9 Doctors & God 9780824884734

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9 Doctors & God

9 DOCTORS & GOD FRANCIS JOHN HALFORD, M.D.

Illustrations

by

KEICHI KIMURA

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII PRESS HONOLULU, HAWAII

Copyright 1954 by University of Hawaii Press Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 54-10046 First edition, October, 1954 Second edition, April, 1955

Manufactured in Honolulu, Hawaii, by PARADISE OF THE PACIFIC, LIMITED

To Marjory, my wife

Editor's Preface

The manuscript of Nine Doctors and God was presented for publication after Dr. Halford's death. Examination of his files indicated that it had been condensed from a version nearly twice its present length. Further condensation was found unnecessary. The editing consisted largely of reorganizing the material from a strictly chronological order into one in which a chapter is devoted exclusively to each of the nine physicians, a change which was not without certain structural disadvantages. Dr. Halford's correspondence showed that he had searched diligently but unsuccessfully for a photograph of Dr. Blatchely. He, Dr. Chapin, and Dr. Andrews are the only doctors of the nine without living descendants. The author failed also to locate a picture showing Dr. Andrews at the time when he practiced medicine in Hawaii. The only likenesses available show him as he appeared long after he returned to New England. New efforts by the editor met with no greater success. Thus the book contains no photographs of these two physicians. Blatchley is the spelling which appears in most printed references to the Islands' second missionary physician. However, the author's spelling has been changed to BlatcheZf/, which is the way the doctor signed himself in letters to be found in the Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Library. Dr. Halford must have been aware that regarding many of the episodes which he related there were variant and sometimes contradictory versions, each with its own defenders. The editor has respected the version which the author chose for his account. Dr. Halford's files contained only a fragmentary bibliography and few references other than those in the text The bibliography which appears in the appendix was built up from names of authors and publications referred to in the files and is by no iviiY

means representative of the extensiveness of Dr. Halford's research. Quotations in the text have been checked with recognizable sources, though in many instances this was impossible because their origin was unknown and time did not permit the exhaustive research necessary to locate them. The files reveal the names of many persons who gave the author advice, assistance, and encouragement. Among these were Miss Bertha BloomfieldBrown, Mr. Keville Larson, Mr. Nard Jones, Mrs. Sally Pullman, Dr. Arthur V Molyneux, Miss Gwenfread E. Allen, Mr. George Mellen, Dr. and Mrs. I. S. Ravelin, Miss Sadako Mimura, Meiric K. Dutton, and the Reverend Henry P. Judd. The editor is deeply indebted to innumerable persons for assistance in solving problems involved in editing the text and building up the appendix—particularly to four who read the manuscript and made valuable suggestions: Miss Bernice Judd, librarian of the Hawaiian Mission Children's Society, a descendant of two of the nine physicians; Professor Ralph S. Kuykendall, dean of Hawaii's historians; Miss Maude Jones, custodian of the Public Archives of Hawaii; and Dr. Nils P. Larsen, senior member of the Medical Group, Honolulu, with which Dr. Halford was identified. Thanks go also to Dr. Harry L. Arnold, Jr., Mrs. J. Gardner Bennett, and Mrs. Robert Y. Katsuki of the Hawaii Medical Association; to Mrs. Ethel Hill of the Honolulu County Medical Society Library; Dr. H. H. Walker, director of Leahi Hospital; Dr. Richard K. C. Lee, president of the Board of Health; Miss Janet Bell of the University of Hawaii Library; and Dr. Samuel H. Elbert, authority on the Hawaiian language; to Mrs. A. H. Waterhouse for a likeness of Dr. Smith in his younger days and to Mr. Clyde Deacon and Mr. Sheldon T. Deacon for photographs of Dr. Wetmore; to Dean Willard Wilson and Mr. Alfons L. Korn, members of the University of Hawaii Press Committee, for advice on editorial policy and assistance in many details; and to Mrs. Clarice B. Taylor and Mrs. Florence A. Maney for information on nonmissionary doctors and materia medica. The expert and enthusiastic help of these and many others was of inestimable value in speeding the manuscript to press. August 6,1954

THOMAS NICKERSON

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Contents Chapter

Page FOREWOKD

XI

PART 1 : H A W A I I ' S F I R S T

PHYSICIAN

I.

GOD AND N A T I V E MEDICINE

3

II.

THOMAS H O L M A N , PIONEER

12

III.

ARDENT S P I R I T S

21

IV.

W H I T E N I N G FOR HARVEST

31

EXCOMMUNICATION

50

V.

PART 2 : T H E VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII.

EIGHT

T H E STORK AND ABRAHAM BLATCHELY

67

G E R R I T JUDD, KING'S COUNSELLOR

89

D W I G H T BALDWIN, D O C T O R - D O M I N I E

119

V E R S A T I L E ALONZO C H A P I N

131

T H O M A S L A F O N , ABOLITIONIST

153

NATURALIST S E T H ANDREWS

168

J A M E S S M I T H , KAUKA OF KOLOA

179

C . H . W E T M O R E , H E R B S AND S I M P L E S

195

PART 3 : T H E XIV.

OTHER

FOUR WHO

STAYED

S M A L L P O X AND L E P R O S Y

211

PLANNING FOR POSTERITY

221

XVI.

T H E ELEGANT EIGHTIES

248

XVII.

T H E L A S T OF THE N I N E

264

XV.

Appendix A.

CHAPIN'S " D I S E A S E S OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS"

275

B.

LAFON'S " U T I L I T Y OF THE BANDAGE".

279

C.

N O T E S ON NONMISSONARY DOCTORS

D.

CHRONOLOGY OF MEDICAL E V E N T S IN HAWAII, 1 7 7 8 - 1 8 9 9

285 .

.

290

E.

T A B L E OF HAWAII'S POPULATION, 1 7 7 8 - 1 9 0 0

295

F.

GLOSSARY OF HAWAIIAN W O R D S

296

G.

S E L E C T E D BIBLIOGRAPHY

299

iixY

Photographs Page Thomas and Lucia Ruggles Holman, 1819 facing 18 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Hiram and Sybil Moseley Bingham, 1819 facing 34 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Cerrit Pannele and Laura Fish Judd, 1849 facing 114 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Dwight Baldwin, 1847 facing 130 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Alonzo Chapin, 1831 following 138 Honolulu Academy of Arts Mary Ann Tenney Chapin, 1831 following 138 Honolulu Academy of Arts Thomas Lafon, circa 1860 facing 162 Gayle Lafon Young James William Smith, circa 1840 facing 179 Mrs. A. H. Waterhouse Charles Hinckley and Lucy Sheldon Taylor Wetmore, circa 1840, facing 195 Clyde and Sheldon T. Deacon Public Notice, 1853 Smallpox Epidemic facing 211 Mrs. Francis John Halford Gerrit Parmele Judd, circa 1870 facing 242 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Dwight Baldwin, 1850 following 250 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Charlotte Fowler Baldwin, 1850 following 250 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Melicent Knapp Smith, circa 1880 following 258 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society James William Smith, circa 1880 following 258 Hawaiian Mission Children's Society Charles Hinckley Wetmore, circa 1890 facing 274 Clyde and Sheldon T. Deacon

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Foreword

Dr. Francis J. Halford was a bright-eyed graduate of the University of Pennsylvania when he came to see me on my first return visit to New York City after four years in Hawaii. He wanted to intern at The Queen's Hospital, Honolulu, with his life-long friend, Dr. Arthur V. Molyneux. Both seemed most acceptable young men and were real "doctor" material. Dr. Halford arrived in Hawaii late in June 1926 to take up his duties at The Queen's Hospital, with which he was associated until his death on October 1,1953. From the beginning, "Pete" Halford's enthusiasm was a byword, and his great vitality is evident in every page of Nine Doctors and God. He was ambitious to make a contribution outside of the daily service of a doctor, something above and beyond his calling. He has accomplished this in his book—fifteen years of exhaustive research and painstaking condensation have made available a wealth of material culled from the pages of personal letters and diaries more than a hundred years old. The story is much more than an account of nine doctors. It is a record of the seventy-eight critical years that lay between the arrival of the first missionary physician and the death of the last one. And what a period of change in American and Hawaiian history that was! In 1820, Dr. Holman, the pioneer physician, sailed to Hawaii, 20,000 miles around the Horn, in 164 days. Toward the end of the century, Dr. Wetmore, the last of the nine missionary doctors, steamed home by boat and rail in twenty-two days. During this interval bleedings, blisterings, and sulphur therapy had given way to serums and powerful drugs. Little Gerrit's tragic death from "inflammation of the bowels," Lucy Thurston's major surgical ordeal with only "restoratives and stimulants" to blunt the pain, the heroic Kapiolani's post-operative -fxi}-

death—these might have been quite different with the later knowledge of abdominal surgery, anesthetics, and bacteria. A year before Dr. Holman arrived with the First Missionary Company, the old kapus, which had kept the Hawaiians under the exacting discipline described by the navigators Cook and Vancouver, had been belittled and destroyed. The kahunas had been driven from their demolished temples. Small wonder that the Christian religion with its trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost was so easily accepted by a people brought up on the three gods, Lono, Kane, and Ku. Small wonder that molasses and sulphur, ipecac and salts were gladly used by those whose expert healers had been known throughout the Pacific islands for their knowledge of the curing effects of herbs and earths. These healers were known as kahunas, a name commonly connected with sorcery and evil spells. Actually, the word means expert in any activity, whether it be building houses and canoes or practicing priesthood or the art of healing. In retrospect, we see that the discarded kahuna lapa'au (doctor) had some healing methods and ideas about disease that in the light of today's knowledge were superior to those of the missionary doctors. It suggests, as did Dr. Wetmore, that the bedside approach and the confidence of the patient is sometimes more effective than the contents of the doctor's bag. However, certain comments by these doctors show amazing insight. Dr. Chapin, for instance, wrote that "the excitable state which predisposes to febrile attacks is not common to these islands." In light of today's experiments on the pituitary-adrenal axis as a cause of disease due to "the excitable (stress) state," Chapin's comment is quite remarkable. Remarkable is his statement coming from a pre-vitamin age that "simplicity, too, of their diet and habits is not calculated to promote excitability." Equally remarkable, looking back from our speeded-up world of ulcers and nervous breakdowns, is Chapin's explanation of why the Hawaiians were free from tension-bom disease: "they do everything leisurely and to suit their convenience." These doctors came into a most salubrious climate, yet death was rampant. Dr. Andrews reported that in one area "more than half of the babies died," and that one woman had had twenty-one •fnl-

