
Christian and
in particular
among
appeared, in part as a
first
revival
Muslim
and
a group
attended French missionary schools, that the
idea of Arab nationalism literary
Syria,
It
and
in part as a
way
movement
of
of mobilizing both
Syrians to throw off the domination of the
Is-
lamic Ottoman Empire. Egyptians,
who
in that era
were preoccupied with getting
rid of
the British, not the Ottomans, were either uninterested in or positively hostile to this strange Syrian idea of mil, the leading nationalist of the
an Arab
Empire.
to
And paranoid though
been some truth
to
Mustapha Ka-
day in Egypt, strongly pro-Ottoman
and pro-Islamic, denounced Arab nationalism fomented by the Europeans
identity.
as
an idea invented and
hasten the destruction of the Ottoman Kamil's notion sounds, there
may have
Historical records suggest that British officials
it.
were indeed already encouraging and supporting the idea of Arabism even before World
War
I
(that they did so during the
war
is
well
known).
Well into the
new Arabs nor tity
first
decades of
this century, neither the self-defined
the Egyptians themselves thought that this
had anything
to
do with Egyptians. For example,
conference was organized in Paris.
When
in
new
iden-
1913 an Arab
an Egyptian who was
at-
tending as an observer asked permission to speak, he was refused on the grounds that the floor was open only to Arabs.
During World
War
as an important idea
I,
the idea of Arab nationalism emerged again
— and again as an idea mobilizing people against
the Turks and their Islamic Empire. This time
it
took the form of the
British-instigated "Arab revolt," led by T. E. Lawrence. (The fact that this
famous
revolt
was
led by an
Englishman makes obvious, of
course, Britain's political interest in promoting Arabism as a fighting the
Once more,
Ottoman Empire and bringing about as with the Syrian
its final
way of
dissolution.)
form of Arab nationalism, not only
248
Ahmed
Leila
were Egyptians not part of
this
movement, they were,
if
anything,
inclined to be sympathetic to the other side. For one thing, this Arab
movement now tribal
involved mainly the Arabs of Arabia and nomadic
Arabs, people
whom
Egyptians regarded as even more different
from themselves than the Syrians. The distinction between
nomad
is,
Egyptians
Middle East, one of the fundamental
in the it is
a distinction that has
marked
settled
and
divides.
For
off their society
from that
of "the Arabs" (Arabians, nomads) since the beginning of their
civili-
zation.
In addition, these Arabs were fighting with the hated British, the
oppressors of Egypt, and against the Islamic Empire and the caliph of Islam. Egypt's Khedive Abbas had been sent into exile by the British for his
open sympathies with the Turks and the Islamic Empire, and
so also had the leader of the Nationalist Party,
Mohamad
The
Farid.
Egyptian writer Naguib Mahfouz, in his novel Bain al-Qasrain (Palace Walk), set in World
War
I,
portrays his characters, the
"common
folk"
of Egypt, as praying for the return of Abbas and for the Turks to
"emerge victorious" and as declaring that "the most important thing of
all is
that
we
get rid of the "English nightmare"
liphate return to
its
former
glory.
and that the ca-
Aware of popular sentiment
in
Egypt, the British took care to represent the Arab revolt to Egyptians as a rebellion not against the caliph but against the "impious, godless"
Young Turks who were oppressing A
"the Arabs."
At the end of the war the British invited the leaders of the Arabs
to the Versailles conference but refused to permit the Egyptian leaders to attend. Still, the
Arabs reaped no benefits. In a series of
the European powers (Britain and France) dismantled the
Empire and distributed among themselves
its
former
the British, having induced the Arabs to fight with
treaties
Ottoman
territories.
them
For
against the
Turks by promising them independence, had also signed a secret treaty with the
divide
French (the Sykes-Picot agreement) undertaking
between them
after
the war "the
Empire." Formalizing their control over the just captured
into
spoils
territories that
they had
from the Ottomans, France took Syria and divided
two countries, Lebanon and
Syria,
to
of the Ottoman
it
and Britain took Iraq and
A
249
Border Passage
Palestine. Britain was, of course, already occupying Egypt. Similarly
the Balfour Declaration, promising Palestine, a land obviously with its
own
tional
inhabitants, to people living elsewhere
homeland
the British well as
Jews
for the
— had been issued
— designating earlier, in
it
a na-
1917,
when
captured Palestine. (There were, of course, Jews as
first
Muslims and Christians among the population of Palestine
when
the British captured
tinian
Jews that the British now declared Palestine a homeland for
the Jews but rather
—
as
but
it,
is
well
and hopes of European Jewry
Some
of this
I
was not out of concern
known
for a
—
I
already.
for Pales-
in response to the desires
homeland
in Palestine.)
knew about T. had known in a general way
knew
the Arab revolt, and
it
I
Lawrence and
E.
Arab nation-
that
alism was a recent idea. But only now, putting together the Christian
and missionary-inspired use the British
made
Ottomans, did
I
emerged I
origins of
Arab nationalism
in Syria
and the
of the idea to mobilize the "Arabs" against the
which Arab nationalism had
realize the extent to
way of opposing the Islamic Empire. And only now did which Egypt had not only not been Arab but
as a
realize the extent to
actually
The
had been mostly on the opposite
side to that of the Arabs.
exiled khedive and political leaders of Egypt supported the Ot-
tomans and hated the
And even
British,
and so apparently did the "masses."
the modernizing intellectuals,
pendence from the Ottomans, had personal
all
who wanted
many
with Turks and with Istanbul, which
ties
political inde-
their cultural, intellectual,
of
them
and reg-
ularly visited.
And
so already
my
understanding of Egypt and
Arabs was beginning to world was not as not after shifts
thus
all
I
where
Already
shift.
had assumed I
it
to
I
was beginning
be and
had thought they were.
and readjustments were involved far,
for
its
seas
Still,
me
in
relation to the
its
to feel that the
and continents
whatever internal
what
I
had learned
they were nothing to the geologic shifts and turmoil and
upheaval that
I
would
find myself flung
on, trying to piece together
up or
cast
what happened next
down by
as
I
read
— and reading now
about the history of the Jews in Egypt and about Egypt's relations to
Zionism and the Palestinians.
250
Leila
Ahmed
Eventually things would calm down. Eventually
I
would come
to
see that these facts, too, were part of the history of Egypt and that after all they fitted quite intelligibly into that history.
with, with almost every
new
detail
learned
I
tated into a state of general agitation,
my
feelings
— and
still, I I
finally, finally
blowing
jump up and walk and
facts. I'd
whatever
it
was
— why
understanding. Physically
could only read a paragraph or two at a time,
stumbled upon one or the other of these,
I'd just read.
Egyptians,
to begin
running the gamut
of shock, disbelief, shame, despair, and exhilaration tion?
But
found myself precipi-
I
I
exhilara-
could not
at least
sit
whenever
me, completely mind-
to
walk, repeating to myself
I'd
be rushing around saying
and Alexandria
to myself, joined their Zionist friends in Cairo
to cel-
ebrate the Balfour Declaration? There were Zionist associations in
Cairo and Alexandria then?
governor of Alexandria,
Egypt
— went
It
was okay
Ahmad
in
Egypt to be a Zionist? The
Ziyour Pasha
—
later
prime minister of
to a party in the city celebrating the Balfour Declaration
that culminated in their sending a telegram to Lord Balfour to thank
him?
Hours and hours and days of
would be interspersed
then,
this,
with enormous, crashing, paralyzing anxieties at the very thought of writing about Arabness. There was no question just have to leave it.
It
it
out. Just forget
was much too complicated.
I
couldn't do
it.
I'd
— Arab, not Arab —just forget
it
How
could
I
possibly deal with
all
this history?
The British
first
Jewish flag to
was made
department store Cairo) had had
fly
over Jerusalem after
its
capture by the
in Egypt? Joseph Cicurel of the house of Cicurel (a I
it
remembered from my childhood, the Harrods of made in his Alexandria workshops. Cicurel was
president of the Zionist association of Cairo.
And
at the
same time
he was an Egyptian nationalist?
He was
also a trustee of the
Egypt, the bank founded by the
Muslim
nationalist Talaat
Bank
of
Harb with
economy from EuroThe same was true of Leon
the object of wresting control of the Egyptian
peans and placing
it
in Egyptian hands.
Castro, the vice president of the
an Egyptian nationalist.
same
A member
Zionist association
and likewise
of the Wafd, the party leading the
A struggle for independence
251
Border Passage
from the
he was also a friend and
British,
Wafd and
staunch supporter of Saad Zaghloul, leader of the
the hero
of the Egyptian nationalist struggle.
On
and on, more such extraordinary
tionship to Zionism
— and also
about Egyptians'
facts
The Egyptian
to the Palestinians.
ernment sent a representative
— we
now
are
Hebrew
celebrations for the inauguration of the
1925
in
—
to
rela-
gov-
the
University in Jeru-
salem. This representative was none other than
Ahmad
Lutfi al-
Sayyid, the editor of al-Jarida, the paper that shaped the political
consciousness of a generation of Egyptians
— and
the
man who would
— my fathers generation
later facilitate
women's entry
when
Egyptian University. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, tinians
began publishing a paper
in
the publication of "Palestinian propaganda."
over the Wailing Wall and
to the al-Aqsa
mosque, also
invocation of the
name
Pales-
Egypt advocating their cause, the
Egyptian government several times closed the paper
flict
into the
Muslim
And
fears
wake of con-
about rights of access
in the early 1930s,
of Palestine in
down and banned
in the
it
even banned the
mosques on
Mean-
Fridays.
while several Zionist papers continued publication and Zionism was
not banned.
Reading such
the paralyzing anxiety things,
came
I
to
I
felt at
my own
feelings
and
the mere thought of writing about such
conclude that
dinarily figure in history to the political
and observing
facts as these
this sort of
information did not or-
books on Egypt precisely because, according
alignments of our day, alignments that
we
consider to
be entirely obvious and natural, they seemed so shamefully unpatriotic,
and so
disloyal
and unfeeling toward the Palestinians.
In the ensuing days
I
would begin
to
understand
how
it
was that
Egyptian attitudes had been so profoundly different from what they are today,
and
to that past
early still
life.
I
would come
and the ways
in
to
understand also
which
it
But even then, even when
find myself completely stalled
my own
connection
was interwoven with
I'd
understood
and unable
to
all this,
my own I
would
imagine
how I could
my
paralysis as
possibly write about these things. Still
feeling totally paralyzed,
I
began
to analyze
252
Leila
a product probably of
my
Ahmed
having internalized the taboos against ques-
tioning Arabness that had been part, after this insight
—
if it
was an insight
all,
of
my
— did me no good.
I
adolescence. But
was
still
perfectly
capable of silencing myself without any external prohibitions.
Quite a number of remarkable Egyptians,
I
discovered along the
way, had been suspected or accused of being either too pro-Jewish, too conciliatory, and too
weak on Zionism
or deficient in their Arab-
Among
ness or their loyalty to Arabness.
words or positions one way or another
those whose actions or
them open
laid
such charges
to
were Saad Zaghloul, hero of Egyptian nationalism. And Taha Husain
and Tewfik al-Hakim and Naguib Mahfouz, three of Egypt's Major
writers.
figures in the country's
American terms would be ner, F. Scott Fitzgerald,
to find that
plied
And
in
been suspected
all
of course there was
in part for his retreat
— from Nasser's position
The equivalent
Harry Truman, William Faulk-
and Eugene O'Neill had
of un-American inclinations.
gunned down
history.
finest
— and
all
as to Egypt's
Anwar
Sadat,
that such a retreat im-
fundamental Arabness.
But knowing this made no difference either. Nothing unfroze me. Then one evening as was walking home, something began to shift. I am not sure quite why or how things began to change but I know that the shift was connected to, or, more exactly, was the direct I
outcome hours. that
I
I
of,
was
the preceding perfectly pleasant but uneventful few in
Cambridge
for the year
pursued and pieced together
on a fellowship
this history)
(it
was here
and had gone out
to
hear a talk by the Lebanese novelist Hanan al-Shaykh. She'd come down from London to speak at the Oriental Studies Faculty. Hanan was already there when I arrived and rose to greet me, which took me by surprise: we had met only once, briefly and in a crowd, and I hadn't expected her to recognize me.
It
had
felt
good,
I
realized, sitting
down and looking around me, to be recognized and to be greeted in the way that, in the world in which I had once lived, one automatically greeted people or at least other women. The room was more
—
crowded than
it
had been
for the previous lecturers. Aside
and Bassim, who were the professors
some
students, the audience did not
from Tareef
at the Oriental Faculty,
and
seem the usual academic crowd
A
253
Border Passage
had
that I'd seen at other lectures. Hanan's reputation
out from wherever they were in their separate spaces a of the town's Arab and,
I
clearly
guessed from their looks, specifically Leb-
many
of
Here now
to
anese community. There were several older people there,
them women, honor one of
and
to
living, for
own,
their
whatever reason, in
this exile.
words
to take pride in her, to listen to her
remember.
Hanan, a
slight, beautiful
room
voice and the
its
to read in a clear, soft
and pleasure and
Her paper, about how she beof evocations of the streets and cafes of Beirut,
on people's
a writer, was full
and of
woman, began
quiet, a look of intentness
fell
anticipation already
came
drawn
good number
dusty, cluttered,
faces.
narrow bookshops, and of her youthful
and of
discoveries of the classics of contemporary Arabic literature,
poetry read and heard and ideas exchanged under the apple trees.
began, almost at once, to work
It
enchantment. As the minutes
its
me grew perceptibly happier, mellower, more relaxed. Even Bassim and Tareef, sitting facing me on either side of her dear colleagues both but men who, as knew, were somewhat skeptical of the fame of Arab women writers were looking mellow
passed, the faces around
—
I
—
and happy and I
to
relaxed.
They had
been won this
be writing, something that would affirm
Something that would remind our countries, our ways thing, whatever
of
clearly
found myself thinking enviously that
them
that
all,
are.
members
its
How
would sustain them. Sustain
thinking, listening to her quote
what wouldn't
I
give
now
write about
— but
What
us.
how
wouldn't
Arab poets,
I
to
have
me
all
to
like
in exile.
lovely our lives,
What it is,
a fine
in spite
I
I
give,
I
sat there
have had that in
my
nurtured her as writer;
those poets and writers to re-
and remind people of ?
appreciated them,
the poetry of a foreign tongue that
not have for
of
lovely our literature.
past, all that wealth of Arabic literature that
was quoting
would
my community
people say of us, what a fine thing
it is
I
be Arab; what a wonderful heritage we have. Something
to
member and
over.
was what
I
loved the lines she
way I might only somewhat knew. They did I
realized, only the
the resonances of lines learned long ago. Nor, of
course, since they were in literary Arabic, did they have the charge
Leila
:?-,
Ahmed
and redolence and burdened evocativeness of a language spoken in childhood and youth and in love and anger and just in the ordinary
moments
of living. But on the other hand they didn't have that wealth
and redolence
erature and language and it
Even though she
for her, either.
was herself a
clearly loved the
lit-
fine Arabic writer, for her too
was a language she had not spoken in childhood and did not speak
now. Nobody speaks
literary .Arabic
—or
maybe
just
some pedant
somewhere.
We
went afterward
and
league),
I
—
— Hanan. Tareef. Bassim. Zeeba 'another
with us. our talk pleasant, relaxed,
me what
I
The mood of the lectur easy. At some point Hanan
was working on.
I
was vague,
"I'm looking at Egypt's history.
little.
then for the rest of the evening
among
col-
for drinks at King's.
these friends.
I
I
even
a-
lied a
And
twentieth century.
said,
there like a Judas
felt guilty, sitting
a betrayer.
felt like
I
I
evasive, guilt).
Was
it
even imaginable
among them
— two Leba-
nese, one Palestinian, one Iranian, three of the four of
them having
that
could have responded, sitting there
I
been made homeless one way or another by
some
spin-off of that conflict
"Well, actually
^ptian
You see
I
I
am
identity.
remember
— was
it
Israeli
aggression or by
conceivable that
I
could
looking into this whole question of the Arab I
am
...
It
trying to really look at
it,
deconstruct
it.
was completely unimaginable, impossible.
inconceivable. I felt
like a betrayer.
Coming out onto Kings
Parade, afterwards, the night suddenly
balmy, the street almost empty though voices carrying clear, loud, the
nights
—
it
wasn't that
late,
people
s
way they do sometimes on summer
but not usually now. in winter, winter on the point of turning
—
to spring
I
walked on homeward, down Senate Hou>c Passage and
along the narrow road onto the bridge. The
nt
moon
over the trees in a deep, deep sky. I
who
did feel Ion, of course, and
were, in
some
because of "Arabness'*r kin.
more
at
I
did feel that
quite real sense,
Was
I,
my
I
was among people
coinmunity. But was this
for instance, really likely to feel
more
home, with someone from Saudi Arabia than with some-
A one, say, from Istanbul?
doubted
I
it.
(Saudis speak Arabic, Turks
though, was not the issue now.
don't.) This,
255
Border Passage
I
my feelings
realized that
of being completely prohibited from writing about Arabness were not, or not only, a response to old prohibitions or a fear of breaking
my
mental taboo internalized in adolescence. No,
fear that
not abstract betrayal.
been so
I'd
set
on
notion of Arabness.
this taking apart of the
essential, so necessary to
would,
I
was about
in this act of unraveling, cross over the line into betrayal real,
some
this act of unraveling,
had seemed
It
understanding what
it
to
was that
me
so
I'd lived
through, and essential and necessary also to freeing myself from the
unbearable in
lies
that I'd forever felt trapped in. Essential
one sense, and yet
me
to
proceed would inevitably, as
And
over the line into betrayal.
kin with,
I
wondered what
it
I
and
liked
into impossible lives, that
something that to
I
did not feel
I
was.
I
take
now, from
it
felt in
felt,
some sense
when weighed from their homes or
could possibly matter,
against the reality of people's being driven
penned
now
thinking about
so,
the context of having been with people
and necessary
it
had
A
felt
myself coerced into being
small, trivial nothing of a detail
put up with as a way of conveying to them solidarity and support.
But
Had
I
I
am
said
not here to betray,
it
out loud?
I
said, waiting at the traffic lights.
looked around
I
— there
was nobody there
anyway. I
a
lie
am
not here to betray.
about
who
manipulations,
I
I
am.
I
I
do not want
just
don't
to live
want any longer
can't stand to be caught
up
any longer with
to live with lies
like this forever in
people's inventions, imputations, false constructions of
what
I
I
am
think, believe, feel, or ought to think or believe or feel.
But how myself from If
who
and
other
I
—
if I
don't directly address this
— how
will
I
ever free
lies?
didn't live
living in Egypt,
I
where
I
live,
I
thought to myself,
probably wouldn't feel that
essary to extricate myself from this
it
if
I
were
still
was so absolutely nec-
enmeshment
of
lies.
In Egypt the
sense of falseness and coercion would be there in a political sense,
but at least in ordinary daily in the
West
it's
life I'd
impossible for
me
be just another Egyptian, whereas ever to escape, forget this false
256
Ahmed
Leila
constructed Arabness. that
I
am
grossly
somehow there, the notion And sometimes it's quite depending on how bigoted or ignorant
almost always
It's
Arab, in any and even interaction.
and offensively present,
the person
But
I
am
confronting
problem.
this is a
I
is.
realized
now. arising out of
their notion
of Arab, the Western, not the Arab, notion of Arab. So there are two different notions of .Arab that ily
am
I
me
of the puzzle .Arab
and
feelings
some ways, but they
beliefs that aren
are not,
— the
fact
I
am
— that for the moment
I
am
both heav-
Both im-
mine. They overlap in
But
this
was a piece
were two different notions of
would have it is
to defer figuring out.
that
I
am
not here to betray.
taking apart the notion of Arabness and following out the history
when and how we became Arab
just to
know
— not with the object
or as code for, the betrayal of anybody. For Egyptians to debate
of.
or question their Arabness as
false,
silent freight. t
sure, identical.
that there
Anyway, the long and short of
of
— both
weighted and cargoed with another and
puting to
I
trapped in
realize
I
now.
the Palestinians. as a covert
And
for anything.
and exactly
it
is
as
I
my own
My
I
is
usually code,
our responsibility toward
accordingly read by Arabs and by Egyptians
way of advocating
the Palestinians. But
code
"search'" for their identity
I
for debating the extent of
exploration of the question here
sole object here
know how.
abandonment
either support for or
for
is
is
of
not
only to see things, as clearly
what they
are.
And
to free
myself of
lies.
.And so in any case one reason that Zionism was permitted to be overtly present in Egypt in the late 1920s
and
early
1930s and that
prominent members of the government and of the governing classes were s\~mpathetic
what
is
to
Zionism was that Egyptians seemed not
obvious to us in hindsight
— that
to
making Palestine
know
into a
homeland for the Jews would eventually entail the expulsion and dispossession of the Palestinians. There had as yet been no large-scale immigration of Europeans
to Palestine and, at the
end of the 1910s
and through most of the 1920s, when troubles broke out intermit-
A tently in Palestine the
257
Border Passage
government and media
in
Egypt typically
re-
acted by exhorting the Jews and Muslims and Christians of Palestine to
work together
to find a peaceful solution, offering themselves as
mediators, and worrying that this reprehensible interreligious, inter-
communal this last
to
by reiterating their own
news of outbreaks of violence
total
and the government
commitment
—
own
such measures as ban-
in fear that interreligious hostilities
in particular anti-Jewish violence, as yet
spread to their
unknown
nation.
And
in Egypt,
would
land.
For, as of 1918, the modernizing intellectuals
Wafd, had begun
in Palestine
to preserving religious plu-
in addition took
ning Palestinian "propaganda"
and
country. Because of
concern, newspapers (or at least some newspapers) and the
government responded
ralism,
own
violence would spread to their
to
become
and
their party, the
the uncontested political leaders of the
and platform
in the early twenties their political goals
democracy, a constitution guaranteeing, among other things, the rights of the individual, pluralism,
mitted to the equal rights of
won
all
and an
implicit secularism
com-
Egyptians, regardless of religion
the support of the nation in a landslide election that carried small
villages as well as
major
cities.
These
goals, conceived
and defined by
the country's political and intellectual leadership, received the en-
dorsement of the populace as a whole. Egypt's experiment in ficult
circumstances.
The
democracy would be conducted under British, refusing to grant
dif-
Egypt complete
independence, retained important powers and sometimes interfered outright in the democratic process, at one point later forcing Egypt's king, literally at gunpoint (surrounding his palace with their tanks), to appoint the
plotted to wrest
prime minister they wanted. The king, for
power back from the government
these difficulties the country did
make
his part,
to himself. Despite
political progress
and there
were even some exhilarating times and significant achievements,
among them
the promulgation of a constitution in 1923, article 3 of
which granted equal
rights to all Egyptians, "without distinction of
race, language, or religion."
The same
principles were reiterated in
— 258
Ahmed
Leila
which went
Egypt's Nationality Laws,
into effect in
1929 with the
formal dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the replacement of
Ottoman
citizenship with a
brand-new
nationality, the Egyptian na-
These principles and a commitment to Egypt as a community were furthermore made clear and visible
tionality.
multire-
ligious
to all in
the composition of the government. Egypt's
first
his cabinet
When,
in 1924, Zaghloul
became
elected prime minister, Jews as well as Copts served in
— and indeed both Jews and Copts would continue
to serve
Egyptian government in the following decades.
in the
As
shows, then, not only was the country's political lead-
all this
ership deeply committed to the goal of preserving Egypt as a pluralist society; in addition,
Egypt and of friends
political
and cultural leadership, and they were the
and colleagues and co-workers of Muslim and Coptic Egyp-
Then
tians.
its
Jews were integrally part of the community of
there were other factors, too, influencing
related to the issue of Palestine.
Most
estinians then (or very few) in Egypt torical
community of
community. In a
community
Pal-
and certainly there was no
his-
there was a
historical Jewish
about half the Jewish community of Egypt
of about 75,000
— were
Egyptian Jews. The rest were
recent immigrants from other territories of the
from Europe. (These
Egyptians
no
Palestinians as
this era
how
obviously, there were
latter often
looked
Ottoman Empire and
down on
community, particularly the Jewish working
classes,
the local Jewish
who were
indis-
tinguishable in culture and ways from working-class Muslims and
Copts. Middle- and upper-class Jews, like Copts and Muslims of their class,
were
fast
And then
becoming Europeanized.)
finally there
was the
fact that Egyptians at this point
did not (and at any class level) see themselves as Arab or as having
any special connection with the Arabs, nor did they think that they
had any particular
interest in or special responsibility for
what
tran-
spired in Palestine.
Egyptian attitudes began to shift toward a sympathy with the Palestinians in the thirties, as the situation in Palestine began to change
when, with the
rise of
Fascism
in
Europe, European Jewish immigra-
A
259
Border Passage
tion to Palestine increased enormously. Palestinian political activism also increased.
Through the
and rebellions
thirties Palestinian strikes
and their struggles with Zionists were constantly By the late thirties the Palestinians had won the sympathies of Egyptians. Fund-raisers and various other events in support against the British
in the news.
of Palestine and in aid of Palestinian relief were held at
including by
Huda
Shaarawi's Feminist Union,
class levels,
all
among
the
first as-
sociations to organize a regionwide conference in support of the Palestinians.
Most important, ians
in terms of publicizing the situation of Palestin-
and mobilizing popular support
for
them, the Muslim Brother-
hood, dedicated to instituting an Islamic government in Egypt and to freeing
all
Muslim lands from
Palestinian cause.
Day and
four
It
It
began
to
imperialists, vigorously took
to address the issue of Palestine in Friday sermons.
was these
sorts of activities that, as
government had been attempting to a pluralist
gious
strife.
to suppress
up the
hold protest demonstrations on Bal-
Egypt and
And
its
I
mentioned
to suppress, out of its
earlier, the
commitment
desire to prevent the spread of interreli-
the government continued through the thirties to try
inflammatory pro-Palestinian
activities
and
to
keep Egypt
out of direct involvement in the question of Palestine. This was the position
assumed not only by the Wafd when
was
it
in
power but by
the several governments formed by different parties in this era. This
view represented, in other words, the consensus position of the governing classes across party lines.
And
so a
rift
began
to
form
on the issue of Palestine, not on the matter of sympathy
what Egypt's
estinians but as to initially,
as
not so
much between
political
in
Egypt
for the Pal-
involvement should be: a
rift,
the governing classes and the "masses"
between the government and governing classes on the one hand
and the Brotherhood on the other.
Through the
thirties the
nized grew steadily that the
demonstrations the Brotherhood orga-
more massive, and they began
government had,
all
along, feared they
to take the direction
would
take. In 1936,
the Brotherhood called for a boycott of Jewish businesses. In the
same
260
Leila
Ahmed
year, the first anti-Jewish graffiti to be reported in Egypt
appeared in
Port Said. In 1938, police clashed with Brotherhood demonstrators
— some of whom were shouting "Down with the Jews" — and
tried to
prevent them from entering the Jewish quarter of Old Cairo.
was
It
in the thirties that a
to begin with, all of
whom
had
— two or three men with the Arabs — began express
few intellectuals
links
to
the idea that Egypt should align itself with the Arabs and regard itself as Arab.
now
But
it
was probably the emphasis the Muslim Brotherhood
placed on this idea that helped spread
it
most
effectively.
While
the government had emphasized Egypt's heritage as quintessentially
and indissolubly multicultural (Pharaonic, Mediterranean, and lamic, as they put
it
in those days) as a
mined emphasis on pluralism
as a
way of
legitimizing
fundamental goal
its
Is-
deter-
for this country,
the Brotherhood countered by asserting that Islam and only Islam
constituted Egypt's defining identity.
had saved Egypt from from history the at the
its
It
was Islam, they declared, that
pagan past (thereby conveniently erasing
fact that the majority of Egyptians
time of the Muslim invasion)
had been Christian
— an Islam brought
to the country,
they stressed, by the Arabs. All Egyptians, therefore, and
owed
liberate
Arab lands from
By the end of the
all
Muslims
and had an obligation
a particular debt to the Arabs
to help
infidel imperialists.
thirties the popularity of the Palestinian
cause
and the growing influence of the Brotherhood were forcing the gov-
ernment and dominant ently. In 1939, a
political parties to slant their
writing an article declaring "Egypt
Through World War tions
message
differ-
prominent member of the Wafd made headlines by
II
is
Arab!"
overt political activism
were banned under the Emergencies Act.
and demonstra-
When
they resumed
after the war, the pro-Palestinian demonstrations organized by the
Muslim Brotherhood took
the course of ever greater intercommunal
tensions and anti-Jewish violence that the government and the differ-
ent political parties had
on Balfour Day attacks on Jews
in
all
along feared.