children of whom only one survived. But the problems the doctors met were overwhelming—"foreign diseases, foreign politics, mental and spiritual bewilderment, indolence of an habitually inductive people, virtual relinquishment of the will to live." In 1778, Captain Cook had described the Hawaiians as one of the finest races on earth, some 300,000 strong. By 1896 there were only 31,000 left. This is the story of the decimation of an intelligent, stone-implement people which had flourished for centuries in an island paradise, the story of the inability of such a primitive culture to withstand the sudden impact of Western civilization with all its immoral and disease-conveying overtones. Added to frustration was the constant, exhausting work which occupied the days of these nine doctors. Threatened with death if their healing methods failed, they served throughout the Islands, traveling long distances on foot or horseback over the roughest terrain and by small boat and canoe over the wildest oceans. They visited the sick, delivered countless babies, built their own homes, preached and taught in black frock ccats whose Hawaiian name appropriately means poison. Though often sick for months, they carried on. This is a story of great courage, of human beings rising above the physical because they believed that as the "Lord's anointed" they had been chosen to carry His hopeful message to the unenlightened. The doctors were expected to be far more than physicians; in fact these devoted souls were charged, "your mission is a mission of mercy, and your work is to be wholly a labor of love.... You are to abstain from all interference with local and political interests of the people.... Inculcate the duties of justice, moderation, forbearance, truth, and universal kindness." The story of the wives—the "dear companions," the "tender twigs from female seminaries," the "parlor-raised Priscillas"—is an account of female fortitude unknown since the day when frontier women reloaded their husbands' guns. Having married men they had never seen until a month or so before embarking on a six-months, storm-tossed voyage around the Horn, they sailed into an unknown climate, filled with strange "barbarians." With limited physical strength and inappropriate clothing and food, they endured exhausting housekeeping, endless laundering, 'ixiiil"

frequent visitors, repeated childbirth, and tragic bereavements. These hardships underline the great capacity of the human being for work and suffering. One wonders what the doctors* wives would say about today's soft living! To Laura Judd, Charlotte Baldwin, and Melicent Smith the eight-hour day and promised security would have seemed "sissy" indeed. The story is one of the surpassing strength that faith gives to the weakest of mortals. Nine Doctors and God is a valuable addition to Hawaiiana and Americana. It is the rare achievement of scholarly research presented in a lively manner. It constitutes a splendid memorial to a tenth doctor who lives throughout the book and who was taken in his prime from the Islands that he loved. N I L S P . LARSEN

Honolulu, Hawaii June 17,1954

-(xiv)»

CHAPTER I

God and Native Medicine It would seem strange that the Author of Nature should furnish every spot of ground with medicines adapted to the diseases of its inhabitants, and at the same time deny it the more necessary articles of food and clothing. I know not whether heaven has provided every country with antidotes even to the natural diseases of its inhabitants.... The combination of bitter and astringent substances, which serve as a succedaneum to the Peruvian bark, is as much a preparation of art, as calomel or tartar emetic. Societies stand in need of each other as much as individuals. B E N J A M I N R U S H , Medicine Among the Indians of North America, 1774

Disease beat thefirstmissionary doctor to the Hawaiian Islands by forty-two years, eleven weeks, and five days. It came in the form of one of sinful civilization's most terrible scourges, venereal disease. What it did to the virginal blood stream and childlike faith of a primitive race is not difficult to imagine. The heartbreak was the more intense because the Hawaiians believed that it was their god Lono who had left this pestilence in place of the blessings which were expected to accompany his first return to human form and to their little world. Moreover, he had gone back to that god-land beyond the horizon, probably forever, and left them to battle this evil alone. It happened thus. At dawn of Sunday, January 18, 1778, the Hawaiian Islands surprised British navigator Captain James Cook by popping above a horizon he had every reason to believe contained nothing but water. Two days later, off the Waimea River estuary of the Island of Kauai, he brought to anchor his ships Resolution and Discovery. His reception was obviously not hostile, yet puzzling. He went ashore with three boats, guarded by picked men armed to the

teeth, but the people cast themselves prostrate before him, even the gorgeously robed headmen and white-robed priests. He could not know that a noted kahuna ki'u (priest) had foretold his coming: his ships "like islands with tall trees," his white face, strange garments, unintelligible speech. Nor could he know that he was expected, not as a mortal, but as the great god Lono, one of the three godheads of the ancient Hawaiian pantheon. Of one thing there could be no doubt. These "savages" were paying homage of a nature so reverent and profound that its manifestation, regardless of its meaning, stimulated the perception of the brilliant navigator. It relieved his mind of all fear and so touched his heart that, with empty hands outstretched, he advanced, alone, and by a sign bade the leaders rise. Confidence such as this was invaluable, and he determined to merit it by every and all means in his power. Back aboard ship, Cook's first act was an order forbidding shore leave to any man who could not show a clean bill of health. He well knew that venereal disease had recently been rife aboard both ships. Formidable penalties were promised any man who molested a Hawaiian or sought sexual relations with the women. Within a fortnight the expedition set sail in pursuit of its original objective: discovery of a northwest passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic. Yet, alas for the miscarriage of good intentions, a trading party which heavy weather marooned overnight on the neighboring Island of Niihau left the seeds of one of civilization's most fearful ills. Imagine the devastating course of a communicable disease, virulent enough in the countries of its origin, but devastating to a people who were unfamiliar with any of our common infectious diseases. Here was something so shocking as to paralyze understanding. Now procreation was no longer rewarded with precious babies, ecstasy of motherhood, and pride of fatherhood, but with pain, defilement, death! Cavalier though the ancient Hawaiians are sometimes said to have been regarding parenthood, their physical misery was to be accentuated by mental and spiritual anguish, and, moreover, by doubt of a perfect life in that heaven beyond the horizon. i4Y

Ten months of consternation culminated in reappearance of those floating islands bearing the errant god and his insanitary disciples. This at best was an anticlimax, at worst a threat of further distemper. While still far off the Island of Maui, the two ships were boarded by Kalaniopuu, chief of that district, and by members of his court. Perhaps it would not be straining a simile if in retrospect we were to call this boarding party Hawaii's first informal health inspection of a ship at quarantine. For it may be assumed that the less devout but more practicalminded benefactors of this relatively disease-free paradise were seeking material evidence of the expedition's poisonous proclivities. They must have been puzzled to note no evidence of appreciable inroads into either ship's company, nor obvious misery among them. Perhaps, after all, their suspicions were unfounded if not downright impious. Tolerance—traditional Hawaiian trait which even to this day eagerly grants more than the benefit of a doubt—must have dominated their thinking then. At all events, disillusionment and distaste did not reach a state of reprisal during the forty days of Cook's second sojourn. The expedition set sail from Kealakekua (Pathway-of-the-Gods), Hawaii, on February 4, 1779, shipshape and Bristol fashion. Yet the indignant ancient gods may have decided to erase from the scroll immortal all trace of faith in this spurious Lono. Eight days out, the ships were set upon by storms which sent them limping back for repairs at Kealakekua, where their welcome was worn dangerously thin. This was too much for Hawaiian hospitality, credulity, and patience, already sorely tried by ungodly goings on.

is y

A quarrel and a fight ensued. Captain Cook and four of his marines were killed, as well as thirty Hawaiians. A proper deity is, of course, immortal. Forthwith Cooks rank slipped from that of a god to high chief, and, as such, his remains were fully honored with royal interment. The Hawaiians regarded flesh as transient and preserved only the bones. These were therefore neatly cleansed, bundled, wrapped in fine kapa (cloth), and spirited to some secret cave at dead of night. Only after repeated requests and threats were any of them returned to the ships. The survivors upped anchors and set sail, albeit no intent to harm seemed afoot. Obviously the Hawaiians wanted only proof that this being whose coming had poxed their most dearly cherished traditions was no god of theirs. Seven years passed before the next thoroughly documented visitation of these strange creatures who came riding upon "floating islands with tall trees and whose talk sounded like wa-wabla-bla and whose loose skins had slits into which they thrust their hands and whose nostrils spurted smoke." This time the ships were again British, the King George and Queen Charlotte, in command of Captains Portlock and Dixon. Both had been members of Cook's expedition, hence were not too sure of their welcome. They lingered only long enough to water, and sailed away for the American northwest. Explorers, whalers, and traders thenceforth called from time to time. Some left not only infection and insult, but carriers of both in the persons of deserters who took up residence in the Islands. The Hawaiian word kahuna, though usually associated with priests and black magic, means an expert, a highly skilled person, a professional. Much more respected than any of the other professionals was the doctor, the kahuna lapa'au, some of whom are believed to have been more powerful even than the chiefs and the king himself. The kahuna lapa'au knew nothing of these foreign infections and had little or nothing in his pharmacopoeia wherewith to combat them; and his patients were protected by no immunity

whatever. Within forty years of Cook's visit, disease, together with war and famine, had slain nearly one-half the native population, or some 150,000 souls! The special deity of the medical profession was Ma'i-Ola (LifeBringer). Doctors prayed also to the female deities Ka-Pu-Alakai (Leading Force) and Kauka-Ho'ola-Mai (Healer). Another god of the medicine men was Kamiki (The Swift One). In Hawaii, as elsewhere throughout the world, the science of medicine developed slowly by trial and error, without the counterparts of the laboratory and the dissecting room. Excepting old age and wounds from living dangerously (and wounds could not become infected, as prediscovery Hawaii had none of the common pathogenic bacteria), about all that could happen to the ancient Hawaiian was a misery from something he ate. This put the cathartic and emetic at the head of native pharmacognosis, with poultices and dressings for wounds close runners-up. Physiotherapy was developed to a high degree in lomi-lomi (massage administered by feet as well as hands), whose practitioners were amazingly well versed in neurology, osteology, myology, and dermatology. The puholoholo (steam bath) was on a par with the best sudorific of the kind to be found anywhere in the world. Botanically rich, the Hawaiian Islands had an extraordinary variety of indigenous medicinal herbs from which native intelligence and industry had segregated the chief therapeutic agents and reagents long before contact with, or even knowledge of, any human culture beyond the horizon of their own Polynesia. Derivatives were limited to processes of decoction, infusion, and maceration, simple or compounded; for the Hawaiians knew nothing of distillation, nor did any of their cousins throughout vast Polynesia. Neither was any attempt made to produce alcohol by fermentation beyond that formed by nature in putting an edge on poi, the Hawaiian staff of life made by mixing taro, a native tuber, with water. For digestibility, nutriment, and balance, poi has few if any equals in the present-day world of dietetics. Virtually all ancient Hawaiian remedies were herbaceous. Therapeutic minerals were limited to pa'akai, or unrefined sea -{7}-

salt; 'alaea, a water-soluble colloidal iodiferous earth; and hau'eli (Glauber's salt, or sulphate of soda), found only in pockets near volcanic eruptions about a century or so old.