1945 and again
in
Huge demonstrations
1947
held
spilled over into violent
and now on any other group deemed
"foreign." Jewish,
European, and Coptic shops were looted, and synagogues and Cath-
A
261
Border Passage
Greek Orthodox, and Coptic churches and schools vandalized.
olic,
One synagogue was The unraveling of the fabric of
set
came
They
society are just dimly part
its
memories.
at play in the
that al-Na'rashi, the
Na'rashil"
fire.
of that old world and
my own
remember being
I
on
garden one dusk
when
killed al-Na'rashi! "They,"
I
know now, were
lim Brothers. There was somberness then in our home. I
knew
believe,
something
the Na'rashis. But not only somberness
electric, still there
they uttered the words and ine
them saying
to
the news
prime minister, had been shot. "Atalu
even
how
now
parents,
— there was
my memory, about how of this death. Now I imag-
in
they spoke
one another, the adults,
and troubled times, what next
Mus-
the
My
living
for the country,
through these crises
what next?
And I remember the midnight-blue paper on the windows, plish when the daylight came through it, during the 1948 war Israel,
and being woken
entree, a
in the night
where everyone was gathered
door, to the
and taken downstairs
room with no windows and only
bombs
a heavy glass
pur-
with
to the
and ironwork
in the darkness, talking, listening
fall.
This was a few months before the assassination of Na'rashi
Nuqrashi)
And
al-
— as the history books, not my memory,
then, in retaliation for Na'rashi's murder,
tell
(al-
me.
Hasan al-Banna,
Muslim Brotherhood and its Supreme Guide, was gunned down. This I do not remember. The Muslim Brotherhood, by the founder of the
now an enormously powerful organization in the country with a vast membership and its own secret military units, was engaged through the forties in a terrorist and counterterrorist war with the political
establishment. Al-Banna died in the hospital to which he was brought
and where, by order of King Farouk, he was given no medical
treat-
ment. It
was by order of Farouk,
too, that
Egypt went to war with
Israel.
After the United Nations resolution to partition Palestine and Israel's declaration of statehood in 1948, the Egyptian political establish-
ment
— both government and opposition — had favored a cautious
re-
262
Leila
Ahmed
sponse, a verbal, not a military, response. But Farouk harbored
now
dreams,
Ottoman Empire was gone,
that the
He
declared caliph of Islam.
worried that,
if
of having himself
Egypt did not go to war
now, King Abdullah of Jordan, who had declared that Jordan would go to war, would reap glory on the battlefield and put an end to his
own dreams. And and
pre-empting the Egyptian government's decision
so,
in violation of the constitution,
into Palestine. After the fact, the
meeting
to
bestow a semblance of
he ordered military units to cross
government
convened a
hastily
on the
legality
king's orders.
The
opposition, however, and in particular the Liberal Constitutionalists
— who
(as the history
books put
it),
out of a "narrow Egyptian secular
nationalism" were "most impervious to Palestinian appeals" fiercely critical of this
But of course tinian appeals.
it
was not that Farouk had been pervious
Nor was
it
only Farouk for
up the Palestinian cause was
essentially
whom
tioning against a hasty military response,
to Pales-
from now on taking
an avenue to the fulfillment
of his political ambitions. While Na'rashi was
ing in
— were
government action.
making speeches cau-
Hasan al-Banna was
mosques the Muslim Brotherhood's readiness
declar-
for a jihad against
the Zionists. But he, too, was in reality furthering his
own
cause. In
the forties the Brotherhood, historians have speculated, had a trained secret
army of about 75,000 men. But they reportedly sent
Palestine campaign just 600. rians, to reserve
on the
By begun
most of
The movement was hoping,
secret units for
its
its
to the
say histo-
Egyptian war
—
its
war
cities of Egypt.
this point, that
to
is,
Palestine and the Palestinian cause had
be what they have been ever since in the politics of the Arab
world: an issue that the Middle East's villains and heroes would use to
manipulate people's sympathies and
ends and fantasies of power
to further their
— with what costs or benefits
estinian people only the Palestinians themselves can
Where
did
my
own
parents stand in
young and do not remember.
It
all this? I
political
to the Pal-
say.
don't know.
would be quite impossible
I
was too
for
me
to
A
263
Border Passage
have grasped what they said enough to be able to
say,
now, they said
this or believed that.
And
now
yet also
I
But the evidence clusive.
Some
things
I
think
I
have
is
Muslim
Brothers.
that a in
I
so vague, so insubstantial, so incon-
do know and do remember beyond a shadow
I
know that they definitely did not like the I don't remember any particular thing that they said remember this as a general feeling. And I remember
of a doubt. For instance,
about them, but
know.
man who was
some way, looking
I
a relative by marriage (a in
some way
and that he emerged from prison
at
younger
my father) was
to
some point
of King Farouk) and that he had tuberculosis
our house and that all
my
father,
making
clear to
(still,
remember
don't
I
any way that
in
my parents were
ing.
talk
And
father
and no doubt
now,
in the days
and that he came
to to
him
get treatment.
would now be able
to repro-
saving as they lived through these wrench-
ing times in the history of Egypt. But
them
I
man beholden
Muslim Brother
him (and evidently
of us) his total disapproval of his politics, helped
duce what
a
I
was
there, obviously,
and heard
some sense absorbed what they were
in
who
they were people
talked politics.
Over lunch when
early morning, sitting in
them
talk.
What
my
exactly
was the content of that
that
I
home and
remember when Na'rashi was
in the
we
half listened
grief
and somber-
mother's huge bed, where
ness that descended over our
to
my
came home from work and on weekends when we were home
from school and joined our parents. Over tea and the papers
to
say-
the feeling of charged tension
shot?
What
exactly did they say
each other? And what did they say when al-Banna was shot
— and
allowed to die, untreated, by order of the king? That's another thing
I
incontrovertibly
know and remember:
they
did not like King Farouk.
And what
did they say
when
there were riots in Egypt and attacks
on synagogues and churches? And what did they say as we
sat in the
dark in the entree, listening to the sound of distant bombs and antiaircraft fire
and then a nearer, louder, more frightening explosion?
What were
they saying about the war with Israel? Could they have
264
Ahmed
Lit la
been among those who condemned the king war? Could they have been
condemned
opposition,
among
those who. like the government
the government for "lending any semblance
Could they have been among those
of legitimacy" to the king's action?
who,
for getting us into this
Liberal Constitutionalists, out of a "narrow Egyptian
like the
secular nationalism" opposed the war? Could they have been
those
"impemous
should not go for
whom
to
grief
priority over
Though
to Palestinian appeals"
war with
Israel?
believed that Egypt
Could they have been among those
about what was happening
what was happening I
who
among
to
Egypt overrode and took
to the Palestinians?
do not remember their words,
would have picked up
I
the import of what they were saying, and their attitudes would certainly
have shaped
my
responses to whatever
I
encountered
at school.
Including, of course. Miss Nabih. I
did not know, until
have here
set
down,
I
read into this history and learned what
that there
had been Egyptians
— perfectly
I
ordi-
nary, decent, upright, principled citizens of Egypt, not disloyal, unpatriotic,
unfeeling people
other idea of Egypt and
its
— who
believed in something else,
society
and future, and who openly argued
some
against getting involved in supporting the Palestinians and going to
war with
My
Israel.
parents were the people that they were.
Of
the class that they
were, the milieu that they were, the era that they were.
And
they had
the feelings and beliefs about Egypt that they had. and the hopes for
Egypt that they had. Not indifference toward the Palestinians and their sufferings, nor
commitment
to
some "narrow Egyptian secular
nationalism." but quite simply loyalty to their the people nity
— Copts. Jews and
had been what
my
Muslims
own community and
to
— who made up that commu-
parents had steadfastly held on to and had
—
moved from. Loyalty to their actual community over and above some fictive. politically created community that the politicians ordered them to be loyal to. And. yes, their overall position reflected too their particular hopes for Egypt, and their commitment refused to be
to
what we today
a
modern version
call "pluralism."
of
But "pluralism"
what had been,
in
after all
is
merely
another world, another
era.
A and
their tradition ation, in Cairo
And
265
Border Passage
from generation
heritage,
to generation to gener-
and Alexandria and Spain and Morocco and Istanbul.
so this, then,
had been the source of those moments of
explicable exhilaration in the midst of turbulence
— my beginning
their notion of
always
what
and
still
They taught me it
was
to
over again
all
so well, instilled in
be Egyptian, that
still
I
me
so deeply
mourn and am
with an enormous sense of loss
filled
the thought of the destruction of the multireligious Egyptian
munity
that
I
knew. And
still
now news
to
my own
glimpse finally what had been the history and prehistory of conflicted feelings.
in-
at
com-
of intercommunal violence in
Egypt and of attacks on Copts (there are no Jews now) and of attacks
on Muslims
too, of course
guered community
—
is
— but
it
is
the Copts
almost the bleakest news
who are I know
the belea-
of
coming
out of there.
In 1941,
Anthony Eden, the
British foreign minister, proposed
the creation of an Arab League, to include Egypt. This British pro-
Was
posal precipitated an intense debate that polarized Egyptians.
Egypt Arab? Mediterranean? Pharaonic? Britain had put forward the idea as a counterproposal to an idea that Iraq had been advancing:
the creation of a federated Arab state, to consist of Iraq, Syria, Jordan,
and Palestine. Such a federation, should formidable
rise of a
new power
something Britain did not want. either.
As the region began
It
in the
it
occur, could lead to the
Middle East, and
this
was
was something Egypt did not want,
to adjust to the
disappearance of Turkey
as the center of
empire and the newly emergent countries began to
vie for regional
dominance, Egypt
—
at that point the richest,
developed and most populous nation in the region of ceding
power and influence
to Iraq or
most
— had no intention
Jordan or to any federation
of these. Thus, in 1943, the Egyptian government agreed to the British proposal
And
and the Arab League was formed
so here
we
strategy, officially
clusively Arab, as
are in 1945,
and Egypt,
in 1945.
for reasons of regional
becomes an Arab country, although not as yet exit would become under Nasser. And again, curi-
ously, Britain played the role of instigator,
and of midwife,
as
it
were,
— 266
Ahmed
Leila
to the birth of yet
another Arab nation. Once more, as with
its
lead-
ership of the Arab revolt, Britain's purpose in urging Egypt to define itself as
Arab was, of course, the furtherance of British
political in-
terests. It was as if we had become Arab, and all the region gradually had become Arab (when, once, only Arabia had been Arab), because the
Europeans saw us serve their
own
as Arabs
—
all
of us as just Arabs.
political interests
the dismantling of the
and
it
was
strategically
Ottoman Empire, the
and
because, to
own ends acquisition of new counder their mandate
lonial territories, retaining control of territories
—
And
in pursuit of their
politically useful to
them, in
this particular
era in history, to define us, and to have us define ourselves, as Arabs.
And
we had all complied, imagining our own interest, too.
gradually over this era
rectly or not, to be in
The Europeans were
defining us and we, falling in with their
ideas, agreed to define ourselves as
member
this, cor-
Arab
in the dictionary sense: "a
of the Semitic people of the Arabian peninsula; a
member
of an Arabic-speaking people." But the Europeans were also defining
us as Arab in quite another sense. Just as with the word "African" "a native or inhabitant of Africa; a person of immediate or remote
African ancestry; esp: Negro"
— there
is
no trace
inition of the word's pejorative connotations.
of what anyone or
who knows
means. This
who
has heard of O.
J.
in the dictionary def-
There
is
nothing here
Simpson or The
Bell
Curve
anything about American history knows that that word
is
the case also with the word "Arab," which similarly
comes, in European tongues, internally loaded
in the negative.
Such words carry within them entire landscapes, entire histories. The European powers defined us as "Arab" in this other sense by what they
did.
They defined us
when they who fought
as "Arab" in this sense
made an agreement with Sheikh Abdullah and those them independence and then broke
—
alongside Lawrence, promising the agreement.
They defined us
of Versailles and Sevres tories as
mere
when
spoils of the
as "Arab" at the
Peace conferences
they dealt with Middle Eastern
Ottoman Empire,
to
terri-
be divided between
France and Britain as booty, bargaining with one another for
this bit
A or that, drawing lines for the people
as "Arab"
when
maps with
their
little
concern
they designated an already inhabited land as a homeliving, then,
elsewhere.
They defined us
as "Arab"
they led Egyptians to believe that in return for neutrality during
the war they ise
and borders on
and lands they were carving up. And they defined us
land for people
when
267
Border Passage
and
— and
would get independence
exiled leaders
They defined us
and
when
as "Arab"
failed to
keep their prom-
on demonstrators who dared
fired
protest.
they set aside the results of elections
and forced the appointment of their chosen prime minister. "Arabs" meant people with
whom
you made
treaties that
you did
not have to honor, arabs being by definition people of a lesser hu-
manity and there being no need humanity.
It
to
honor
treaties
with people of lesser
meant people whose lands you could carve up and ap-
portion as you wished, because they were of a lesser humanity.
meant people whose democracies you could obstruct you did not have
at will,
It
because
behave justly toward people of a lesser humanity.
to
And what could mere
arabs, anyway,
know
of democracy and
demo-
cratic process?
Until now,
—
who had come to this land of Egypt Greeks, Rohad known that they were coming to a place of until now, had come knowing that they had as much to teach, as much to take, in terms of knowledge and
all
mans, Arabs, Turks civilization. All,
to learn here as
—
ways of understanding and of
how
on,
That, until now, was
had been.
it
The Europeans began freely
living, as to give.
writing their
and indiscriminately
when
all
meaning of the word "arab"
over the Middle East from about 1918
the region as a whole
fell
into their hands. Prior to this,
during their rule in Egypt, that meaning of the word had occasionally surfaced
—
at
Dinshwai, for instance
— but
it
had not been the domi-
nant, consistent hallmark of their conduct.
And
so in those years they scribbled their
meaning of "arab"
all
over the landscape, in their acts and in the lines they drew on maps, tracing out their cryptic
meaning
in a script at
and universal as the mark of
blank page of snow.
once cryptic and universal: as
a snake or the trail of deer
on a
268
And
tionaries trace
word. No.
Not etymologically,
too.
it,
It
entered
corrosively,
it
European meaning were
the
word "Arab," replacing Think of what
it
it
of the is
that dic-
with
itself
— leaving
it
word
from within,
up the
as
if
inside of
unchanged on the
in the negative.
"arab," then, hollowed out our word,
now
entirely with itself. Except that
word "arab"
it
to
did to the words ".African," "Africa": some-
The European meaning of it
changing
a kind of virus eating
how, somehow, loading those words
replacing
way
in the
meanings through transformations from word
the
outside.
meaning of the word "arab" would
in time, quite soon, their
enter our meaning of
to
Ahmed
Leila
in reverse. Like "black"
ours
is
their
and "Black,"
meaning
as in "Black
beautiful." It
sense of "arab," the European sense, with
this
is
negativities, that
myself trapped still
very
hide
my
in.
much
living in the
I,
This
is
the
cargo of
its
West, so often encounter and
meaning of
"arab,"
still
very
much
feel
alive,
around, that prompted me, for instance, to quickly
Arabic newspaper in
my
shopping bag so that people would
— and so react
to me, possibly, in some bigoted commonly do when they discover am Arab. more extreme than usual who spat at me on the bus Like the man in Cambridge when I was a student: smiling at first, asking me if I
not know
I
was Arab
fashion, as people
all
too
I
—
—
was
Israeli,
wore was
and then, leaning toward me, seeing that the medallion
after all .Arabic, spitting right at
of "arab" that
grow more
is
there in
my
me. And
it is
students' understanding
the
when,
one, because, until
me
an Arab until
I
had called myself
then, they had thought the word was an
And
it is
and
legal scholar Patricia
insult.
there in the countless microaggressions (as the noted author
Williams
calls
them) that ordinarily and
daily are part of the fabric of living for those of us in the
belong to a "race" charged, in it is
West who
this culture, in the negative.
there in the meanings threading Western books and films
and newspapers and so on. go to a film in which ally
as they
with me, they disarming!) reveal that they would
at ease
never have thought of calling
And
I
meaning
— why would
I
I
want
I,
know
like
many
I
know who
that .Arabs or
to subject
are .Arab, never
Muslims
myself to the
lies
figure.
Natur-
and racism that
A all
269
Border Passage
too often are part of such things? This goes, too, for popular books
on Arabs
—
they are
filled
their very popularity
usually an index of the fact that
is
with bigotries and dehumanizations masquerading as
truth.
But
it
would be another generation, not
not the generation
who would come it
my
parents' generation,
who had grown up admiring European
to see clearly
and
civilization,
what
to decipher for themselves
was that the Europeans had scrawled across the landscape. Nasser, born in 1917 and coming to consciousness, then, entirely
watershed year of 1918, was perhaps among the
after the
figure out (for
of what they had traced there
the identity "arab" into
its
— and
my
years before
got slapped for not
to
I
to
respond
surprise, fully grasped that
to
by
it
I
knowing that
I
was Arab. For Nasser
have understood that he was Arab precisely by intently study-
scape. Reflecting himself that he
was Arab, he
region,
and above
on when
it
made upon
was exactly that he understood
(he repeatedly returns to this) the history of
all
Palestine, as critical to his understanding of himself as
remember the my mind as
into
first
I
.
.
.
when
I
owners.
legal
Nasser goes on, "why
was angry
concerned
I
for this land
filter
went out with
every year as a protest against the Balfour
Declaration whereby England gave the Jews a national its
an Arab. He
am
elements of Arab consciousness began to
a student in secondary school,
fellow schoolboys
unjustly from
the land-
singles out the study of the recent history of the
wrote in his Philosophy of the Revolution: "As far as
my
crystallizing
he was Arab only a few
ing the marks and runes the imperialists had
I
to
obverse, "Arab," although even he, as
discovered to
seems
first
he was, whatever his flaws, an astute man) the meaning
left
my
which
I
When
I
home usurped
asked myself at the time,"
school so enthusiastically and
never saw
I
why
I
could not find an answer
except the echoes of sentiment." Gradually "a form of comprehension" began
when he
studied "the Palestine campaigns and the history
of the region in general" in military college, and finally that compre-
hension
crystallized
"when the Palestine
crisis
loomed on the
270
Leila
"When own choice
asked myself
I
of words
.
.
makes
.
Ahmed
why I was
clear,
so angry." Anger, as Nasser's
was the key emotion
in the early
formation of his nascent identity as an Arab.
Spring
is
here.
The crocuses
are out
on the Backs. Rivulets of blue,
all
along the
pathways, vividest, vividest blue, and gashes and splashes of
it
on the
verges and under the trees.
Why loss
then, walking through this, did
— measureless, measureless And
years,
is
so that,
O my
what happened
loss
daughter, to us.
I
suddenly
feel this
sense of
— sweep through me?
is
what happened. That,
in those
12
TO J^MERICA Recently I
and
the
was
man
"What
asked,
said,
"Do you
country are you
found Egypt being uprooted from Africa part of the Arab world.
Now I
Egypt can be found, nor do
from?"
consider Egypt to be in
no longer
know
I
if I
after it
too,
know
am
I
said Egypt,
Africa?" So
had ceased
United Arab Emirates,
deserts, mountains,
Arab, or African
transformation of
Abu Dhabi, had
its
I
arrived,
history.
A
offered to use his
And
.
feminist
vivid blue Persian
earlier Zayed, the sheikh of
oil
wealth to finance education,
all
the people of the region, in-
cluding in neighboring emirates, which leadership.
.
undergoing the most momentous
few years
housing, and medical treatment for
.
a small country of spectacular
and oases on the shallow,
Gulf, was, at the time that
to be
the continent in which
Nawal El Saadawi, Egyptian
The
I
now
united under his titular
thus the people of the region,
who were
principally a
Bedu, nomadic people, were in the process of being settled and the country as a whole was being catapulted almost instantaneously into modernity.
To had
provide
its
people with these
new
amenities, the country had
to look to other countries for skilled personnel,
above
all
to other
Arab countries.
When
I
and they looked
got there the foreign pop-
ulation of non-local Arabs, consisting of Egyptians and Palestinians
but also of Syrians, Jordanians, and others, outnumbered the local
Bedu population by
six to
one. These other Arabs were the doctors
and nurses, the architects and teachers and headmasters and headmistresses.
The need
to
house
this vast and, as
it
were, invading pop-
ulation of foreign Arabs, as well as to house the local people, cities,
272
Leila
and
in particular
Abu Dhabi, had
Ahmed arisen almost overnight out of the
sands. Ten years earlier there had been no constructed building in Abu Dhabi, which was now the capital, only tents and reed huts; no building other than the whitewashed fortress that stood now in the
middle of a .And
7
city
of towering high-rises.
Abu Dhabi
did
somehow have
the air of a place conjured up
overnight out of the sands. Silhouettes of cranes stood against the
horizon whichever direction one looked, two or three buildings going
up
at
once alongside each other. Nearby would be other new-looking
buildings and ones alongside
them
moment, both new-looking and
derelict eyesores. Blocks
Many
too fast and were poorly built.
two or three years and then had such apartment block that
I
one and the same
that were, at
had gone up
buildings were habitable for just
be abandoned. There was one
to
my
passed in
afternoon walks along the
corniche: a grand blue-and-white tower block standing like a ship with a
commanding view
of the sea, gleamingly
new
— and
derelict.
I
would
hear the sea wind that always blew here, whistling and moaning
through tling
gaping, darkening
was often conscious
— modern
new and
all
it,
as
if
to pick
Abu Dhabi
it
apart.
of the foreignness of
all
and
also the invasion of other Arabs
and
smothering and overwhelming the local Bedu culture
name
in the
something
in
at
buildings, higgledy-piggledy city, construction cranes,
derelict buildings,
their cultures
—
windows and doors, whining and whis-
and tugging and fidgeting
I
this
its
of modernity and education.
It
often
seemed
like
— dream, nightmare — conjured up just yesterday out of the
sands and that surely
like a
dream would any moment pass away.
Left
to the workings of nature, to the deft, steady pickings and fidgetings
of desert, sea, wind,
all
of this surely,
I'd find
myself thinking, would
quickly disappear and the old desert simplicity once It
more be
restored.
was not an unpleasing thought. In
all
of
Abu Dhabi
there was only one place that had
intrinsic loveliness: the old cient,
whitewashed
studded wood door, in the local
sheltering palms
And
so
I
and a small thicket of
sensed even then that
I
fortress built, with
style,
beside
it
its its
own an-
a cluster of
vivid, yellow -flowering shrubs.
was witnessing
loss:
the vanish-
A ing of
Bedu
culture,
its
273
Border Passage
banishment
edges of
to the
life, its
smothering
by a supposedly superior culture bringing, supposedly, "education." sensed this but After
all,
wasn't
all this
do believe that
I
I
was
I
right in
know
don't
coming
to this
my
feeling that
life
understanding
one more piece
also understanding
would
I
of Arabness, identity, language, culture.
reflected
I
it
was witnessing inferior
find myself suddenly
enigma
in
my own
My understanding of the in
my own
life
would,
on Abu Dhabi, be forever changed.
was placed,
I
whose task
I
many ways
in that central
meaning of mother tongue and mother culture as
was sensing.
the answer even now.
the imposition of a profoundly different and in culture. In
I
— education, modernity, improvement — a nec-
essary and incontrovertible good?
But
what
didn't quite understand or trust
I
I
was
as
soon as
I
arrived in the country,
to oversee the
on a committee
development and reform of education
throughout the Emirates. In the preceding few years schools had
opened
fast
to revise
and without much planning, and we were required now
and
rationalize the curricula
tion.
My
ians.
There were no
as a
committee
fellow committee locals
and plan the future of educa-
members were
Egyptians and Palestin-
all
on the committee, although we reported
to the minister of education,
arrangement was
who was
a local. This
Advisers and advisory committees were
typical.
made up of foreign Arabs, and the people to whom they reported and who held the highest posts were locals. The latter were drawn from among those few who had had a formal education and there was only a small handful in the country and from among the sons of
—
—
important families.
members of the committee were men. In those days were no more than three or four people in the entire country
All the other
there
with Ph.D.'s, and
I
was one of them.
possible to appoint me, a
We to see
woman,
It
was
this that
to this high-level
began our work by polling the
locals
education developed. Meanwhile
we
about all
had made
how
they wanted
also visited schools,
observed classes, and interviewed teachers and students. In I
also
began
to
meet with
local
women
it
committee.
to hear directly
my
case
from them
274
Ahmed
Leila
how they felt about women's member of the committee who was
strictly
were not
One
education.
could do
room
Egyptian
I
since local
did not
first
at the
women
I
I
her in the recep-
sat waiting for
my
Gulf for several years and had been
in the
Gulf Arabic was
interpreter, for to begin with,
hidden in a black abaya, (the Gulf word for milayya). that this
was some simple woman waiting,
the questionnaire, asking her about
probably in her
fifties
and was
I
meet
went through
education. She was
nonliterate.
women
course, she said,
to the highest levels
women and
We both
like us, to
with Mariam, but she turned out to be Mariam herself.
Of
woman com-
c
assumed
society
interviewed was Mariam, from one of
scarcely intelligible to me. In the corner sat a heavy
up
Bedu
meet with men who
Women's Center with my companion, Gameela, an
who had been
assigned to be
pletely
was the only
relatives.
of the
the ruling families of the Emirates. tion
this,
women
segregated and local
Of course
should have the right to education
and of course they should be able
to
pursue
whatever profession they wished.
What about tionnaire
Who
—
I
— women's
asked, going on to the next item on the quesrole in Islam
and the requirements of Islam?
had founded Islam, Mariam instantly
retorted,
was
it
a
man
woman?
or a
Startled,
my companion, who was
robes and head veil of
strict piety,
dressed in the Egyptian-style
murmured, 'The Prophet Muham-
mad, peace and mercy be upon him!" "Exactly!" said
Mariam. "And whose
Mariam was engaged
side d'you think he
right then, she told us, in
was on?"
an argument with
Fatima, the principal wife of Zayed, the ruler, and with other as to
A
what should be the emblem of women's centers
gazelle
had been proposed,
Abu Dhabi, meant it
to
she was a doctor or engineer. in effect, she said,
what
it
was
woman
A
Mariam wanted
with some sign indicating that
gazelle
really
in the Emirates.
honor Zayed, whose emirate,
partly to
"father of [place of] the gazelle."
be the face of an unveiled
women,
sounded
doing was
like a nice idea
but
insidiously associating
A women
Border Passage
nonhuman
with animals and
275
and that was a dan-
creatures,
gerous thing to do.
Mariam was among
women I would meet
the most remarkable and forthright of the
but
like her,
all,
women, and many
the importance of education for
same
different ways, those
and a secure confidence
were firm and passionate about had, though in
qualities of strength, directness, clarity,
in their
own
Moza,
vision.
for example, a
cousin of the ruler: in her late twenties and too old to have benefited
from the country's educational revolution, she attended classes
and would continue
literacy
to attend to within days of giving birth.
She had herself founded and endowed the Women's Adult Education Center where she took the her
own
she wanted other
right,
able to pursue
care for the ates,
many
Those
it.
Women's
women
of
classes.
A woman
women who
in
craved education to be
taking the classes) existed throughout the Emir-
them funded by
local notable
women. and passion were there
too in the
generation. Hissa, for example,
of fifteen
I
met
off against her will
enormous wealth
centers offering literacy classes (and child
qualities of resolve, spiritedness,
new when
of
her,
who was
a youngster
had been removed from school and married
when she was
twelve
— and had then appealed her
case to the president, through his wife Sheikha Fatima. Islam gave
her the right, she'd insisted, not to be married without her consent
and the
and she demanded both. She won. She
right to education,
intended, she told
me
as
we
strolled in the school yard, with its white
colonnades and splashes of bougainvillea, to become a petroleum engineer. Hissa's story
was unusual, but the schools were
women
as spirited as she
become
engineers, architects, scientists.
who had
full
of young
every intention of going on to
Few wanted
to
major
in
lit-
erature and the humanities, the subjects that in other countries girls are culturally steered toward.