Sickness through impairment or failure of this or that organ was virtually unknown in old Hawaii; and even today, unless frightfully abused, the bodily mechanism of an average Hawaiian clicks like clockwork day in and day out. All the more wonder, then, that native medical resources were exhaustively developed. Small wonder that most of that development was dedicated to upkeep rather than to repair. Besides physical therapeutics, the kahuna made free use of psychology. In some cases he seemed to achieve results well-nigh miraculous. His toughest professional opponent in that field was the kahuna 'ana'ana who, by a slick system of psychic broadcasting, could kill a normal person within a few weeks or, often, overnight. Ever puzzling to foreigners has been the Hawaiian's lack of fear of death, which seems to mean no more to the prospective decedent than any other of life's interesting changes. Distress is shown only by the survivors, whose violent and vociferous mourning puzzles the foreigners no less. It can be likened to nothing so much as to the paean of desolation let loose by a child left behind when a picnic seems afoot. No stoicism accounts for this lack of fear, no hard living conditions tending to make life a burden, no religious fanaticism, no 8 f-

braggadocio, for none of these is evident in the Hawaiian way of life, past or present. No creature could show a keener love of life nor, to judge by its human product, could any way of life be more worthy of love. Not only does the Hawaiian go with death as a child with its father to holiday adventure, but he seems to have some sort of prescience as to the exact time of arrival of the Bright Angel. Well authenticated are instances of departure set days in advance and met to the minute with no apparent artificial aid. Thus fear of death would seem to have no place in the successes of 'ana'ana. At least no victim of the spell exhibited a single symptom of terror familiar to anyone who has seen a human being thoroughly frightened. It is said a kahuna 'ana'ana would refuse to work on an accused of whose guilt he had doubts, lest the spirits return from a fool's errand to smite their sponsor. Against such an event the kahuna 'ana'ana always performed on his own behalf a kaha, or spell, with hope that it might frustrate retaliation by the spirits, no matter how well needled by a rival doctor of deviltry. Sufficient though it was to the needs of the day and the people, the medical set-up of ancient Hawaii proved insufficient in defense of public health against the onslaught of alien disease. Envision a visit to a community by invaders from another planet, carrying infection as thoroughly without precedent in earthly pathology as syphilis was to Hawaii in 1778. Add to that a poison as new as alcohol was to Polynesia, and follow with strange viable microorganisms so virulent that medical science would still be trying vainly to conquer them nearly 200 years later. Then imagine our social, religious, moral, and economic structure blasted to bits, and who could blame the earth's best medical men for befuddlement even greater than anything of record against Hawaii's old kahuna lapa'au? Western medicine, with remedies for Western diseases, came to Hawaii slowly. Fifteen years after Cook's arrival, only eleven foreigners had settled in the Islands. British Captain George Vancouver offered to retire several of them from circulation as likely to corrupt any community. Two of those of whom he approved were the Welsh first mate

Isaac Davis and the English bo'sun John Young, who had been virtually kidnaped from their ships three years previously. They became valued advisers to Kamehameha and helped him to unite the islands. Young and Davis were, no doubt, capable practitioners of rough-and-ready pharmaceutics and first aid, knowledge of which in those days, as today, is prerequisite to an officer's berth aboard ship. Almost certainly they had occasion to treat themselves, members of their families, and probably others, for ailments familiar to them but fearsome to Hawaiians. Probably results were sufficiently good to put native medical priests in rather a bad light. The remarkable versatility of Don Francisco de Paula y Marin, an early Spanish settler, must have encompassed practical medicine, for the king's affection for the brilliant Spaniard included firm faith in his prescriptions. It is of record that in his last illness Kamehameha called for Don Marin when it seemed that the kahuna lapa'au had reached the end of his resources. Responsive to the call, Don Marin made a rough voyage by open sea from Honolulu to Kailua, Hawaii, more than 200 miles. Though he beat Death by a fortnight, he could do nothing for his royal friend and patron. It was forty-two years, eleven weeks, and five days after the discovery by Captain Cook before there arrived in the Hawaiian Islands the first of nine missionary doctors sent by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Medical missionaries in those days faced a lack of facilities and knowledge in their profession which lends greater glory to their achievements under difficult conditions. Primitive though the system of native therapeutics, it was hardly more primitive in comparison with the "civilized" medical practice of the times than is that practice in comparison with the medical science of today. Sanitation then was hardly more than superstition, bacterial causes unknown, preventive medicine far in the future, antiseptics unimagined, anesthesia a Biblical myth, the clinical thermometer fifty years in the future, the stethoscope almost as far, and bacteriology at the bottom of a well sixty years deep. 10)>

To surgical instruments, such as they were, the torso's interior was still a terra incognita, and general diagnosis but a step beyond that form of divination performed by rattling a boxful of bones and chanting "seven-come-eleven." All the medical missionaries to the Sandwich Islands came out of schools then struggling for existence in the handful of states recently carved out of a wilderness. They had brief training in the Cherry Valley Medical School, University of Pennsylvania, Yale, Harvard, Transylvania, Fairfield, Dartmouth, Berkshire Medical Institute, and New York College of Physicians and Surgeons. The reader is invited to meet and know these nine missionary doctors.

Ruggles Holman, who came aboard held high and safe in the arms of her six-foot doctor husband. From that moment on, she was suspected of being no better than she should be. "Accompanied by the Prudential Committee and particular friends," the party was pulled in snappy naval fashion across the noonday harbor and alongside the brig. Among "particular friends" was the Brookfield merchant, Mr. Ruggles, elder brother of Samuel and Lucia, Dr. Holman s bride. Going aboard with them, he was shown their berths in the cabin where, rummaging around, he found certain packages which he had previously sent out by a doryman. "A little something for the stomach's sake," he said to sister Lucia. "Best thing for what's going to ail you once you get outside the harbor. Now don't give it all away; you're not too strong and your innards are going to need something besides prayer to keep 'em quiet." Three bells in the afternoon watch, and all ashore that's going ashore. Stand by . . . heave-ho! Hardly heeling to a light afternoon breeze, the deep-laden Thaddeus moved sluggishly down to the lower harbor, there to anchor and await the morning tide and fair wind. Dawn of Sunday, October 24 found the "family," as the First Company of missionaries had agreed to call themselves, awake and feeling much better than they had dared hope. Instead of an expanse of lonely sea, they saw the familiar skyline of yesterday. The wind was still down, but for once a lucky break because, according to Lucia Holman's diary, "in the course of the evening, it was ascertained that our soft bread and crackers and all the ardent spirits were left behind." But the hue and cry had been raised and nothing would do but send the long boat back to Boston, more than ten miles, to fetch the forgotten stores. What delay the boat's crew encountered beyond minding the tides and a pull of twenty miles up and back is not recorded, but they didn't return until nearly sundown. The wind holding fair, no time was lost getting under way, and with tide then favoring, out went the brig at a good eight knots. This, then, was truly farewell.

-taoi-

CHAPTER I I I

Ardent Spirits When the parting bosom bleeds When their native shore recedes, When the wild and faithless main Takes them to her trust again, Father! view the sailors' woe — Guide them wheresoe'er they go. Hymn

Appetites whetted by a Sunday of breeze and wheedled by a gentle sea, many of the family had made a hearty supper. Some had even dozed off, assured that God was in His heaven and all was right with the world. But not long after dark and before Cape Cod was rounded, neither doubts nor assurance nor supper remained with anyone aboard save the crew and the four Hawaiians who, full of food and happy as clams at high tide, were sniffing spindrift with the focYl watch. Highlights of that first night appear in the diary of eyewitness and squeamish participant Lucia Holman, wife of the only doctor aboard, concerning whose whereabouts and condition she makes no mention. "Our seasickness came on, and before morning every passenger, except the 4 native youths, were broadside. I need not attempt to describe the horrors of seasickness, fori believe it is well understood by most of you. However, to make the best of us, we were a pitiable company. I think here was an exception to the saying that misery loves company, for I believe the miseries of one was no consolation to those of another." Heaped upon misery was the admonition that "all ablutions, of whatever kind, must invariably be performed with salt water." Six months (twenty-four Saturday nights) without a bath wasn't so bad, but twenty-four washless Mondays promised a problem in linen and lingerie.

sellor. The doctor conferred with his brethren, "all of whom," he wrote, "concurred... that it was my duty to g o . . . . I acted as interpreter and directed the natives employed, about 600 in number, and had the satisfaction of preventing or amicably settling the thousand difficulties which were naturally to be expected as a consequence of throwing such a number of natives in the way of more than seventy foreigners of the ship's company during a journey of forty days in the mountains." On this trip Dr. Judd nearly lost his life when trapped in the active lava pit of Kilauea. His own words best describe it. "I went down into Kilauea to collect gases, taking a frying pan, to dip up some liquid lava. We descended the black ledge, placed the tube for gases and as we passed a small crater, quite cool apparently, I stopped to gather some Tele's Hair.'... Suddenly I heard the report of an explosion, a fiery jet burst up from the center and a river of fire rolled toward me. The heat was intense, I could not face the fire, so I turned to the wall, but could not climb over the projecting ledge. I prayed God for deliverance and shouted. Kalama [a guide] heard me and came to the brink, but the intense heat drove him back. 'Do not forsake me and let me perish,' I said. He came again and seized my hand with both of his, and I threw myself out. The fire swept under me as I went over the ledge, burning my shirt-sleeves and wrist, and blistering Kalama's face. The crater filled up in a few minutes and with the frying pan which was lashed to a long pole I procured some lava and ran away with all speed, as it began to overflow." At Honolulu, the Wilkes party created a social sensation, including, according to Mrs. Judd, "a kind of picnic party on the plain, the first to which all parties in our community, grave and gay, were ever invited, and met on common ground. Forty white ladies sat down to a table spread with luxuries from the four quarters of the globe, and arranged with the elegance peculiar to the officers of the navy. It was something new to us, and I fancied that some faces, little accustomed to smile, looked brighter and happier for a long time afterward." Nor have they slipped a fraction of a fathom during the century since, for nobody even today has nosed the Navy out of first place as lady-killers in Hawaii Nei. H105J-

Wilkes's description of Honolulu differs not much from those already presented by missionary observers, for by 1840 but little of its haycock architecture had been replaced by boards, nor had its streets, still unnamed, lost their casual footpath aspect. Worthy of note is the mention of water supply "raised by windmills from wells sunk through the bed of coral on which the town is built, and water is everywhere found beneath it. Not perfectly fresh, and many persons have that which they drink brought from the valley of Nuuanu." Quite different, though, was Honolulu in the eyes of those who had accepted the Islands as their home, and especially those whose lot was cast in the hinterlands. Just a few years later, a missionary doctor and his family, in town for the General Meeting, enjoyed Honolulu's metropolitan atmosphere enlivened by "50 stores, many well filled with merchandise of all descriptions . . . 3-story stone customs house, sure evidence of increasing commerce . . . a theater, respectable in appearance though not as large as the New York theaters . . . church members praying for its downfall. Another evidence, perhaps, of civilization . . . are 50 pianos in Honolulu. Balls and dinner parties, wine drinking and card playing are tolerated in what is called the fashionable circle." At Honolulu, 1839 saw inauguration of an institution the importance of which to the missionaries, the kingdom, and the relationship of the one to the other could hardly be exaggerated—the Chiefs' Children's School. It was conducted by Brother and Sister Amos Starr Cooke (Eighth Company) and dedicated to the education of Hawaiian princes and princesses exclusively, avowedly to prepare them for the high offices of government as it must be carried on under international conditions. Dr. Judd was asked by the parents of these high-bred youngsters to act as trustee and school physician, Hawaii's first. The newly appointed "king's conscience," William Richards, became ex-officio Minister of Education and virtually dictator of the school's policy. Certainly no teachers since time began faced a student body over an ethnic gulf so wide as did the Cookes these haughty scions of native nobility whose lightest breath was no less than a command, with swift death the penalty for lèse majesté. i 1061-