Here
it
seems they were steered by
their
culture in quite another direction.
became ordinary for me extraordinary women, to observe the Soon
it
which they expressed
their opinions
to
be in the company of these
clarity
and forthrightness with
and went about
their lives,
and
276
Leila
also the sense of
humor and
their gatherings
and
handful of local
Ahmed
laughter that they frequently brought to
to their perceptions of their situation.
women had had formal
Only a
education. Like the local men,
they held responsible positions, though less public and powerful ones, It became room and observe
as headmistresses, say, or regional educational directors.
ordinary too, then, to wait in an office or reception
one of these younger formally educated
Once
black c abaya. let it
drop or cast
Naturally
it
in the privacy of
it
women
off altogether to reveal
was soon quite obvious
son, the local culture bred people
arrive,
wrapped
to
an elegant pantsuit.
me
who were
that, for
whatever rea-
intellectually strong
unafraid, including confident, clear-minded, utterly tenacious
who needed no clarity, vision,
in the
an all-women's space, she would
and
women
instruction from anyone in the qualities of strength,
understanding, imagination.
As the responses
became evident
that
to it
our questionnaire began to come
was not only the
women
in,
who
here
it
quickly
staunchly
supported women's education. Overwhelmingly the local men, too,
were
in
women
favor of equal education for
sex felt about segregation and about lives
women. They
believed that
should be able to qualify for any profession. Whatever either
women's pursuing professional
within a segregated context, they clearly did not want to see
women
held back intellectually or prevented from pursuing the pro-
fessions they wished.
These views, though,
I
soon discovered, were not echoed on the
committee. Dr. Haydar, the chair of the committee, instructed us, as
we reviewed
the responses and prepared to reformulate the country's
educational goals, to set aside the local people's views regarding equal
education for women. The majority of our respondents were uneducated people, he pointed out, and most in fact were
illiterate.
had these nice hopes and wishes about equal education
for
They
women
but their lack of education meant they didn't have the knowledge or capacity to foresee the consequences of policies in the
educated people could. That was
why
way
they had us here, to
we them
that
tell
A
277
Border Passage
of those consequences and to
them how,
tell
rationally, to develop
their society.
Haydar, a Lebanese a complicated person.
some way deeply
who had
studied in Egypt and America, was
The notion of women's
how
things spun out of control
societies treated
was
clearly in
antithetical to him; a tone of sneering bitterness
crept into his words whenever he spoke of of
equality
women
as
and
Invariably his example
it.
into destructive chaos
equal was America, where perhaps,
mised, he had suffered some awful rejection
when I
sur-
— but who knows, per-
haps not. In America, he said on one occasion, they had either given or were about to give in positions in
women
the right to serve in the army, including
which they would have men serving under them.
"Can you imagine
a pregnant
woman," he
said,
making the
ges-
ture of a swollen belly before him, "giving orders to her soldiers!"
He
looked round at us, laughing a humorless, scandalized laugh. Laughter
ensued from
all
around me. For some reason that moment has
stuck with me. If
women had
degrees in engineering or some such subject, he
asked, would they be willing to be the servants of society? If we, the
committee, did what the locals said they wanted, the entire basis of society,
which rested on women's
role in the family and, frankly,
their being willing to be the servants to
Of course
these people thought of such things?
Our
not!
job was exactly to think of these things and to plan an edu-
cational future for the country that principles
on which,
was consonant with the Islamic
as the national constitution declared, this society
was based. He was himself, Haydar one
else in the Emirates
told us,
who openly
an
atheist.
(I
knew no
declared his atheism and this
was, here, a courageous act.) His personal beliefs, however, were relevant,
he
said,
it
we came up with an ciples to
on
men, would be destroyed. Had
was simply
his professional duty to see to
ir-
that
educational program that conformed to the prin-
which the country declared
itself
committed, and Islamic
principles were completely clear as to the role of
Haydar's
it
women.
comments met with nods and general approval from
all
— 278
Leila
We
around me.
should begin, Haydar then proposed, by cutting down
on the math and science
hopeless
—
all this
was
I
classes being offered in
girls'
schools and
home economics.
substituting, say,
Of course
Ahmed
was appalling
totally
to
me and
the situation seemed
outnumbered. But there would be a
satisfying
resolution.
Brooding on
who were
all this
and on the gray-faced men on the committee,
so casually preparing to blight the hopes of the local
women, and on
the fact that these
men were
nonlocals from other
Arab cultures who were now imposing the narrow, bigoted ideas of their
own backgrounds on the locals, I decided to talk to Ibrahim, the He was a local and my immediate boss. He had
director of education.
been the person responsible Ibrahim,
women. As
I
for
my being appointed
knew, was strongly
committee.
to the
in favor of equal education for
a boy he had attended the only school available in the
region before
oil
wealth, an English school funded by the British gov-
ernment. Then he had
won
a scholarship to England,
where he earned
aBA He
listened to
Moza and (It
to
what
I
the other local
had
to say
women what
had been he who had suggested
know
the local
en's Center,
women.) So
and over a
directive
I
week
I
to
in that
evening
I
should get
at the
Wom-
Moza about the math and we on the committee got a
drop
this
scheme. Thereafter
didn't
much worry when Haydar came up
with some similar idea.
listen
and mildly demur or even
appear to agree
just let did,
one of the
that he
—
had got a
am
hoped
sure
that
I
afoot.
It
bemused look on Haydar's
— and then
always worked. face
I
I'd
I
whenever he
as if despairing of these foolish, unpredictable locals call or a
committee was not I
at times
women know what was
confess, enjoy the
I
announced
tell
told
or two,
from above instructing us
I
the committee was planning.
in the first place that
dropped
glass of tea
science classes. Within a
and then suggested that
now
to
do
note from the minister telling him that the this or that.
that in appointing
would come
me
to that
committee Ibrahim
to serve precisely the role that
I
did.
I
believe
A that
I
was
279
Border Passage
in fact recruited to
be an
Ibrahim's against the
ally of
attitudes that had inundated the Emirates from other Arab
stifling
countries.
It
had been Ibrahim's mentor, Mr. Taylor, who had been
responsible for hiring me.
One
cold day in England, settling
down
the end of a long day's teaching to prepare the next day's classes,
about
fallen to worrying
my time,
took up
all
up that
day's Times,
and
at I'd
my finances. My part-time job, which actually
paid very meagerly.
where
I'd
And
so
on an impulse
I
picked
noticed an ad for a job in the Emirates,
applied.
Mr. Taylor, the Emirates' educational representative in England,
had responded to
my
have
tem was
at once, inviting
me down
to
London. He was
application, he said quite openly. Their
suffocating, he told
thrilled
whole school
sys-
me, under the by-rote Arabic educational
system that they had imported wholesale (along with teachers, teaching methods, syllabi) from other Arab countries, particularly Egypt.
Now
Ibrahim, a brilliant young
man whom he had known
had been appointed director of education and meant this
to
all
his
life,
change
— and someone of my background could be of enormous help
him
in this task.
all
to
Mr. Taylor had been headmaster of the school that
Ibrahim attended and had been in the Emirates several years before oil
was discovered. As director of education, Ibrahim had considerable power, but he
was not a member of an important family and,
as these things
still
counted, he had to use his wits to bring about the outcomes he
wanted. His superior, the minister of education,
who was from
prominent family and had a B.A. from Cairo, had the power ride his decisions
mittee.
and
to accept the
He was much more
of equal education for
The was not
divide
on
a
to over-
recommendations of our com-
ambivalent than Ibrahim on the question
women.
this question, as
I
gradually
at all a straightforward divide
came
between
to understand,
women and men.
While the nonlocal Arab men on the committee were opposed equal education, the local
men
as a
cated in England, was in favor of
it
to
group were not. Ibrahim, edu-
— but so also were others, among
280
Leila
them the
Ahmed
and the barely
nonliterate
literate,
ident of the country and a nonliterate man,
ing in equal measure to men's and
Among
men
local
including Zayed, the pres-
who had committed
the divide was between
men who were women
ambiv-
— mostly
alent about or even opposed to equal education for
men
fund-
women's education.
educated in the Arabic and primarily in the Egyptian educational
system
— and men who supported equal education. A small minority
of the latter group had been educated in the English system; the rest
were nonliterate or barely
who belonged
At the time
something
cational system
through
it
—
in other words, they
was clear
me was
to
that there
more oppressive toward women
men and
seemed
seemed
It
that
all
distinctly
of non-local Arab
tually.
literate
men
were
fully to the oral, living culture of the region.
to
to close
seemed
to
be
in the attitudes
that the Arabic, Egyptian-inspired edu-
have a perceptibly negative effect intellec-
down
instead of opening
the minds of people who'd been
—
them up closing them down women.
in all sorts
of ways but particularly in regard to
What tween the
realize
now, was the profound gulf be-
oral culture of the region
on the one hand and the Arabic
I
was observing,
I
culture of literacy on the other. Oral cultures here in the Gulf, as
indeed everywhere
else, are the creations of living
men and women and
communities of
represent the ongoing interactions of these com-
munities with their heritage of beliefs, outlook, circumstances and so on. But the Arabic culture of literacy, a culture
whose language no-
body, no living community, ordinarily speaks, clearly was not the product, as oral cultures are, of people living their lives
and
creatively
and
continuously interacting with their environment and heritage. Ngugl
wa
Thiong'o, the Kenyan writer
and imagination
this
who
has pondered with great depth
question of the relation between mother tongue
and culture and the written language, describes his mother tongue as the language that people used as they worked in the
guage that they used It
was a language
to tell stories in
alive therefore
and
a language
the lanfireside.
with "the words and images and with
the inflection of the voices" of the people nity,
fields,
the evenings around the
whose words had
who made up
"a suggestive
his
commu-
power well beyond
A
the immediate and lexical meanings. tive
281
Border Passage
Our
appreciation of the sugges-
magical power of language was reinforced by the games
we played
with words through riddles, proverbs, transpositions of syllables, or
through nonsensical but musically arranged words. So we learned the
music of our language on top of the content. The language, through images and symbols, gave us a view of the world." All of Ngugi's
and
words apply
Gulf Arabic and Egyptian Arabic
to
to all the varieties of vernacular Arabic,
moment
none of which
dard Arabic, the only written form of Arabic that there in the
at the
has a written form. But Ngugi's words do not apply to stan-
world
around the in a field
—
is.
Nobody
except maybe academics and textbook writers
fireside telling stories in
anywhere
in the
—
sits
standard Arabic, no one working
Arab world speaks that language, and no
children anywhere play word games and
tell
riddles
and proverbs
in
standard Arabic.
But
if
this
language and
its
culture are not the language and
whose culture
culture of a living community,
that
is it
being
is
dis-
seminated through the culture of literacy that Arab governments are zealously imposing on their populations through schools and universities
in
no
throughout the Arab world? Rooted in no particular place and living culture,
values do
its
texts
from
whom
does this culture emanate and whose
embody? Presumably they
are the values
and world-
views of government bureaucrats and textbook writers and of the
lit-
erate elites of today, along with those of the Arabic textual heritage
through the ages on which textbooks and the contemporary culture of literacy continue to draw.
The Arabic
medieval Islamic heritage that
I
over the centuries primarily by
men
men who
literary heritage, like the
discussed in chapter
5,
was produced
and, by and large, by middle-class
lived in deeply misogynist societies.
perspective, recycled today in textbooks
Presumably
and continuing
the Arabic culture of literacy, that imparts to that culture negative flavor in relation to I
women. But here
I
am
it is
their
to feed into its
distinctly
only speculating.
have not researched the sources, origins, and creators of this Arabic
culture of literacy.
Whatever
its
sources and whoever
its
creators,
it is,
as
I
observed
282 it,
Ahmed
Leila
and oppressive culture.
a sterile
Abu Dhabi,
as
I
remember my uneasy
I
prevailing culture of literacy inculcate I
was witnessing the
cratic culture
in their
it
ture.
And
this
Ironically
on young minds and the gradual erasure of was being done
in the
name
in this
young charges, that
tragic imposition of a sterile, inferior
and vibrant and much richer and more humane
vital
feeling in
watched Egyptians and Palestinians trained
local
bureau-
their
own
Bedu
cul-
of education.
enough, the steady spread and imposition of
this cul-
ture of literacy throughout the Arab world seems to represent a kind
of linguistic and cultural imperialism a class imperialism that
is
—a
linguistic, cultural,
being conducted in the
name
and
also
of education
and of Arab unity and of the oneness of the Arab nation. Steadily throughout the Arab world, as
this
Arab culture of
literacy
marches
inexorably onward, local cultures continue to be erased and their
and cultural
guistic
And we
silence.
would
if it
creativity
condemned
are supposed to applaud this, not protest
are supposed to support
came
I
to
making up my own
name
lin-
permanent, unwritten
were any other form of imperialism or
This variety of domination goes by the
As
to
political
it
as
we
domination.
of "nationalism," and
we
it.
understand
all
this,
history suddenly
fell
another piece of the puzzle into place. For
I
realized that,
Gulf Arabic and Gulf culture were different from standard
just as
Arabic and the Arab culture of literacy, so also were the language and culture in which
For
me
I
grew up, Cairene Egyptian culture and language.
too, then, this
language of standard Arabic was not
tongue and the values purveyed by the Arabic
texts that
my mother
we
read were
my mother culture. The characteristic, defining flavor of culture, my native Cairene culture, was perhaps above all that it
not those of that
so richly and easily blended into
its
own unique
Cairo brew a wealth
of traditions and provenances and ways and histories and memories: Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Morocco, Istanbul, Alexandria, a village in Croatia.
In
where
all I
of Egypt there was no school that
I
could have attended
could have read books and learned to write in
my mother
A tongue, the language that spoke, and that
I
was
283
Border Passage
we spoke
at
home, that everybody
completely fluent in,
words rich
its
the inflections and music of the voices that
why Egyptian
political reasons.
The
in Cairo
me
with
loved and with the im-
I
ages and riddles and syllables of our games. There
reason
for
no
is
linguistic
Arabic could not be a written language, only situation
would be
parallel to Italians or
French
people, say, finding themselves unable to write in Italian or French
and being compelled instead
my
Whatever school
to write only in Latin.
parents sent
me
Arabic or English,
to,
I
would have found myself imbibing a culture and studying a language and learning attitudes that were
which
I
home
lived at
in Cairo
entailed alienation from
from the language and
different
from those of the world
in
and Alexandria. The choice either way
my home
home language and
culture and
oral culture of other Cairenes. In short, the
choice was always only a choice between colonialism and colonialism,
and domination.
or at any rate between domination
This was, for me, a liberatory understanding. Surely
be able to cast off completely the
Nabih combination also enabled
completely
me
I
had always
to
me
to
It
was somehow closer
now
be a nonsensical, unreasonable feeling.
Now
realized that in fact English felt
it
was more
it:
that English
felt
I
like
fluent in standard Arabic.
than was standard Arabic. Until
to Egyptian Arabic
had seemed
more
understand something that had previously seemed
illogical.
and more kin this
to
for not being
now I would
on me by the Nasser-
guilt laid
more
like
Egyptian Arabic because
both are living languages and both have that quick-
ness and pliancy and vitality that living spoken languages have and that the written Arabic of our day does not.
I
have yet to hear or read
any piece of Arabic poetry or prose by a modern writer gorgeous and delicate and poetic and moving, artificial.
There
guage that
is
is
is
that,
however
not also stilted and
a very high price to pay for having a written lan-
only a language of literature and that has only a distant,
attenuated connection to the living language. I
am
not,
I
should say, implicitly arguing that
we should do away
with or stop teaching standard Arabic, for of course usefulness as a lingua franca.
And
I
know
too
I
recognize
how complicated
its
the
284
Ahmed
Leila
issue
is,
among
other reasons because Classical Arabic (albeit
ferent again from Standard Arabic)
and
know
I
many major
that
— consider
Naguib Mahfouz
the language of the Quran,
is
writers of literary Arabic
literary Arabic, the
— including
Arabic of the edu-
cated classes, to be the only acceptable vehicle for literature. So certainly not arguing against our continuing to teach, study literary Arabic.
enormous
linguistic
And
world.
am, however, making a plea
I
am
I
and cultural
dif-
I
am
and learn
for a recognition of the
diversity that
makes up the Arab
arguing for our developing a creative approach that,
instead of silencing and erasing the tremendous wealth that this di-
would
versity represents,
foster
it
and
foster the development,
on
at
an equal footing with standard Arabic, of written forms of Mo-
least
roccan, Gulf, Egyptian, Iraqi, Palestinian, and other Arabics, and also of the non-Arabic living languages of the region, such as
own
Berber. European nationalisms have devastated their
guages
—Welsh, Scots, Breton — languages now struggling
comeback. Let us avoid that
and
Nubian and
rejoice in, this wealth
out to suppress
history. Let us find a
and
diversity that
is
way
local lanto
make
a
to celebrate,
ours, instead of setting
it.
Public space in the Emirates was overwhelmingly men's space and
one
felt in
it
—
felt
I
town
al-Ain, the
to
—
an intruder. This was particularly true
like
which
I
now moved
the newly opened university.
I
to take
up an appointment
remember looking out
whether
stood, weighing
woman
I
saw a male
alone. If
I
my bungalow
it
would
this
be interpreted,
tion?
clothing
More
say,
My
— no head
casually
I
it
in plain sight of passing cars (not that
would have
felt safer
had
it
been a busy
be construed as a flouting of local custom? Might
by someone speeding by in a car as a provoca-
And what would
this landscape.
could set off on a long walk out here. Oc-
figure trudging along this road, but never a
walked along
there were that many; road),
I
at
longingly in the
afternoons onto the empty desert avenue on which
casionally
in
I
wear?
I
would stand out too
distinctively in
normal dress here was conservative Western-style veil,
no long gown. That was how
wore pants
I
went
to work.
— taking care that they were on the
loose,
A baggy side
— and long-sleeved blouses.
walk along that road, and so
my
the oasis behind
285
Border Passage
I
It felt
too risky, too exposed to
my
never did, instead taking
bungalow. There, for one thing,
encountered men, except for old men.
I'd
come
across
I
walks in
very rarely
young women
there sometimes, tending to the land or bathing with their children
women, but never young men. Presumably they had left behind this traditional way of life for the opportunities of the city. In the oasis, moreover, with its footpaths winding among in the spring reserved for
the fruit groves,
did not feel exposed to people passing in cars.
I
Sometimes,
too,
would take
I
my
walks in the zoo. Zayed, the
country's president, a passionate falconer, was passionate also about
the preservation of the wildlife of the region avid animal enthusiast generally.
a fine zoo. For
some reason
I
And
found
—
oryx, gazelle
— and an
so al-Ain, his native town,
enormously comforting
it
to stroll
chim-
there, hearing the animal sounds, stopping to observe giraffe,
panzees, zebra
— zebra,
captures so perfectly.
had
a strange brush,
Jahangir, a
Mogul
those creatures whose magicalness Jahangir
"It is as if left it
the painter of fate," he writes, "with
on the page of the world." Like Rumi,
king, wrote in Persian.
This was a time of great solitude.
I
had
course, but no intimate friends in al-Ain.
my
social acquaintances, of
When
some school
attending meetings, or going to
most of
had
I
was not teaching,
or college event,
I
spent
time alone. Living in that bungalow perched on the edge
of the desert,
I
had, whichever
setting always before
way
I
turned, the beauty of al-Ain's
me. To the west were the ribbed, windswept
dunes of the ancient Arabian Desert, mesmerizingly perfect
in their
formations. At sunset their rose-beige crests and hollows (in which nestled just one solitary thorn tree) turned a startling fiery red.
To
the
south was the rock face of the great mountain Gabal Akhdar, Green
Mountain. And
in the distance
From my back window sunken
oasis
behind
I
below the mountain were lush oases.
had a view of the tops of palm
my house from which came,
trees in the
every morning and
evening, a loud burst of birdsong.
And
yet in
partly real,
I
some ways
felt
too,
ways that were partly imaginative and
connected with not just one community but two.
286
Leila
And both
enriched
my
solitude
Ahmed
and made
this a time, indeed,
not of
loneliness but of solitude.
The immediate and real community with which I was connected was that of the local women. And it was a community that, just as was
Girton's had been,
at
once new and unfamiliar but
also, in its
underlying ways and rhythms, deeply familiar. Outwardly some of these ways were extremely novel, enough for all,
first
of
when
as
time and observed
all
me
how
things were at her palace.
was the informality of the gathering and the
rank wasn't of
be riveted by
to
it
visited Fatima, the president's principal wife, for the
I
much consequence. The
Fatima's chauffeur, a young Egyptian
Most
striking
feeling that social
British ambassador's wife
woman
and
were
in a pantsuit,
equally part of the company, sitting about on the sofas around the
room and apparently conversing on equal servers, standing by ready to top
vehemently and forthrightly
moved
—
footing.
Even the coffee
up our cups, joined
— not timidly but
in the general talk
Fatima and other prominent local of the ordinary
people
whenever they
felt
to.
like
women's
community of women
women were
very
in this small
much
part
country where
them were the patrons of the women's schools and the
college (which
was part of the
university)
— and they were
often the chief guests at school and college celebrations.
On
these
occasions the students often presented plays they had written. They
would
strut
robes of
make
about on stage with painted mustaches and the white
men and
utter vacuous
and hilarious pomposities that would
the audience, consisting entirely of
women and
girls
(and
little
boys) in this segregated society, dissolve in laughter, guffawing and
applauding. Informality reigned here, too.
and her entourage,
say,
would often
The
chief guests, Fatima
arrive late, the festivities of
course awaiting them, and once the dances, prize awards, plays, and
musical performances began, the atmosphere would continue to be informal, people chatting,
running telling
to the front of the hall
them
And
nobody
to sit
this,
I
sitting rigidly attentive, children
and joining
in the dancing,
nobody
still.
realize
now, was familiar space. Like Grandmother's
A corner room at Zatoun,
287
Border Passage
like the
balcony at Alexandria,
this
was space
not at the center but on the margins of society, a place with perspective,
its
own
rather skeptical, often
grand, important, and self-important people space.
My aunts Aisha and
own
its
amused view of
all
who occupied
the
center
Nazli and Farida, too, had leaped to seem-
ingly reverent attention in Grandfather's presence
— and then, when
he was gone, had done, in Grandmother s room, wonderful, hilarious
and send-ups of
imitations
his imperious ways. (Laughter, that refuge
and consolation of the powerless. Vehicle of scathing and skeptical critiques sometimes, but slipped in simply as entirely harmless hu-
some fundamental level and perhaps without my even recognizing it, I felt deeply at home. It was also a place of respite and sanctuary that, I am sure, must have helped sustain me when I had to venture once more into what mor.) This space was space in which, at
was the very
visibly
and palpably masculine space of the public world.
Overwhelmingly the people
in the street
were men. Passing a mosque
on a Friday
at the
end of prayers, one saw men, only men, flowing
out from
doors.
Even
its
market one saw mostly men, although modern than Abu Dhabi, a place where
in the
in al-Ain, a place less totally
the older ways of living were
still
present in the surrounding oases
and mountains, there was a small women's market on the outskirts of town. Local
women
brought their produce there to
on the ground beside baskets of dried peppers or
sell, sitting
masked
spices, the edges of
the brilliant silver-edged pantaloons that they wore (magenta, orange,
green) just showing under their outer garments.
But simply stepping out into the
street then,
one became instan-
taneously aware of the masculine domination that defined this society
and of the at
any
restrictions that
either in
England or
experience,
hemmed
in
women's
lives in a
way
that
had not observed and experienced as so blatant a
rate,
in Egypt.
why Western women coming in their
necessarily or uniformly so at visual signals
made
all
fact
can understand, having had that
I
to Egypt, say, in the nine-
teenth century, were convinced that the oppression of
was so much worse than
I,
own
countries
women
— when
— simply because
it
there
was not
dress and other
the gender division of society so obvious. This was
288
Leila
how
too. reacted in the Gulf.
I.
street, there
was,
it
moment one
For the
stepped into the
black and white. The local
literally in
women
white and the
Ahmed
men wore
black. .And in this often unimaginably hot. un-
imaginably humid climate,
men wore
and
light airy robes
women went
about masked and in layers of clothes, muffled also in an outer layer of heavy black.
My
connection with the second community that buoved and sus-
me was entirely imaginary. In my first months working with local women and learning from them, learning from their attitudes
tained the
and perspectives and from I
had begun
have
to
my
stores for feminist books.
I
summer
Americans
illuminating.
in
— Kate
me
good number of
a
free time
immersed myself
found exciting and
I
among
Daly,
others.
Academic
read on, no longer seemed, as they did by the end of
I
I
searched the book-
I
Elaine Showalter. Patricia
Millett.
Spacks. Adrienne Rich, and Mars things, as
my
those that
at least all
all.
vacation.
brought back with
such recently published books and them. They were
When
consciousness raised as a feminist.
returned to Cambridge for the
in
and determination.
their clear-sightedness
my
graduate years in Cambridge, distant and irrelevant and merely "ac-
ademic." Things began to theory.
And
I
began
learn already from the that
it
fall
to learn
into place.
women
was from here, from
I
began
to see the point of
from these writers what
this
of
I
Abu Dhabi, women
had begun like
to
Mariam:
vantage point on the margins, that
I
could begin to examine, analyze, and think about the world of which >
part in a
way
that finally, for
me. would begin
to
make
Other moments from those days that have remained as marking, I
v as
sun was
It
my mind
somehow, turning point-
coming out of the
setting.
figure of a
in
oasis after
one of
my
walks, just as the
Coming toward me. on the dune just ahead, was the
woman
carrying a huge bundle of firewood on her head.
was exactly that moment of translucent luminosity which,
latitude,
sense.
comes immediately
after sunset,
and
for
in that
an instant her form,
outlined against the sky. was caught up in that luminosity.
"Cursed be she. the bearer of firewood!" The words come
in-
A my mind
voluntarily into
— words,
as
we drew
"Salam
be with you!"
aleikuml" — "Peace if
"Aleikutn a-salam!"
firewood: she enters In fact all
had
I
slightly
cursed.
it
It is
then, unexpectedly,
It is
thus,
found myself think-
I
woman, bearer
thus that she
is
itself forever to
forever captured.
How
exactly
this curse
had
— a curse
woman, bearer
it
Muhammad
in
of firewood
—was judged
number
had decided which words were
to
I
Quran
did not exist during his
which utterances of the Prophet,
Who
had had the power
to
make
Another moment.
I
was
women
in a lecture hall at the university, at a
in early Islam.
It
was a timely moment
such a lecture. Just across the Gulf, the Iranian revolution was
and
cresting,
erful, frightening
for
these
and how exactly had they made them?
public lecture on
the
tremendous
it
small,
oil
seemed, to success. Iran,
like Iraq,
for
in full
was a pow-
neighbor, always apparently harboring predatory de-
vulnerable states along the Gulf with their
wealth, and
tiously to be watched.
The
it
was a country, therefore, always cau-
possibility of the Islamic revolution's suc-
cess in Iran triggered anxiety in the Emirates and a
conservatism with regard to position of veiling it
life-
be regarded as part of the Quran, part of the eternal sacred
decisions,
sires
knew,
of years afterwards. So who, then,
exactly,
word of God, and which not?
flood
to
himself was nonliterate and that a com-
plete final written version of the
time or even for a good
first
come about, I some sense at-
be part of the Quran, part of the sacred eternal word of God? of course, that
of
of the Prophet's, then his wife, the "car-
wondered, that these words, taching
— and
misremembered the words. The verses curse
Abu Lahab, an enemy
of firewood," an enemy, too.
rier
she called out to me,
friends.
responded.
I
closer,
she enters the scripted world of Arabic,
ing, that
of
we were
remembered them, from
I
the Quran. Just then, as
she smiled warmly, as
289
Border Passage
women
— toward,
on nonlocal women, women
seemed, the Emirates feared that
rection Iran might use local
if
move toward
for example, the imlike myself.
they did not
noncompliance with
move
this
Above
all,
in that di-
and similar
"Is-
lamic" practices as an excuse to invade the country.
The
lecture
was being delivered by one of the professors
in the
290
Ahmed
Leila
Islamic studies department, an Iraqi who, as recently divorced his wife
option
them. She, as
I
now
know, had
to
his right in Islamic
young children, even though
take custody of his
who had no
and exercised
happened
I
it
meant
law to
that his wife,
but to return to Iraq, would hardly ever see
knew, had been utterly distraught. The audience con-
mainly of men, but in the back of the hall were some young
sisted
women, two
college
was not proper
When
or three of
for us to
sit
them my
students.
anywhere except
I
sat
with them.
It
at the back.
— he was both an — one of the young women rose and
the speaker drew his lecture to a close
eloquent and a handsome
man
challenged his reading of history. She challenged
it
on two grounds.
he was giving the Sunni perspective as op-
For one thing, she
said,
posed
(Sunni and Shi'a are the two main branches of
Islam
to the Shi'a
— somewhat
vide).
like,
but also not
Consequently the very same
and vice
praise could be represented negatively, thing, he
had chosen
to focus
on women whose
wives and mothers, whereas he had leaders, great warriors.