April 15, 1840, found a distinguished company of thirty-one headed by the royal family gathered for the 'aha 'aina (feast of dedication). Among the speakers of the day was Dr. Judd, who stressed the importance of physical education. The school continued as a power in Island politics and culture for ten years, until the sixteen pupils grew up, took their places in life; four kings, a queen, a queen consort, a premier, nine others to brilliant but brief careers. Dr. Judd was to ride thirty miles to render assistance to Mr. Cooke when on July 22, 1845, the headmaster met with a serious accident while making a trip to Waialua alone on horseback. The misadventure is recounted in Mr. Cooke's own words. "I rode on pleasandy until within 3 miles of Waialua . . . my horse galloping & my reins down & I holding a parasol with both hands, the horse stumbled & rolled over, throwing me off on the side. It was all done in an instant & when I started up I found my left arm lame. No bones were broken but my left shoulder bone was dislocated. At first, I felt faint, but I soon slung my arm in a handkerchief, got upon my horse & started for Mr. Wilcox's with a hope that he might be able to set it. Before reaching there I got a little boy to lead my horse across the brook. Very soon he with some natives attempted to set my arm. . . . About 9 o'clock Laanui's native, Naihe, started with a letter for Honolulu for a physician. I retired & slept some. At noon the next day [July 23], Dr. Judd & Bro. Armstrong rode up having started at 7 o'clock. . . . After resting a little [they] removed my shirt, bled me profusely till I fainted & then commenced pulling my arm. This soon revived me & as I made some resistance, they stopped & gave me 20 grains of ipecac & also bled me again. I vomited some but they went on pulling, etc., till 2% o'clock when they succeeded. It was attended with excruciating pain & sometimes 3 of them pulled with all their might. When it was accomplished Bro. A. went & preached. I lay still on the floor for some time in order to rest. I was completely exhausted." Following a day's rest, Cooke ordered a manele (sedan chair), which required all day to make. At 5:30 P.M. he got away, borne by two powerful porters, with two others trotting along to spell them, each to get $1.50. At 2 A.M. they wanted to call it a day, i 107 y

but Cooke urged them on. At daylight, they gave out five miles from Honolulu. He hired two fresh men at twenty-five cents each, reached home at 5:30 A.M., having been ten hours on the road from Waialua to Honolulu. Average time for the same trip nowadays is forty-five minutes.

mander. Dr. Judd resigned from the Mission on April 19, 1842. He explained that the government calls upon him as interpreter and translator "became so numerous and burdensome, and at the same time so threatening to my reputation as a Missionary, who professes not to direct the counsels of the nation, that I had determined that I must at any rate decline the service altogether, or leave the Mission. My own feelings are in favor of the former course; I greatly prefer my own profession, and to maintain my connection with the Board, but there is no one here who could -{108>-

be found to do what the exigencies of the Government require.... The king . . . has signified his wish that I should occupy the place of Mr. Richards during his absence." Richards had been named by the king as envoy to the sovereigns of America, England, and France to negotiate formal treaties recognizing Hawaii's independence to replace the conventions previously entered into with naval officers of the three nations. As his assistant and secretary, and perhaps to confirm his background, Richards took along Haalilio, a high chief and secretary to Kamehameha III. His hasty departure, leaving Dr. Judd no leeway for action by the Mission on his resignation, may have been precipitated by a concurrent and somewhat more hasty departure of American Consul Brinsmade in the private capacity of stock salesman for Koloa Plantation interests based upon a scheme to loosen the king's hold on sugar lands through a hundred-year lease. Dr. Judd agreed to "do all I can to supply the Medical wants of the Mission as formerly" in return for the use of his house. He received $750 a year from the government, the same as he was allowed by the Mission. "I . . . am exposed to extra expenses," he wrote, "but I did not like to ask more lest the enemy should say with semblance of truth, as they have said falsely, "You have left the service of your God for filthy lucre.'" Hence by the Mission a resolution "that as Doct. Judd has resigned his connection with the mission, we therefore express to him our high estimation of his past services, and affectionately request him still to cooperate with us in furthering all the general objects of the mission, so far as he can consistently with his new engagements. That the committee to write the general letter be instructed to inform the Board of the medical wants of Oahu, and request that a Physician for this Island be sent in addition to those already written for." Besides being named translator and recorder, Dr. Judd received the following under royal hand and seal: "We therefore hereby constitute you, Dr. G. P. Judd, Timothy Haalilio, and John Ii, a Treasury Board for the Kingdom, and charge you to receive the poll tax . . . and all money paid instead of the swine tax; also all money paid for criminal offences, the harbor dues and duties, the 109 Y

land rents, and all tax money, and every kind of property which can be made use of in paying Government debts." Dr. Judd was much disturbed by rumors of grand schemes to form giant stock companies in Europe for exploitation of the Islands. In August 1842, he wrote to Richards reminding him that "the encouragement recommended [by Sir George Simpson] to be given to capitalists, however much it might benefit the country, would, I feel, at no distant period be the subversion of the present dynasty, unless their affairs could be directed by experienced foreigners. . . . Nor should the Government violate the rights of the people to please foreigners. . . . Do not, I beg of you, promise what ought not to be fulfilled." Dr. Judd's dramatically interesting career as a valued and valiant confidant of Hawaiian kings would of itself make a book. But references to it must here be foregone save as its salients impinge upon his medical practice. One night in June, a sudden call from Mrs. Amos Cooke gave Dr. Judd the impossible, then, chance of saving the sight of one eye into which she had poured by mistake a mixture of castor oil and ammonia instead of the eye water she had been using for conjunctivitis. Her description of treatment: "I was bled eight or ten times, twice the temporal artery was opened and a pint at a time taken from the temples; blisters, cathartics, tartar emetics, etc., were my constant companions for, I cannot say how many days. I was totally blind six or seven. The distress was very great night and day. The conjunctive vessels were so swollen that the pupil of the eye looked as if it were at the bottom of a well (so described by the physicians). Finally, one eye recovered its sight. The other, I suppose, is lostl An ulcer broke immediately over the sight and has left an opacity in the cornea which will probably always remain. After the inflammation subsided, I found myself weak and helpless . . . then the tic douloureux ... days and nights of crying and groaning." How she survived, let alone regained sight of even one eye, might mystify the best ophthalmologist of today. Dr. and Mrs. Judd's understanding of the Hawaiian character and temperament seems from the record to have been deeper and more sympathetic than that of many missionary contemporaries. -illOl-

Women of the Mission were especially put out by failure of the Hawaiians to meet New England concepts of "hired help." Probably in answer to a plaint on this score was Mrs. Judd's letter addressed sometime in 1842 to "My dear Mrs. L [doubtless Mrs. Edwin Locke of the Eighth Company at Waialua, Oahu]. The Waialua messenger has just brought me your letter and my sympathies are drawn toward you very tenderly. 'Woman's lot is on thee.' You are young and resolute, it is true, but you will soon find that your strength is not the strength of iron. The constant care of your little ones, carrying about one in your arms as you do, when at your work, will overtax your powers, and you will sink under it. "I know what it is . . . to watch the ills of infancy, to weep and pray over the first development of a depraved nature, the anxiety in guarding the little flock from surrounding e v i l . . . . No, there is no relief for mothers, sick or well Are you an exception? . . . Your husband helps you now. Oh, yes! It is a new thing, but young fathers are very apt to use up their enthusiasm with the oldest c h i l d . . . . Every hour which I might reasonably claim of my husband's aid in domestic care, and from which I excuse him, I regard as so much public work done by myself, and feel great pleasure in it. "You object to native nurses. The native character is not all we wish . . . yet among the mercies scattered through fourteen years, none elicits more gratitude than my faithful native helpers. Pali came to me just after my arrival. She was born a heathen . . . young, wild, and untaught; now she can wash and iron infants' clothes . . . feed, tend, bathe, and dress a very young child with more skill than many white mothers I could name. When the little ones are ill she sits by the cradle, watches, waits, and mingles her tears with mine, and prays to her God and my God for restoring mercy. She sits by me tending the baby now while I write, and I think our older children have learned much less of evil from her than is commonly acquired from servants in the most favored families in our own beloved native land. Now, take my advice, divest yourself of prejudices, seek a woman, the best you can procure. Tell her your wishes, what you expect her to do. Teach her patiently ... you will succeed." • u r n

Too late. The lovely Martha Laurens Rowell Locke died a few months later, October 9, 1842, at Waialua, aged thirty, mother of four in six years of marriage. Her handsome, high-spirited husband, whose versatile talent and boundless energy turned "a waste place into fruitful field" at Waialua, died a year later, October 28, 1843, aged thirty, at Punahou School. Judging from their pictures in the Missionary Album, they were obviously aristocrats and not the rugged pioneering type. They may have virtually racked themselves to death over the obstacles of their environment. Meantime, the political pot boiled over, much to the hurt of many a missionary finger. Before hurrying off to England also, the cantankerous Charlton, as British consul, had reported that "the King . . . leaves everything to the Reverend William Richards formerly a missionary, but who has been appointed by the American Board of Foreign Missions to be his principal Counsellor." As a result of this pother by Charlton, there came to anchor at Honolulu, February 10,1843, H.B.M.S. Carysfort, Lord George Paulet commander, with the intention of protecting the interests of British subjects. He ended up by making peremptory demands for surrender of the Hawaiian Kingdom to Great Britain. Foreign envoy Richards was away, en route to Britain on the very business of international relations, hence upon Dr. Judd, now but forty years of age, fell the burden and responsibility of saving not only the independence of Hawaii, but the lives of its people, native and foreign. As the sole apparent alternative to bloodshed, Dr. Judd counselled the king to cede the Islands under protest that Lord George Paulet did not rightly represent his government, thus in fact rendering the cession null and void. "On Saturday afternoon at three o'clock, February 25,1843, the Hawaiian flag we loved so well, was lowered," wrote Mrs. Judd, ". . . and the band played 'God Save the Queen,' and 'Isle of Beauty fare thee well'... the latter . . . by the request of some lady friends of Lord George, and regarded by us as a refined cruelty, which could only emanate from a woman. "After the cession my husband came home and threw himself