The
the Catholic-Protestant di-
like,
women whom
left
out
he had chosen to versa. For another
virtues
were as good
women who were
lecturer's response,
whatever
it
great
was, was
unmemorable.
We
exited
— into the public world, the world where the presence
and imposition of a purely masculine order on everything foundly in evidence. The to the
women's
as Girton, desert.
women
students took the college bus back
college, which, like Girton
was located on the very
And
I
drove off
first
as
I
and
outskirts of
market
to the
and then home. The mosque,
so pro-
is
for the
same reasons
town and well
to pick
into the
up some provisions
drove past, was letting out a knot
of men.
Somewhere all
in that time
this, this history
of
I
began
to
form the idea of looking into
Muslim women, and
of sifting through the
material to understand what our history had been and what our
sit-
uation was and what future we could look to as Muslim women. And somewhere in that time I began to form the project of going to America. In
America
I
would be able
to read
and research
acquire the tools and methods of research that
freely
women
and
to
there were
A developing and using so I
me
found that in
my
settled there. All three
advance in their professions
beyond a certain point. In America, they
Even though people had
ent.
had
siblings
told
me, things were
differ-
you had the
ability
their prejudices,
and the qualifications you could move forward been carefully putting aside part of to finance
It
for
Europe (England, Switzerland, and Germany had
their bases) they simply could not
been
much
could not stay in the Gulf
I
America rather than England was the natural place now
to think of, for all three of
had
Because of the Iranian revolution,
brilliantly.
was, in any case, thinking that
longer.
291
Border Passage
my
if
And
in America.
salary so that
I
had
I
would be able
such a move.
was no easy
transition, the transition to
America and
wom-
to
en's studies. First of all, live
American feminism was not anything
had imagined. Reading I
had,
its
— whereas,
of course, the living feminism
once on these shores was anything but a affair. Militant, vital,
—
what
I
suppose, formed a notion of feminism as tranquil, lucid,
I
meditative
any or
like
thoughtful texts in the quiet of the desert,
all
encountered
tempestuous, passionate, visionary, turbulent
of these might be
more
apt. In the gatherings of feminists
at the various conferences, meetings,
and public lectures that
single-mindedly threw myself into attending exhilarating energy
I
lucid, tranquil, meditative
and
I
— there was a kind of raw,
a sense, intellectually, of freewheeling anar-
themselves caught up in some holy pu-
chy. Almost as
if
rifying fire that
was burning away the dross and obscurities from
people
now
felt
their
minds, freeing them to dream dreams and see visions and to gather themselves up and prepare to it
as
it
unmake and remake
And
all this
was tremendously exhilarating and
with exhilaration
came shock. For
I
naturally
exciting.
made
conferences of attending, and often participating els
the world, remake
had never been made before.
in,
But along
a point at these
sessions
and pan-
on Muslim women. Not that these were common. The women's
studies conferences
I
attended
when
ber one at Barnard, and another in
— rememBloomington, Indiana — focused I
first
came
in
1980
I
292
Ahmed
Leila
on white women and were overwhelmingly attended by white women. But such sessions on Muslim women as there were left primarily
me
nearly speechless and certainly in shock at the combination of
hostility
and sheer ignorance that the Muslim
cluded, almost invariably encountered.
We
panelists, myself in-
could not pursue the
way
vestigation of our heritage, traditions, religion in the
women were
and rethinking
investigating
in-
that white
Whatever aspect of
theirs.
we
our history or religion each of us had been trying to reflect on,
would be besieged, tions
at the
end of our presentations, with furious ques-
and declarations openly dismissive of Islam. People quite com-
monly did not even seem
to
know
between the patriarchal vision
that there
was some connection
be found in Islam and that in Ju-
to
daism and Christianity. Regularly we would be asked "Well, what about the veil" or
none of us had mentioned it
was completely
"What about
belligerently,
clitoridectomy?"
when
either subject for the simple reason that
irrelevant to the topics of our papers.
The
impli-
cation was that, in trying to examine and rethink our traditions rather
than dismissing them out of hand,
we were
implicitly defending what-
ever our audience considered to be indefensible.
Christian
—
—
just intrinsically, essentially,
archal in a
way
and irredeemably misogynist and
change our traditions but giving up our cultures,
and adopting
And
so the
patri-
that theirs (apparently) were not. In contrast to their
situation, our salvation entailed not arguing with
ditions
the further im-
that, whereas they white women, women, Jewish women could rethink their heritage and and traditions, we had to abandon ours because they were
and presumption was
plication
religions
And
first
and working
religions,
and
to
tra-
theirs.
thing
I
wrote after
my
arrival
and within months
of being in America was an article addressing the extraordinary barrage of hostility and ignorance with which I
moved among
were engaged
own
that
found myself besieged
as
community of women. They were women who and rethinking their
in radically rejecting, contesting,
traditions
women
this
I
and heritage and the ingrained prejudices against
formed part of that heritage but who turned on
me
a gaze
completely structured and hidebound by that heritage; in their
atti-
A
293
Border Passage
women
tudes and beliefs about Islam and
in Islam, they plainly re-
vealed their unquestioning faith in and acceptance of the prejudiced,
and often ridiculous notions that
hostile,
their heritage
had con-
its women. I had come wanting to read and Muslim women, but it was this that com-
structed about Islam and
think and write about
manded my attention as the subject that I desperately had to address. The first piece I wrote, "Western Ethnocentrism and Perceptions of the Harem,"
still
rings for
me
with the shocked and furious tones of
that initial encounter.
My
first
year in America, 1979, was also the year of the Iran
hostage
crisis,
which
felt
I
and
I
am
sure
now
that the hostility toward Islam by
myself besieged was more pronounced than usual because
of that situation. But as
I
would learn soon enough, the task of ad-
dressing racism for feminists of color in the
West
is,
and has
to be,
an ongoing and central part of the work and the thinking that we
no
ordinarily do,
And of
my
so
tiation
my
than the work of addressing male dominance.
less so
experience of American feminism was a kind of
first
and baptism by
fire
into
ini-
what has indeed been an ongoing part
thought and work ever since. Back then, though,
it
was
early in our understanding of the racist gaze the white feminist
ment turned on women of other
cultures and races.
still
move-
Audre Lorde,
at
a conference in 1976 (in a presentation much-anthologized since),
was among the
first to identify,
and speak out
against, this strand in
white feminist thought, and June Jordan, Bell Hooks, and others
fol-
lowed up with work on the subject.
my
Also making experience than a job in
might otherwise have been was the fact that
it
women's
and had applied
experience of America a more arduous
initial
studies. for
I
had come intent on working
I
took
in this field
an advertised position as a part-time lecturer
at
the University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Although the pay was low,
I
felt
that a part-time job
whose scholarly productions about which
would
give
I
me
had
still
been reading out
an enormous amount
the time,
no doubt needed
I'd
was the sensible way into the
to do.
I
thought, to do
all
field,
in the desert but
to learn.
A part-time job
the extra reading that
I
294
Ahmed
Leila
Of course
found that
I
my
part-time job, as
was only technically part-time. In
fact,
so often the case,
is
preparing classes, teaching,
and attending meetings took up every moment of
my
have never worked so hard in
life
my
as in
my waking
making those years so tough. Teaching
system in a but
am
I
new country must
sure that
ticularly at that
my
I
couple of years in
first
America. Of course, too, the fact that everything was tributed to
life.
in
new to me cona new academic
always entail demanding transitions,
having joined a women's studies program, par-
moment
in the history of
women's
studies in America,
more established department,
rather than, say, taking a job in a
cre-
ated a whole set of unique hurdles and difficulties.
Women's I
studies programs in that era, including the
program that
joined, had an embattled and precarious relationship with the uni-
versity.
There was sometimes open
from faculty members
hostility
in
other departments and, occasionally, condescension and a presumption that the
women's studies
cated fanatical
faculty
women. For me,
as
must be ignorant, underedu-
someone coming from abroad who
had not been part of the American feminist movement, there was one very particular difficulty that that,
I
had not anticipated when
by working hard and reading widely,
ideas, theories, perspectives that
not quickly master a lot of
needed
I
them through
them had not
imagined
could quickly master the
I
to
be familiar with.
I
could
reading, for the simple reason that
yet found their
way
into print.
heard passionately voiced and argued around
by students were part of a
I
me
rich, vibrant, diverse,
The
ideas that
I
by faculty and also
and
internally con-
tentious cargo of debates that had been generated by an intellectually vital social
women's
movement. This was what
studies
—a
living social
I
had stepped into
movement
in joining
of quite extraordinary but
as yet mainly oral intellectual vitality, about to spill over
and become
a predominantly intellectual, academic, and theoretical force rather
had
than, as
it
ment.
was the ideas
It
in part
been
in
its
beginnings, an activist social move-
that people
and meetings and exchanges
had developed
in their encounters
in their involvement in this
and the continuing evolution of these
ideas, that
movement,
were providing the
A
295
Border Passage
foundations of women's studies.
stepped, that
I
is
to say, too, into the
stream of what was as yet a largely unwritten oral culture
movement, a culture
living culture of the feminist
to
my
There were often passionate debates, both among in the feminist
community more
was
become
quite fu-
was a history here, a common, shared
clear that there
evolution, in the course of
colleagues
widely, between, say, Radical
feminists and Marxist feminists, debates that could rious. It
oral,
no guides, no maps, no books.
as yet almost
and
— the
which there were
which particular
positions, in relation to
this or that issue,
had been progressively defined and sometimes had
become
But
polarized.
to
someone
arriving
these positions and issues were and
passion was, at
first
nothing, or very
Moreover,
they should generate such
anyway, profoundly unfathomable.
little,
in those days, that
me and make
enlighten
why
from the Arab Gulf, what there was
could read that would
the issues, debates, and history accessible.
and history that
this culture
I
And
formed nearly everything
in
women's
had not been part of
I
in-
studies, not only intellectual
is-
sues but also ordinary routines and exchanges and conversations.
was to
this culture, for instance, that
determined that
be made by consensus and not by vote.
of dress
— as
the days
strict here, in its
way, as in
when whether you shaved your
where you stood on the internal feminist gree of feminist enlightenment. In
It
all
It
decisions were
determined, too, the code
Abu Dhabi. For
those were
wore a bra signaled
legs or
battlelines and/or your de-
Abu Dhabi
about appropriate dress and the meaning of
it
had been easy
this or that style,
to ask
but here
not only were you supposed to just know, but supposedly there was
no dress code and people here ventured the question in actly
how
women's studies culture culture to
me
to
which
my
I
in
I
was emphatically
early innocent days
And
they wished.
— as
so there were
which
I
told
when
— simply dressed
many ways
in
I
ex-
which the
found myself was an unknown
had no key and maps. But,
culture, after a period of intense immersion,
my
as with
any other
confusion naturally
resolved into comprehension.
Another
difficulty arising
from
my
being in women's studies was
296 one
my
shared with
I
studies as yet
had no
colleagues.
And
An
no
set syllabi,
scholarship to draw on.
essentially
no
texts,
women
the novels and stories by
would soon be the
new
that
field,
women's
solid, extensive
so even devising courses
them together from photocopies was
putting
that
Ahmed
Leila
a
and
demanding
body of
syllabi
task.
and
Even
were already being used and
staples of feminist courses in literature
were
not yet in readily accessible form or were just being published and
movement and
reissued, in large part thanks to the feminist
mand
And
the kind of material that a few
to be available
on feminist theory, on women
created by women's studies.
years later
would begin
women
of color in America, on available. In short,
women's
in Islam,
studies
was
invented, created, and developed as a a
I,
newcomer, were
and so on, was still
My
field.
also not yet
in the process of
being
colleagues as well as
groping our way forward in this as yet un-
still
and indeed uninvented
studied, uncharted,
the de-
without textbooks, without established
territory, for the
most part
without a body of
syllabi,
scholarship raising the questions that needed to be raised, setting
them
out, analyzing
We And
are now, of course, in quite another place. I
am now
women
becomes in
at the
my
For thereafter stories. It
of
them, complicating them.
end point of the
life
becomes
story
I
set out to tell here.
part of other stories,
American
part of the story of feminism in America, the story
America, the story of people of color in America, the
story of Arabs in America, the story of
Muslims
in
America, and part
of the story of America itself and of American lives in a world of dissolving boundaries
and vanishing borders.
There are more Muslims today copalians. I
We did
in
America,
it is
said,
than Epis-
not have, on these shores, an auspicious beginning.
think of Bilalia Fula, buried here, after his years of slavery, with his
prayer rug and his Quran. to this
country in shackles
his autobiography in
America.
I
— one
I
think of Al-Hajj
when he was
of the
first
Omar
ibn Said, brought
thirty-seven, as
he wrote
Muslim autobiographies
in
written
think of the countless others brought here in the same
A way,
who
Border Passage
297
held on in their minds as long as they could to the world
they were from, passing on to children and grandchildren, however they might, their vanishing memories.
But
this
beginning.
now
is
another time.
We
are
on the point of a new
EPILOGUE
miRO cy^OMENTS
WAS AT
I
the Hilton, where
me
Cairo, had put
pick
me
up. Hala,
stay with her for
Zamalek
up.
now
my
I
my
host, the
was waiting
American University of
for
my
a distinguished economist,
was taking me
When
remaining days in Cairo, in the apartment in
we
she arrived
sat out for a while
Zamalek just opposite. Beyond
now almost
extended
on the balcony over
modern
city
it,
on the
to the pyramids.
and Old Cairo
— was
Nile's
and of the island of
western bank, the city
Most of Cairo behind
us.