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down, utterly exhausted in body and mind, after the sleepless week of fasting and torture. I sat by h i m . . . ransacking heart and brain for arguments of consolation.... No blood had been shed He had done his best In good time he would come forth with new strength for the conflict; and it was so." In the commission government formed by Lord George, Dr. Judd was retained as the deposed king's deputy. By day he sat with the commission, fighting every inch of the way, by night in the tomb of Hawaii's past rulers, his seat a stout iron chest containing the royal treasure, his desk the coffin of late great Queen Kaahumanu. At his beck and call were loyal messengers to shuttle swift canoes between Honolulu and Lahaina, where the king and court were in desuetude. Among nocturnal goings on in the royal sepulchre was preparation by Dr. Judd of a protest to Her British Majesty, duly signed by Kamehameha III, who was for that purpose spirited from Lahaina to a beach near Honolulu and back to Lahaina between dark and dawn. Its bearer, James F. B. Marshall, dubbed "envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary," sailed by the same schooner as Lord George's dispatch-bearer, dogged his steps across Mexico from San Bias, sailed with him from Vera Cruz across the Atlantic, laid Dr. Judd's protest alongside Lord George's report upon the desk of the British Foreign Office at London. Posthaste went orders to Lord George's superior officer, Rear Admiral Richard Thomas, at Valparaiso. Meantime, Dr. Judd had become the father of their ninth baby, Sibil Augusta, born March 16, and what with one thing and another had "about all one feller can do," without the burden of criticism of the Boston Board, to whom he wrote, March 20,1843. "I found a good deal of feeling in the minds of the brethren when examined at the annual meeting. They could not bear the idea that they must lose their physician. This I apprised them they need not fear, as I would continue to serve them all in my power. . . . Another ground of unpleasant feeling was that I had not asked the advice of the Mission... to take an active part as an officer of the Government... which in my humble opinion [is] very proper for me as a man and a Christian, but improper "1113 h

for a Missionary.... A provisional cession of the Islands to Great Britain was made... I had but eight hours to make up my mind on the question of accepting the office of Deputy for the king in the commission, and to me it was a season of horrible mental conflict. . . . You cannot know how much this vexatious business has cost me. My health, my eyesight [retinal detachment of his left eye], my reputation, my family, my hope of a future support—all injured. I know it will be said that the prospect of a fat office under the British Government is now before me, but I have no such prospect or wish. My efforts to contend the course of the English and to vindicate the Hawaiian Government, made for the sake of truth and justice, will not fail to defeat any hope of that kind even if I had been foolish enough to indulge one. My prayer is that I may be useful, and in that way best adapted to glorify God." The fortuitous arrival, July 7, of the U. S. frigate Constellation, Commodore Lawrence Kearney, gave the Islanders some comfort but incited his lordship to new nuisance laws, rapidly breaking down the pale of protective statutes patiently built by the missionaries against the licentiousness of foreign adventurers. As a hint, perhaps, July 14, the Constellation broke out at her forepeak the Hawaiian flag, saluted it. Hardly had his lordship's lather over this gesture reached full foam than, July 26, into port sailed the British frigate Dublin, flagship of Admiral Thomas, who promptly rubbed out Lord George Paulet's mistake. July 31, 1843, Admiral Thomas restored Hawaii's freedom at a brilliant ceremony in a pasture lot some distance from the palace, thenceforth called Thomas Square in his honor. Down came Britain's ensign. And as Hawaii's colors shot to the peak, cheers and tears of gratitude augured well for continued cordial relations with Beretania. Admiral Thomas read a long declaration, the nub of which was: "The Commander in Chief of Her Britannic Majesty's Ships and Vessels in the Pacific, for the reasons herein stated, and as the highest Local Representative of Her Majesty Queen Victoria ... hereby declares and makes manifest that he does not accept the Provisional Cession of the Hawaiian Islands . . . that Her Majesty sincerely desires King Kamehameha to be treated as an Independent Sovereign." -{114}-

GERRIT P A R M E L E a n d L A U R A F I S H JUDD, 1 8 4 9

The first salute to the Hawaiian flag boomed from the guns of the Carysfort, but not at command of Lord George Paulet, who "was not present." Then the Dublin and Constellation roared aloha. Thanksgiving services were held in Kawaiahao Church and a ten-day holiday was declared. A fine recovery from a difficult political operation performed by a missionary doctor but forty years of age! October 5, Dr. Judd noted in his diary, "I am plodding on in my new and strange course much better than I feared I would. Our troubles are not yet o v e r . . . with England or France, but I think the day is dawning, and trust my watch will soon be over. . . . I would like much to see a thorough good exposition of the toleration justly due to the Roman Catholics in these Islands in one of the higher literary journals. . . . Astonishing changes seem to be at hand . . . for good no doubt in the end." Shortly thereafter, Dr. Judd broke the last material tie with his missionary associates by quitting for good the Mission premises and setting up housekeeping in "a furnished stone house of the Premier, adjoining the palace," wrote Mrs. Judd. "The pupils in the royal school near us assure our children that the house is haunted. . . . The high ceiling, large windows, and papered walls afford such a contrast to our little cottage that I feel like a traveller at a hotel." In December 1843, Dr. Judd wrote to Richards, still abroad, "You will have heard, ere this, that I am appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. This seemed necessary for the present, in order to do business with Mr. Brown [U. S. commissioner]. I, of course, take the bull by the horns. I do not like the office." Sadly lacking was a legal advisor, for so far few men of caliber higher than a shyster had shown up. Richards had been instructed to bring a lawyer back with him, but at last reports had bagged none. Thus the situation when John Ricord of New York arrived. He was a debonair, dynamic soldier of fortune, and a godsend to the harassed Judd, who had him appointed Attorney General on February 27, 1844. Of the appointment Mrs. Judd wrote: "The barque Columbia... brought a young lawyer, J. Ricord, Esq. Dr. Judd, though confined to his room, sent [for him] ill5Y

immediately. . . . He . . . is very good looking, well educated and of French extraction. I feel as if a kind Providence had sent him just now to save my husband's life." Dr. Judd, believing that no man should presume to serve the Hawaiian government without becoming a Hawaiian subject, himself took the oath and had Ricord do likewise, setting the rule that no foreigner could serve the king. To his erstwhile brethren he wrote, September 5, 1844:

"I have the honor to address you in the name of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, in order to express the desire of His Majesty that the Missionaries . . . become naturalized subjects of the country to which they have devoted their lives. . . . The Missionaries already owe allegiance to these Islands . . . they come here professedly to settle for life and to evoke all their energies to the benefit of the Hawaiians . .. their children are subjects of His Hawaiian Majesty . . . all Missionaries hold . . . lands and require more or less in future—a power which no Government can grant to aliens except by an ephemeral tenure, without endangering its Sovereignty, and this favoritism to aliens practiced even towards benefactors—which is very dangerous to this Government—is claimed by other subjects of Foreign Powers who likewise claim to be benefactors." Dr. Judd found that the life of a government official could hatch more headaches than the twenty-four-houx-a-day duties of an overworked physician. He had lost the assistance of the

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Reverend William Richards, who was seized with apoplexy in the course of a talk before the privy council July 28,1847, according to Mrs. Judd, "suddenly lost his memory . . . he had all the ideas but when he came to express them, some important word or name would be gone." Despite the best attentions of Drs. Judd, Rooke, and Wyllie, he failed steadily and on Sunday morning, November 7, he died. Widow Richards and their eight children left the Islands in November 1849; none ever returned. Dr. Judd's growing family had made a larger home necessary, and in 1847 he had built and furnished a two-story dwelling in Nuuanu Valley from which the present Judd Street takes its name. The project left him deep in debt, but Mrs. Judd was happy with, as she wrote, "one earnest wish of my heart gratified." It was the first, or among the first, of the houses in Hawaii to have a kitchen inside and a chimney. Doors, floors, and gates came from Copenhagen; windows glazed, and blinds already painted, from Boston. It was called Sweet Home. For Dr. Judd the big battle of 1848 was with Brinsmade, whose trip to Europe concurrently with that of Richards had failed to muster a stock company to take over Ladd & Co. and vast tracts of public lands under a hundred-year lease, which, though unratified, he tried to make stick or collect $300,000 indemnity. He got nowhere, but managed to stir up so much rancor that friends of long standing fell out. In this forlorn fight against alloidial land ownership, Dr. Judd came near to nervous prostration and the king to the end of his rope. Result was the Great Mahele (Division) of the lands of the kingdom, traditionally the king's sole property. For the first time in history, the Hawaiian could pledge or sell the land under his feet, which many promptly did and soon had nothing. To prevent just that, the British consul, General Miller, among others, suggested inclusion of a clause forbidding forever any Hawaiian to mortgage or sell his land. Americans felt that the restriction would damage the native's self-respect and the amendment lost. As a matter of fact, ownership of land meant absolutely nothing to any Hawaiian as a ground for pride, as no such association of ideas had ever existed. The land was eternal, therefore could belong to no man. «U17V

Named as a commission to carry out allotment of the lands were high chiefs Keoni Ana (John Young, son of the famous friend of Kamehameha the Great), Piikoi, Kekuanaoa, and Dr. Judd, the chairman and most influential in execution of portentous details. Within reach of his pen point lay the lands of a realm and the jigsaw puzzle of hereditary rights, yet to the everlasting credit of Aesculapius or just plain Judd, not a foot did he claim for his clan. Of these years of statesmanlike service to his adopted country, Dr. Judd was able to write with satisfaction, "God has heard my prayer. He has prospered my efforts and permitted me to witness the Hawaiian government independent and free."

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CHAPTER

VIII

Dwight Baldwin, Doctor-Dominie A pious word, dropped from the lips of a physician . . . often does more good than a long, and perhaps an ingenious discourse from another person, inasmuch as it falls upon the heart, in the moment of its deepest depression. . . . There is no substitute for this cordial in the materia medica. B E N J A M I N RUSH

The Vices and Virtues of Physicians, 1801

Mightily striving for more money, more missionaries, the Boston Board found itself short of the goal on both counts as the sailing season and 1830 were drawing to a close. But they had a doctor, at least, and that was what the distant Sandwich Islands Mission had been demanding most persistently. With only four couples enrolled, the Fourth Company sailed out of New Bedford, December 28,1830, in the ship New England (376 tons), Captain Parker, "who was extremely land." After "a comfortable voyage of 161 days excepting forty days and forty nights trying to beat around Cape Horn," they anchored at Honolulu, June 6, 1831. The doctor was Dwight Baldwin, age thirty-three. He was the fourth medical missionary, the first to arrive as an ordained minister prepared to treat souls as well as bodies, and the second to live out his days in Hawaii. His ticket to preach (October 6, 1830) antedated by some thirty years his ticket to practice medicine. Not because he had failed to qualify for his M.D., which he undeniably had earned at Harvard in 1830, but because the diploma had not been engrossed and signed in time for delivery before he sailed with the Fourth Company—a fact which years later was to occasion him considerable embarrassment. Born at Durham, Connecticut, September 29, 1798, Baldwin was four years old when his parents moved to Durham, New -(119)-

York. Almost as soon as he could talk and toddle, his studious bent was evident, and at sixteen he qualified for matriculation at Williams, whence, after two years, he went to Yale for two years more, finishing in the class of 1821. He taught school for several years, concurrently studying medicine. In 1826, his "natural goodness," as it came to be known later, responded to the wave of evangelism sweeping over New England. He joined the church, determined to make preaching his life work, dropped medicine, and entered Auburn Theological Seminary, graduating in 1829. When volunteers for the Fourth Company were sought, young Baldwin responded. But the American Board needed doctors more urgently than it needed divines, and at the behest of the Prudential Committee, Baldwin attended Harvard Medical School and won his M.D. He had won also the promised hand of a New England damsel, but she, daunted by thoughts of a life among "cannibals," cancelled the forthcoming nuptials when it became clear that marriage was to mean missionary work as well. Although willing to send Dr. Baldwin forth lacking documentation of his M.D., the Prudential Committee could not set aside its rule regarding a certificate of marriage. Its matchmaker, as always ready with names and addresses, found the doctor no problem whatsoever. He had a long, romantic face, with large eyes, an aristocratic nose, and a heavy thatch of dark hair. His dress was neat but modest, and he was altogether charming. An introduction was forthcoming to Deacon Fowler of Northford, Connecticut, who had a lovely and unmarried daughter, Charlotte. Once burned, twice shy, young Baldwin frankly warned the Fowlers that their youngest daughter faced no social picnic should she find it in her heart to accept the offer of his hand and hardships. Much to his surprise and delight, she asserted that nothing would suit her better than exactly the career he had chosen. What measure of influence was due to the traditional Baldwin "bashful-boy smile" is neither here nor there. Charlotte became Mrs. Dwight Baldwin, December 3, 1830, at her home in Northford. The missionary matchmaker's judgment was justi-

Bed again, for the Baldwin union became a classic among happy marriages. Interesting to modern medicos and travelers who consider "shots" a matter of course before embarking for foreign lands is the fact that progressive Dr. Baldwin had himself inoculated with varioloid at Harvard Medical School. He did so as protection against the smallpox which he imagined might demand his attention in the new field, whereas actually to that date there had not been a single incidence of it. It would be more than twenty years before he would be hurrying from village to village* crying, "Let no one land! They bring a terrible disease!" By happy coincidence Baldwin arrived in Honolulu in time to assist at birth of the Judds' second baby, Elizabeth Kinau, middle name from Princess Kinau, who was quite huffy at refusal of her offer to adopt the baby, but got over it and became a devoted godmother. On November 26, arrival of the Baldwins' first baby had given Dr. Judd an opportunity to return the compliment. The boy was named David Dwight. Both babies lived to reflect great credit upon their families, extending brilliant careers well beyond the eighty mark. At Honolulu, overworked Dr. Judd had hailed Dr. Baldwin's arrival with great joy. Preachers as well as doctors were in demand, as churchgoing had grown in popularity among Hawaiians and as there were renegade foreigners whose souls were teetering at the brink of perdition. Being both doctor and dominie, the Reverend Dwight Baldwin, M.D., had his hands full. For about six months he was stationed at Honolulu, where he learned a lot about the morals and maladies of whalemen ashore and of their toxic effect upon the natives. January 2,1832, Dr. Baldwin was assigned to the health station at Waimea, and after more than a week of rough handling by a storm at sea, reached Kawaihae where, wrote Dr. Baldwin, "John Young, now 80 years old, . . . stored our goods when landed, furnished lodgings for ourselves, made us many presents of things we needed, and has shown, in every respect, the kindness of a brother." At Kawaihae the Baldwins were joined by the Reverend Artemas Bishop "as a temporary associate, till we should acquire the language." H121

Up the twelve-mile mountain trail went the little party, goods upon the backs of powerful porters, Mrs. Baldwin and their fiveweeks-old son in manele borne by two huge Hawaiians who laughed at the featherweight of their burden, more often some 300-pound native chiefess. They found the two houses and church in good condition, albeit for folks from New England somewhat crudely appointed. To fend off the mountain chill they found the Hawaiian-style fireplace, the kapuahi, or pit at room center, which let the smoke find the vent in the roof if it could, as it usually did, barring a squall of wind which sometimes pushed it all back into the house. Dr. Baldwin, shocked at evidence of depopulation, reported that "Waimea was once crowded with people, and the marks of cultivation are still visible, almost to the tops of some of the mountains near us. . . . Disease and other causes have nearly depopulated . . . and it is doubtful to us whether it will ever again have a great population. . . . Our schools are always irregular, and sometimes broken up for a week together by calls made upon the people to carry beef and hides and timber to the shore and to bring up salt. Beef catching is increasing." Salt beef and firewood for whaleships had superseded the vanished sandalwood as a means of cash revenue, yet the trade took workers from the fields, fishing grounds, and other subsistence pursuits and provided money more easily exchangeable for mischief than for maintenance. Horses were more numerous around Waimea than elsewhere, for at Kawaihae, in 1803, Captain Cleveland of the Lelia Bird had beached a mare and foal, Hawaii's first, from St. Joseph's Mission, California. Descended from the troop horse of Spain's conquistadores, this tough, fierce breed was known in California as mustang, corruption of mestano (wild) or as bronco (rough), and in Hawaii as li'o (wide-eyed). In Hawaii no one knew anything about handling horses, as sailors were notably no more adept than missionaries. Hence fractures, cuts, and casualties accompanied equestrianism inevitably until, late 1832, came teachers from California in the persons of hard-riding caballero Don Luzada, with vaqueros Jesus and Ramon.

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Like other blessings of civilization that Hawaiians had been called upon to bestride, horses were destined to develop a school of fierce, reckless demons hateful to missionaries, plus clinical aspects deplorable to gynecologists. The carefree Hawaiians became such wild riders that one doctor was prompted to warn against "the bad effect such exercise has upon females . . . and the large number of uterine disturbances. . . . To speak plainly, a good many human beings are killed in this way before they are born . . . and chances of a future birth by the same mother are lessened." Health station or no, Waimea did not agree with Dr. Baldwin, who, summer of 1834, was "unable to preach [due to] a delicate state of the lungs occasioned by too much exposure to the weather in visiting the sick at a time when I had a hard cold." "Fever and a weakness" pestered him until, early September, he was called to Kaawaloa to attend the renowned Princess Kapiolani, also Mrs. Forbes, whose second son arrived October 26. Dr. Baldwin believed that this distinguished member of royalty had a cancer of her breast, and forthwith she was sent to consult Dr. Judd in Honolulu, who operated on her as previously described. Dr. Baldwin's report from Kaawaloa concludes with a plaint that Hawaiians had lost their first enthusiasm for palapala and that the schools were mostly prostrate. "They have had their day . . . but considering the many imperfections which attend them, I can hardly mourn, hoping that something better will take their place." And of his double duty as minister and physician, "I am very liable to be interrupted in my labors as a missionary. We have two physicians but their situation is such as it seems, at present, almost unavoidable that I should act as physician for this island. I have spent one month in that capacity at Hilo, the past year, and was called to go there a second time when I was on the point of coming . . . and had hardly the strength to come [to Kaawaloa]." In February 1835, Dr. Baldwin moved to Lahaina in pursuit of health, but even at that dry and salubrious place he found little relief for his ailing throat and lungs. With the approval of the brethren, he sailed for a health voyage aboard Jim Hunne-

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well's packet on her next 5,000-mile round trip to the Society Islands. He was gone from July through September, during which time he visited British missionaries at Tahiti and other southern islands. Dr. Baldwin concerned himself with phases of missionary and native life strictly speaking beyond the frontier of his professions, yet bearing upon the practice of both medicine and theology so intimately that grasp of one must include the others. In August

1832, he had written to Rufus Anderson of the Boston Board his opinions on the manner of remunerating physicians and other so-called assistant missionaries. "Leaving these points [of economy] for others, there is still one point on which we can all form some opinion—and that is the effect which salaries would be likely to have on the piety of the mission. This is a point on which I should feel guilty, did I not express my opinion. The resources which missionaries have in these Islands, for placing themselves in easy and comfortable circumstances, not to say of getting rich, are far greater than the Christian public generally suppose, perhaps than is ever known to the committees. Besides the liberal manner in which the mission is supplied from the Board, private friends often make presents, both in money and other articles and undoubtedly would do so, to some extent, if they had salaries. The chiefs also i 124 h

make presents, which are sometimes extravagant, and which may always, by such moderate hints as we all feel at liberty to give, in case of need, be increased to almost any extent. "Every station has a wide field of trade with the natives . . . some with foreign vessels. Most stations have flocks of goats and herds of cattle . . . every missionary may cultivate as much land as he pleases . . . most of the older ones hold lands with tenants. . . . Most of these resources are over and above what ministers have at home.... That the causes I have mentioned have already contributed to lower the standard of piety among us, I think, can hardly be questioned. But on the common stock system, the temptation to be involved in secular concerns, has been comparatively small; and I should hope, that as self denial and piety advance, as we trust they will in the church and among missionaries, these resources will all be used to further the progress of the gospel. . . . "But what would the effect of salaries be in the situation to this flood of temptation? . . . The conflicting interests, jealousies and consequent disunion, which would necessarily grow out of salaries in this mission would make them a fearful experiment. . . . The difficulties of adjusting the amount of salaries here so as to give anything like general satisfaction, it appears to me, would not be small. "I cannot but think, that if the Board could diminish the style of building here, that is, if they could persuade the mission, that houses of one half the size, and one half the cost would subserve their purpose and the souls of the heathen, equally well, it would not only save much direct expenses to their treasury, but confer a great benefit on the mission, and prevent some reproaches of those who are always ready to find occasion against the cause of Christ "When I told one of the brethren of the last [Fifth Company] reinforcement to this mission (one who was formerly accustomed to the plainest habits) that I was disappointed in not hearing more in their sermons about self denial for the cause of Christ, coming, as they did, from home, when religion had received a new impulse all over the land, he replied, 1 must get rid of some of my stuff, before I can preach self denial.' His outfit, I -f 125)"

believe, was not beyond that of many of us who have come to this mission, or those who have gone to other missions." Also indicative of the Baldwin perspective was an opinion expressed through a letter to the Board, dated Waimea, November 29, 1832, regarding the policy of teaching adults to read and write but neglecting the children. "We think a vast deal more must be done for the children of these islands than has yet been done. We are glad to see an increasing interest in the mission on this subject. . . For my part I could wish that one half of the $1000 devoted to educating catechists had been appropriated to this class. If adults have most of the labour, and the children are neglected, they will soon rise up like a flood to sweep away all that has been done." Mrs. Judd had already noted in her journal what might have been the missionary consensus regarding establishment of schools, of memory is wonderful, acquired, as I suppose, by the habit of "The aged are fond of committing to memory.. . . Their power committing and reciting traditions. . . . The children are considered bright, but too wild to be brought into the schools." She referred to the Hawaiian system of bringing up children; at that time and for nobody knows how long before, it was almost exactly in accordance with the method adopted more than a century later by highly civilized child welfare specialists, namely, self-determination of little folks. Hawaiians, like their cousins throughout Polynesia, handled their offspring much as a mother cat does: guarding them from serious harm, feeding them but allowing them to take life as it comes, good, bad, or indifferent, and out of the experience making a philosophy commensurate with their environment. Their program included nothing like the New England maxim of that day: "Children should be seen and not heard." Individuality was not only tolerated but encouraged. "Wild," the good Cape Codders called it. To the Puritan mind, especially, wild seemed the frank approach of Hawaiian children to the facts of life, a subject traditionally regarded by Polynesian parents as best left to the tutelage of Mother Nature. In February 1836, Dr. Baldwin found himself back upon the wet coast of windward Hawaii "to attend one or two families.

imy

We intended to return in one month; instead were obliged to prolong our stay for three months [with the result of a] renewal of the complaint on my lungs." Regarding his divided allegiance to Aesculapius and Jehovah he waxed somewhat testy in a letter to Boston from Lahaina, November 15, 1836.