— the heart of
But standing
corner of the balcony and looking back, one could see just a the old city and, past the Citadel, with
its
it,
the purple outline of the Mu'attam
famous pencil-thin minarets against the
set sky, a sky perceptibly all
those
many
more polluted now than when
I
hills
I
arriving,
I
of
and sun-
lived here
years ago.
had a population of perhaps a million was now home million.)
in a
little
lilac
Cairo's traffic problems were enormous. (A city that in
had thought
I
might make
—
to
my
day
to nearly ten
abandoned any thought of nostalgic expeditions
that, before
Ain Shams, for instance,
even though house and garden were gone, or Zatoun, still
to
that she shared with her mother.
drinks, enjoying the spectacular views of the Nile
the
old friend Hala to
a school. Given Cairo's traffic, just getting there
still
there and
would have been
— 300
Ahmed
Leila
a major undertaking. Having plunged at once into the business of
preparing, revising, and delivering lectures,
was now
it all
I
in fact
had
— which was probably
And, of course,
it
was quite
all
time
little
comparing how things had been and how
for nostalgia or for
different
to the good.
me
different. Particularly striking to
was the prevalence among women of some form of Islamic dress but
of
all
it
now modern
Islamic dress. There were no milayyas to be
seen in the streets, no simple way
like that
by which you could im-
As I knew, the veil no longer meant The women wearing it were quite likely to be educated professional women, working women, upwardly mobile women. The veil did not connote for them, as it had for my grandmother, women's seclusion, invisibility, confinement to the home. mediately
what
class difference.
tell
had
it
my
in
Quite the contrary
day.
—
meant
it
exactly the opposite:
it
was affirmation
of their right to work and to be in the public world pursuing profes-
and working
sional
explain this,
let
Why?
lives.
would take
It
many
there
was
to the vitality
— change
that
was
city,
now
with
pre-Nasser era.
It
back not
this city
many forms
many histories, And this sense
of belief.
to
me,
intellectual
and a sense of an almost
palpable vibrancy and ferment: this place that was (as millennia) a meeting place of so
high-
to Nasser's days but
was a sense of the enormous
and cultural richness of
— and
its
and overpasses and various other features new
a feel to Cairo that harked
thought, so
visually very
because people were dressed so differently
other ones just in the appearance of the
rise buildings
to
in Egypt.
Despite this enormous change
the
two
alone the rest of the tremendous cultural transfor-
mation going on
striking simply
a chapter or
so
it
has been for
many ways
of
of the complexity
and mental aliveness of the place was there despite the growing presence of fundamentalism and fundamentalism's deadly intent
to curtail
freedom of thought. Everywhere I
I
went
I
experienced this vibrancy. Almost everyone
met seemed passionately engaged
plicated that
moment
went
into
of history
making
it
and
and
in trying to
understand
this
com-
in analyzing all the different strands
all its
conceivable outcomes.
And almost
A
Border Passage
301
everyone was utterly committed to standing against the tide of fun-
damentalism and
and preserving
to fighting for
right to think
and speak
have in other places. life
on the
line for
Galal Amin,
who
had an edge that
freely
could
It
your
mean being
beliefs.
At
freedom
to ideas it
to speak,
and
didn't necessarily
willing literally to put your
one of the journalists
least
to the
to laugh,
ened by fundamentalists simply
Of
had had
his life repeatedly threat-
for his being forthrightly critical of
course, though, the
community
I
had tapped
through the American University included some of Cairo's most
and distinguished
met,
I
along with his intellectual acuity and courage also
had a tremendous capacity
their positions.
their
commitment
to write, to think. Here, moreover,
into
lively
intellectuals. Still, the exhilarating intellectual vi-
brancy of almost every party and gathering (almost every time,
come away
feeling the
way one does
conference) was so remarkable that weren't perhaps
some unintended
thought and speech threatened
—
I'd
after a particularly exhilarating
began
I
to
wonder whether there
benefits to having one's
in the
way
freedom of
that hanging, as they say,
it not only focused the mind made one prize and understand all the more acutely how important, how vital, indeed, to one's life and well-being it is to question
wonderfully focuses the mind. Perhaps
but
and
reflect
on and openly share one's
Hala pointed out
to
me, as we
ideas.
sat in the fading light,
where Em-
baba was. Embaba was reputedly the "hotbed" of Islamic fundamentalism.
Municipal services to the
Rubbish was
left to pile
up and
district
were appallingly poor.
rot in the streets for
months, water
pipes broke and were not repaired for weeks. Police regularly con-
ducted antifundamentalist raids there, arresting people nearly indiscriminately
—a
man might
be arrested and
left
to languish in jail
simply because he had a beard. These kinds of conditions and gov-
ernment behavior would drive almost any population most anybody
to turn violent.
Hala asked. What did Clearly, nothing
She pointed out Mahfouz, the
it
What was
crazy, cause al-
the government thinking of?
expect?
was simple. also the houseboat
novelist, held his
on the
river
where Naguib
weekly open gatherings. The funda-
302
Ahmed
Leila
mentalists
use the word "fundamentalist" in the way that
(I
monly used, although there to its
are
known beaten path
enormous academic debates raging to kill
that he took daily
as
him. Mahfouz had a well-
and always
at exactly the
time, walking from his house to the cafe he frequented
was advised
change
after this threat to
was not now,
he
in his eighties,
was making
and stabbed
He
his writ-
And then one morning,
punctual way along his route, he was attacked
his
— but fortunately survived.
impossible not to be affected by these incidents and threats,
It's
nationally and internationally. There
background who
is
engaged
anything touching on Islam awful element that
The
is
probably no writer of Muslim
in seriously thinking
who
and writing about
not perennially conscious of this
is
now makes up
the world in which
we
live.
next morning at Hala's, \ini Shaarawi called to say that she
would be accompanying
mothers grave to her,
and back. He
going to change the habits of a
said,
for the sake of these fanatical people.
life
same
his routine but refused.
and the routines whose rhythms were the rhythms of
lifetime
as he
com-
appropriateness) had announced that they considered his work
blasphemous and that they meant
ing
it is
a friend the following day to visit the friends
at the Arafa, Cairo's City of the
she said, that
I
might
like to
Dead.
It
had occurred
go with them, for afterward they
me to \isit my parents' graves. is Huda Shaarawi's great-granddaughter. She had come
could take Nini
hear
my
nected. In no time I
we were
to visit
Arafa
is
knew
their
my
way around.
affinity
—
in
with
It
and
seemed
to feel quite
would spontaneously be Nini
offer. It
parents' graves but
a vast, mazelike place
was beginning
my
talking like old friends.
immediately accepted her
mind
to
and when we chatted afterward we instantly con-
lectures,
I
I
had been very much on my
had been wondering how. The
needed
go with people
to
who
a nice coincidence that, just as
I
concerned about finding someone, Nini
offer herself.
It
seemed
right, too, that
whose great-grandmother's words
my own mother — who would
mother's and father's graves.
I
it
had sensed
be accompanying
me
should a
deep
to visit
A Hala went
Border Passage
off to work,
dropping
her friends to do an interview.
I'd
me
303
found myself embarked on the
project of doing video interviews with Cairo tally,
and certainly without having
video camera with
me
house of one of
off at the
originally
women
almost acciden-
planned
to Cairo, intending to interview
the mothers of friends so as to record generation. But once
I
how
life
I'd
brought a
my
aunts and
it.
had been
began interviewing people
for that older
found myself
I
completely riveted by the process: by the unexpectedly intimate
mosphere that comes into being
as people reflect
on
at-
their lives in
response to the questions of a stranger and, even more, by the revelations of the profoundly different Cairo lives
my
decided to give the time
and
left
I
I
had interviewed
in various walks of
retaries,
I
was learning
of.
So
I
remaining days in Cairo to these interviews. By
life:
women
at all sorts of social levels
writers, artists, intellectuals, maids, sec-
accountants, doctors
— and one businesswoman, a self-made
millionaire.
That morning
A
was interviewing Nadia, who worked
I
reserved, thoughtful-looking
ing
room where, the previous
interview.
woman, she
sat
on the sofa
day, her mistress
had
as a maid. in the liv-
also sat for
Nadia wore a handsome blue dress donned specially
an
for the
occasion and a mandil, a decorative scarf tied tightly round the head that
is
conventional dress for maids. She began responding to
my
questions self-consciously but gradually lost her awkwardness as she
became absorbed father
dren.
in thinking
about and looking back
had died when she was
They
left their
home
six,
at
her
life.
Her
leaving her mother with five chil-
to live in a
room on
the roof of a relative's
house. Her mother went to work as a maid, during the day locking the children up in the infant,
was
left in
room on
the roof for safety.
The youngest, an
Nadia's care. Later Nadia went to school for a
couple of years, then at ten to work as a
live-in
maid
in a relative's
house. She had worked ever since. At twenty she married, but
her husband took a second wife, she divorced. She was
young children
whom
left
when
with two
she alone supported from then on, raising them
with the help of her mother. Her daughter was just completing her schooling; she was very smart and was going to be a teacher.
Her
son,
— 304
Ahmed
Leila
who was
also smart but not academically inclined,
had dropped out
of school and was an apprentice mechanic. She didn't live in where
she worked, because of her children. The family had a two-room
apartment, which they shared with her mother, in the suburb of Boula' Da'rour, about an hour by bus from where she worked. She loved to read, she told me.
And
only at that point
— not when she'd
been talking of the hardships she'd overcome, but now, only now did she cry, tears quietly running
We
made our way
down her
face.
across Cairo in Nini's car, Nini at the wheel,
along the long straight avenue that
is
the final stretch of the route to
the Arafa. Directly ahead of us, dusty and barren, were the Mu'attam hills.
Below them were the
roofs
and domes and occasional minarets that make up the Arafa, the
City of the Dead.
It
and dust-colored low
beige, ochre,
in fact, a vast city
is,
different districts, the region of the
unto
itself,
with
own
its
mausoleums of the Mamluk
alty
standing out distinctively against the horizon because of
sity
of minarets and
grander, browner,
its
flat
more ancient
roy-
den-
its
buildings.
People stood on the roadside holding up flowers for
sale,
and
along some stretches there were just baskets of flowers, mostly of marigolds, no one attending them.
had only been
I
to the Arafa
once as a young
companied my school friend Nawal I
had found
it
a city, a bizarre
utterly
gruesome and
and macabre
mazelike as you
city:
wound your way
unlike a city in that
of
In fact,
all,
poor,
those
I'd
for the burial of her father, terrifying.
The
ac-
and
place looked like
there were streets and avenues and
farther
and farther
in.
But
it
was
the houses were unnaturally low, because
all
A
parody of a
the Arafa housed a huge population of the
living. First
everybody here, of course, was dead and underground. city.
when
narrower and narrower and more and more
alleys that got
alleys,
girl,
who tended
who depended
to the graves lived there;
for their livelihood
then there were the
on the customary
charities at
a death (shureik, a special kind of plaited, sweetish bread, dates, silver coins).
Today the Arafa
is
also
where the new homeless of Cairo, often
recent migrants from the countryside,
live.
Cairo's City of the
Dead
A houses,
it is
Some
Border Passage
said, a million or
parts of
it
two (nobody
305
really
knows) of the
living.
were more populous than others. The alleyways
we made our way toward the plot belonging to the family of Nini's friend, Amna, were quiet and almost deserted. But as soon as we pulled up, people somehow materialized as if from
into
which we turned
as
nowhere and immediately formed a knot around the
car, invoking
God's mercy on our dead and reaching out their hands for alms.
Once
inside the enclosure,
was quiet again. In one corner
all
mosque and beside it a beautiful, delicateThe couple who lived in the room over the portals and
stood a small open-sided leaved tree.
tended to the plot brought in the flowers that white gladioli and white roses
— placing them
Amna had
brought
on the white
in vases
marble markers with gold lettering (giving the names and dates of the dead) that were in the center of the mosque.
On
We
the back wall were inscribed several verses from the Quran.
took our places on a bench within and listened as three men,
sitting cross-legged
on mats on the
floor,
chanted
in turn
from the
Quran. I
caught the words "nur c ala nur"
light
upon
the verse from which they came, a favorite verse
dered
if
Amna
and
I
do not permit
Sufis,
I
won-
she, like Nini,
if
me
of undergoing
when she
initiates to reveal
lived in France.
openly that they
took this to be the reason underlying Nini's ambiguous
The Shaarawis had
and Nini had
Recognizing
and had hinted that she had been
Sufi path during a period
Sufi orders
are Sufis
words.
on the
Nini had told
in Sufism.
a transforming religious experience
Some
among
had herself selected the passages and
had a particular interest
initiated
light.
at
lost their
wealth in the Nasser revolution
one time been homeless and alone.
I
do not know
the exact circumstances. For a stretch of time she had survived by
sleeping at night in the different
mosques of Cairo. Then the family
of one of her friends had taken her in and, soon after, she had re-
ceived a scholarship and been able to go on to college. After the
visit at
Amna's mother's tomb we began
through the Arafa's narrow
more
exactly
my
alleys,
looking for
to drive slowly
my own
family's (and
mother's family's) burial plot and enclosure.
We
306
Leila
Ahmed
stopped
many
give the
most cursory, vague directions through
we had no success and in the end had to give up. It was disappointing but we had not been enormously hopeful to begin with, for I had not managed to get much information other than the name of the general district. Calling my aunts for directions I'd discovered that my aunt Nazli did not know how to get there herself, having always relied on other people to take her. And Aunt Aisha, who did know, was in great pain from a backache and unable not only to accompany us but even to do much more than territory.
I
times to inquire, but
my
even called
did not, but
this very
got from her, instead, a long account of
I
family had at
first
complicated
paternal cousin, just in case she knew. She
how my father's own
insisted that he be buried in Alexandria in his
family's burial plot
and then had relented because of Mother's pro-
testations that they should be buried together.
I
had not known
until
then that people were supposed to be buried back with their natal
(And perhaps they are not; perhaps
families.
family pride.)
My
this
was
just a matter of
parents could not, in any case, have been buried
side by side because, as
I
understand
it,
in the labyrinth of under-
ground corridors and chambers with which burial plots are
honeycombed, men are buried
corridor and burial
women
in
chambers along one
chambers along the
in
in the Arafa
other.
side of a
These practices of
chambers and so on are those only of Egyptians, perhaps only
of Egyptians buried in the Arafa. Supposedly they go back to Pharaonic times and have nothing to do with Islam, although those practicing
This
them
is
when
A
believe that they are thoroughly Islamic.
how
it
I finish
always
is
a poem.
great silence overcomes me,
and
I
wonder why
I
ever thought
to use language.
Jalaluddin Rumi, the poet whose words these are and
whom
I
have quoted a couple of times in the preceding pages, lived in Konya,
A in Anatolia,
and died
Border Passage
in 1273.
At his death
307 all
of Konya mourned.
Jews, Christians, Buddhists, and Hindus, as well as Muslims, walked in his procession, weeping.
Rumi's
cat,
who had meowed
piteously through his last illness,
refused to eat after his death and died a
week
later.
Rumi's daughter
buried her at his side. Symbol, she said, of Rumi's deep connection
with
all
beings.
1
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