"On account of my want of health, lack of medical help and the unusual number of sick in this part of the Mission, it was judged best that I should devote most of the present year to the practice of medicine. . . . I have turned my attention more to qualifying myself to act as physician. When I left America, nothing was said to me on the subject of practicing medicine. It was a matter of doubt, in my mind, whether I should ever be called upon much; and therefore, I took but a few books and instruments. . . . On theory and practice, I had no work but that of Dr. Good, valuable but one which I suppose no physician makes his steady dependence for reference in practice. Instead of finding a full description of the complaint with which we are to deal in any one author, I think, we much oftener find it deficient in very important points, which must be made up by a reference to some other author. . . . Prescribing for missionary •{ 127 y

families is a very responsible work. . . . The following are the works which I have thought ought to be sent to me as soon as may be convenient: Bell on Venereal; Cazenave and Schudel on cutaneous diseases; Laennec on diseases of the chest; Orfils on poisons; Shaw's Manual of anatomy; Philip on Indigestion; Abernathy on Tumors; Bichat's Epitome of physiology, anatomy & pathology; Solomon's Guide to Health; Charles Bell's exposition of the natural system of the nerves. "Most of these works are upon subjects which are presented to the practitioner very often in these islands. . . . I need also the following instruments in the surgical line: One small Troochar for hydrocele; a good Scarificator & cupping glasses (one with an exhausting apparatus); a Tooth Forceps; a double Cannula; some silver wire; two or three good trusses, different sizes, as patterns for making others here. I think also a small case of instruments for the eye would be useful to me, and would wish them sent if they could be without much expense. "There are also two other books I must request, which do not come into the medical department, viz. Webster's Dictionary, & the Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge. The latter would be an invaluable book of reference for us, in teaching our children. Johnson is not sufficient authority to enable me to determine what is real English & what has been manufactured by seafaring men and others. . . . "I need Armstrong on fevers. It is the volume on fevers, consumption, measles, &c. that I wish, and not the work on typhus fever. . . . I wish a stove, aside from convenience or economy, to prepare medicines, some of which require long standing over the fire. . . . A cooking stove would be a great convenience for this work." It was Dr. Baldwin's second appeal for books. Earlier he had written for Dewees on females and Thatcher's Dispensatory. "I write for these because the only system of midwifery I have (Dewees) is deficient without the former, and I have nothing to supply the place of the latter except one which I have borrowed, for the present, from Kailua." He added, "I have now another request: that you send me a pair of midwifery forceps. Davis's patent is best; or if that land cannot be procured, or are too costly, i 1281»

others of nearly the same form may be had in Boston, for only 3 or 4 dollars cost. The short, broad one of Hamilton, I think, I could use, in cases where I should need them. Dr. Judd has a pair, but his business is such that it is not probable that I could ever avail myself of the use of his. I am more desirous of procuring a good instrument of this land, as the life of our only child, and also perhaps the mother was saved by its use [by Judd] and besides it may be needed among the natives." Dr. Baldwin listed the several hundred volumes in his library, including thirteen from the Mission store contributed by patrons,

hit or miss! Wistar's Anatomy; Magendie's Physiology; Good's Study of Medicine; Paris's Pharmacologic; Cooper's Surgical Dictionary; Dorsey's Surgery; Chapman's Therapeutics; Dewees's Midwifery; Dewees's On Children; Ratier's Formulary; Desault's Surgery; Bell's Anatomy; Thomas's Practice. Dr. Judd had a somewhat more selective library. It would be some time, however, before it was to be supplimented by medical publications with specifically local application. For the time being, doctors were obviously supposed to sing small in the chorus of palapala issuing from the Mission press. Not a word on physical salvation appeared in the 1836 score which Bingham boastfully totted up to "1,850 pages of new matter added to the publications for the Hawaiians, 151,929 copies of various works, amounting to 11,606,429 pages had been printed at a cost of $5,336.48." That, in those days, was a lot of money to invest in Holy Writ when a few words on how to cure the itch might have been more cogent and constructive. Evidently the Prudential "i 129 j-

Committee regarded health as something that just happened, but reading, writing, and religion as something to promulgate with all speed and vigor. In the Mission print shop, laborers aplenty were employed. Bookbinder Dimond noted: "I have fifteen men in the bindery—folders, sewers, forwarders, and finishers; and a shop of more orderly men, can hardly be found in America. I am quite certain that the same number of men, taken promiscuously from among the book binders of New York, would suffer in comparison." No such happy a manpower situation existed in the field of medicine. At one time Dr. Judd had in his dispensary two native assistants, trained by himself as best he could; but, as we have seen, he lost one through death and the other through desertion. Dr. Baldwin mentions no helper at all. Scant as were facilities provided for physicians, and wide as was the field the two doctors had to cover, it was not medicine but palapala that had gotten the big boost from the Seventh Company, which arrived June 7, 1836. It included two talented men for the printery. As in the case of the Sixth Company, which had arrived in 1833, no doctor came to help the overworked Drs. Baldwin and Judd. To be sure, the Fifth Company, which had arrived a year after Dr. Baldwin did, had brought Hawaii's fifth missionary physician. But he had already returned to America, having been forced to leave at the end of four years of amazing activities in many fields. This versatile doctor was Alonzo Chapin.

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D W I G H T BALDWIN, 1 8 4 7

CHAPTER I X

Versatile Alonzo Chapin In our day . . . when "learning made easy" may be an appropriate motto for some of our schools . . . an apprenticeship of six years is considered a short period to form a good and skillful mechanic—whilst by the modern highpressure system (thanks to the wisdom of our Legislature) three years, eight months of which shall be devoted to collegiate exercises, are deemed amply sufficient to make a doctor! Yes, that's the phrase, to make a doctor. J A M E S W E B S T E R , M.D.

Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 1842

The fifth doctor to enlist for service with the Sandwich Islands Mission was Alonzo Chapin, M.D., age twenty-six, born at West Springfield, Massachusetts, a graduate of Amherst, 1826, and of University of Pennsylvania, 1831, whence his M.D. After presenting himself to the Board as medical member of the Fifth Company, Dr. Chapin acquired with commendable celerity the requisite "dear companion"—missionary euphemism for wife—in the pretty person of Mary Ann Tenney of Newburyport by orthodox sacrament performed at Boston, October 26, 1831, exactly a month before sailing day. Young Chapin was primarily a humanitarian, which rendered medical practice almost second nature. Intuitive, versatile, if at times startling in his tangents, he was never caught napping, and into the business of this adventure before him he threw a measure of enthusiasm close to consecration. His fine features, dark, luminous eyes, long chin, and broad brow topped with wavy black hair were those of a poet rather than a man of science. But his appearance was in a sense deceptive, for he proved to be a tireless and capable artisan as well. Good sheet anchor was his wife, Mary Ann, age twenty-seven, steady, realistic, and a maker of friends. She had a determined •(131)-

mouth and chin, and though almost constantly ailing, she stubbornly refused to be laid by. November 26, full of turkey and fran's and with a great crowd to see them off—sailing to foreign missions had become fashionable—the Fifth Company got away from New Bedford in the whaleship Averick (350 tons), Captain Swain. Besides Dr. Chapin and his Mary Ann were others, average age twenty-three, all innocent regarding details of 172 days at sea aboard a ship with makeshift accommodations and every seam saturated with rancid blubber. Let moderns who bemoan shipboard accommodations less luxurious than a first class hotel be chastened by Dr. Chapin's picture of the Averick. "The cabin is about the size of our front parlour,—and is occupied as a sleeping-sitting and eating room, and likewise as a Physicians office. This room contains four berths—a single curtain is all that separates one from the other." And every berth a bridal suite! During December, terrific seas forced the skipper to pour upon the waters all the whale oil aboard, hence none for the lamps and consequent resort to lard and butter for light. Sharp lookout was set for whales and, before butter's end, one was taken and, to the tune of stomach-turning stench, enough oil tried out to do the voyage. Probably every doctor so far sent out had a pretty lively practice aboard ship, though few details went into journals or log books available. But Dr. Chapin's report gives an idea of what those long voyages were like for the "parlor-raised" pilgrims. "Averick at sea Jan. 2, 1832: Till we entered the Swamp [Sargasso. Sea], the 2 D e c . . . . we had almost incessant storms.... Our sea sickness and unpleasant weather rendered us irresolute and inactive, and incapable of paying much attention to our effects. . . . The Capt. is good natured, pleasant and accommodating, the crew for the most part friendly.... Mrs. Lyman has been sick all of the time since our embarkation the last three weeks with acute gastritis, inflammation of the bowels. Her case has been very critical. . . . Mrs. Spaulding is now sick with pyrosis, water brash, . . - but it is uncertain as to the termination.. . . Mr. Alexander] is convalescent from Intermittent fever.... The steward and cabin -(132 y

boys are unfaithful and need constant looking after. . . . I have to deal out the tea, coffee, cheese, butter, etc., etc. and keep as many things nailed up as possible." Hardly had they left Rio than his wife, Mary Ann, was down with "the recurrence of the dysentery," stubbornly unyielding to treatment "and has symptoms indicating most clearly inflammation of the bowels (acute enteroperitonitis)." That condition subdued and convalescence apparent, she relapsed into a case of bilious colic. Concurrently, Mesdames Emerson and Spaulding were laid low by the same complaint, "and all three were at once dangerously ill . . . and had not Our Father in Heaven commanded the winds and waves to *be still,' I do not think they could have survived." Even the skipper had "attacks of colic, but did not lay himself by." Dr. Chapin concluded his medical record of the voyage with pious references to God's judgment causing the distempers that kept so many on board flat on their backs and himself on the jump. Their minds filled with horrific fancies concerning the "heathen" and the dismal swamp of moral degeneracy through which he waded, leaving a gory wake awelter with human sacrifice behind, the missionaries were always astounded by the actual facts which faced them on arrival. Dr. Chapin, apparently no less incredulous than others, hastily revised his preconceptions: "May 17, 1832. During most of the night we lay to . . . soon several native canoes came around us with milk and eggs to sell, and shortly after breakfast our brethren came off with boats and brought us ashore. On landing we were surrounded by a multitude of natives some nearly naked, and some well dressed. Our loose articles as umbrellas,—trunks and band-boxes were taken promiscuously by them. . . . I felt a little apprehension for their security... but we found them all safely deposited at the [Mission] station, where they had arrived before us. Such a specimen of moral honesty might well put to the blush New York . . . or any other American city. The ladies were put in a waggon and drawn up by the natives, who seemed to vie with each other in acts of kindness.—We took our residence . . . myself and wife with Dr. Judd. . . . Mary Ann was carried to the place in a chair by two natives." •( 133)-

Once ashore, and with better food and water, Mrs. Chapin "convalesced rapidly." She listed in a letter to her parents, May 21,1832, some details of the treatment received from her doctorhusband. "Bleeding and blistering gave much relief. I have been bled—cupped, and leeches applied six times; in addition my stomach and bowels entirely covered with blisters;—have lived on the lightest articles of food." The first church service attended by Dr. Chapin was at the big grass Kawaiahao, Honolulu, Sunday, May 20. He noted: "Not less than 2500 were stowed in. The floor covered with native mats, afforded a comfortable seat for the worshippers . . . singing, performed by the natives surpassed in excellency many choirs in American churches. The king was present and assisted. The stillness of the congregation through the whole exercise was surprising. . . . The day has been solemn. "May 22. I rode out five miles on horseback to the valley of Manoa. . . . Dr. Judd has erected a small house for a country retreat. . . . Mary Ann is now much better. . . . I visit the sick regularly with Dr. Judd, and have some put under my care whom he has failed to cure; and whom he thinks new expedients may relieve. "May 27. Dr. Judd called for me to visit the Queen [Regent Kaahumanu]. She still declines . . . and we greatly fear she will not recover." Mrs. Chapin notes in her journal that "since landing, Husband has been constantly engaged in the duties of his profession with Dr. Judd. They agree very well together. There is but little difference in their ages." To worried Dr. Judd, arrival of Dr. Chapin was a godsend, for in his hands were the breaking strands of vitality that held the great queen regent to earthly affairs and especially to the Mission's material welfare. Loss of the good chief Kalanimoku had rocked the boat badly enough, and no missionary but quailed at prospect of politics upset by loss of this good friend whose lightest word was law. Only fifty-eight, Kaahumanu was still in full vigor by old Hawaii's standards of longevity; yet the years of her life had spanned a period of turmoil and change without precedent, 134 y

and she had always been at the forefront of public affairs, to say nothing of sprightly pursuit of rosy personal romance. In effect the ruler of Hawaii since the death of her regal spouse, she spent much time afield among her people, regardless of travel rough and uncomfortable. From one of these tours, around the Island of Maui, she had returned in a depleted condition resulting from chronic dysentery, against which Hawaiians had poor resistance, as it was unknown prior to arrival of ships from America. Both doctors pronounced her beyond medical aid. She was borne in a manele to her favorite retreat in Manoa Valley, about three miles beyond Punahou, followed by her court and household. Mrs. Judd recalls that attendants had prepared "a bed of sweet scented maile [Alyxia olivseformis] and leaves of ginger, over which was spread a covering of velvet, and on this she laid herself down to die. She was gentle as a lamb, and treated her attendants with great tenderness. She would say to her waiting women, 'Do sit down; you are very tired.'" Soon a vast encampment had sprung up around the Manoa Valley lodge. According to a contemporary account, "Governors of the different islands, many other chiefs of different grades, together with numerous attendants, numbering in all several hundreds, followed her to Manoa to be near and express their sympathy. Their first work, on arrival at the spot, was to prepare themselves temporary accommodations. They collected materials from directly around them, and tied them together with bark. . . . In a short time the place was filled with habitations." Meantime, at the little Mission print shop, the first copy of the first New Testament in Hawaiian was being hurriedly bound in red morocco for the presentation to Kaahumanu, whose name it bore in golden letters. It reached her in time. "She looked it through carefully," wrote Mrs. Judd, "then wrapped it in her handkerchief, laid it upon her bosom, clasped both hands over it, closed her eyes in a sweet slumber." Dr. Chapin wrote: "Kaahumanu is dead. She bade adieu at 3 o'clock Tuesday morning. . . . I witnessed her last gasp. I attended her near three weeks with Dr. Judd and relieved him much of the weighty feeling of responsibility." •

and the missionary compound crackled an atmosphere of fretful anxiety. So it stood on arrival at Honolulu, September 21, 1842, of the Tenth Company of reinforcements, 142 days out of Boston by the brig Sarah Abigail, Captain Doane. More properly a squad than a company, the new arrivals numbered four, two of them James William Smith, M.D., and bride. Dr. Smith was born at Stamford, Connecticut, July 8, 1810; he received his M.D. from the New York College of Physicians and Surgeons. Before yielding to the prevalent impulse to join something religious, he had had five years of practice, including a typhus epidemic in New York City. He missed the fine ship Victoria, which he especially wanted to sail in because "among the passengers were Mother Thurston and her children returning to the Islands. Rev. Samuel Chenery Damon and Mrs. Damon were also on board. They would be good company, we thought, for the long voyage." Dr. Smith had gone to Greenwich, Connecticut, where he knew a fine girl who, he had reason to believe, might leave her home for him and the career of a missionary at the Sandwich Islands. She was out. But her younger sister, Melicent Knapp, was in, and within a week after he had transferred his affections to her she accepted him. They were married on April 18, 1842, in her home at Greenwich. He was nearly thirty-two years of age; she, twenty-five. "Well," wrote Dr. Smith in his journal, "just fifty days after the sailing of the Victoria we embarked at Boston aboard the Sarah Abigail, a small vessel with poor accommodations for so long a voyage. Neither the captain or any of his officers had ever been around Cape Horn, and we were to pass the dreaded cape in midwinter. Some of our friends were very anxious." Notwithstanding the bad prospect, they had a favorable voyage to Honolulu, where they found no Victoria nor any news of her. That shocked the Reverend Asa Thurston, gave everyone a turn, and prayers went up thick and fast until, a month later (October 19) the overdue ship arrived, all well. Twice she had been battered unmercifully and had had to put in at Valparaiso and Callao. "God moves in a mysterious way." -f 180 i*

First to greet the malihinis (newcomers) was Mrs. Smith's brother, Horton Owen Knapp (Eighth Company), who had arranged for a fairly comfortable house for them. Dr. Smith, at first inclined to resent switching stations, wrote: 1 was told at Boston that I would probably be stationed at Kailua on the Island of Hawaii to take the place of Dr. Andrews; and it was a surprise to find that we had already been assigned to the station at Koloa to take the place left by Dr. Lafon." But after hearing of the relative merits of Kailua and Koloa, he wrote in somewhat different vein. "Koloa is a place greatly in contrast to Kailua, and considering the state of my health it was far better for me to travel around the garden island than among the clinkers of Hawaii." During Dr. Smith's sojourn at Honolulu he attended, and lost, his first patient in Hawaii, Mrs. Edwin Locke. When the doctor arrived she was apparently already beyond help; "but," he wrote, "she recognized her brother the Rev. G. B. Rowell, who was with me. She lingered a few days then passed to the shining shore." To Koloa went the Smiths, aboard the little schooner Hawaii. Leaving Honolulu at sunset on November 3, they arrived at Koloa November 9 at sunup, making the ninety miles in a neat five days. By November 19, Dr. Smith, having taken stock, wrote to prudentializer Chamberlain at the Honolulu depository: "Will you send me . . . a few quires of Wrapping paper—for the Medical department, some coarse & some finer—perhaps the outside of reams of printing paper. . . . There [are] a number of Boxes &c. here marked A. B. [American Board] left by Dr. Lafon—I opened a box containing table knives & forks, some of them were almost as rusty as an old iron hoop—What disposition shall I make of these things? . . . The foreigners here, Mr. Burnham and others, come to me for medicine—& some of them at least request me to open an account with them for it—Shall I sell the medicine? . . . With regard to my professional services I think the path is plain—I shall make no account of it. "Will you be so kind as to send me . . . one board 12 ft. of soft pine & put to my personal account—I wish to make a safe [a food

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cabinet often set in containers of liquid as protection against insects]. In relation to the medicine left by Dr. Lafon, you remark in your letter 'that it may be expedient to take an inventory of the particulars.' To do so with much accuracy will be a work of much difficulty—I had supposed that the medicine belonged to the Mission. Dr. L. gave me a list of the medicine it would be necessary for me to take of Dr. Judd—The list was short as there were medicines already at Koloa—On my arrival I opened Dr. L's boxes & my own and put the medicine together on the shelves & in some instances into the same container, & have used of the same as occasion required. Moreover not a little of the. Medicine found here is damaged by long keeping—some is entirely useless—Now in view of these circumstances to make out an inventory will be very much a piece of guess-work. However, if you deem it expedient I will do the best I can—Of the books I will try to send you a list by the next vessel." Hardly had the Smiths got settled at Koloa in the house Dr. Lafon had built for himself than the doctor was taken down with dysentery which kept him in bed for more than a week. Mrs. Smith acted as nurse and had not only to prepare medicines for many patients according to directions from the bedded doctor but also those for him. Apparently Dr. Smith lacked Dr. Lafon's taste for promotion of commerce and agriculture, for among the first clearance activities was transfer in March of a Mission herd of cattle to the Waimea station, and in July the sale of sixteen head to "Mr. Kellet, Agent for Skinner... at 10 dollars a head... [which] Mr. Gulick thinks too high... he would sell at 8 dolls, a head—Mr. Burnham thinks it too low, says he would not sell them less than $12. a head unless he would take all—calves, old cows & pau loa [have done with it all] My opinion is that 10 dollars is about right." On September 28, he reported he had disposed of the remainder of Dr. Lafon's property, some at public auction, others at private sale, for $105.35. On November 10, 1843, the Smiths' first child, Emma Clarissa, was born. The worst medical case reported by Dr. Smith for 1843 was, December 6, Horton Knapp. Mrs. Smith's brother, who "had a -(182 >-

severe attack of Hemorrhage from the Lungs. He commenced bleeding on Sabbath morning last—and bled at intervals till yesterday (Tuesday) morning. . . . Yesterday morning we almost despaired of his life. . . . The worst attack of bleeding was Monday A.M. soon after which he was seized with violent colic pains— possibly the effect of the medicine taken to allay the bleedingIt soon yielded however to the appropriate medicine . . . this morning we feel encouraged to hope. . . . I know of no particular exciting cause for this attack—For two or three days before it occurred he had some fever—which he attributed to a slight cold he said he had taken. His system seems extremely susceptible to the slightest exposure." The patient died fifteen months later at Honolulu. At Honolulu, February 3,1844, the new British consul, General William Miller, arrived, brightening the political picture and bidding fair to further missionary prospects of success in making over the government to fit a community growing faster in sin than in grace. Miller took a look, left in July on consular concerns, after placing in charge as proconsul at Honolulu his secretary, Robert Crichton Wyllie, M.D., a Scot who had for the most part forsaken medicine for politics, and who was tofiguremightily in Hawaiian affairs of state. Wyllie became very much persona grata with missionary leaders, worked closely with Dr. Judd, who, on return of General Miller, had Wyllie made Minister of Foreign Affairs and himself Minister of the Interior. Mention of Miller is relevant especially to medical affairs, for it was he who called his government's attention to the shameful lack of hospital facilities for British seamen, especially in view of America's maintenance of excellent hospitals, under able Dr. R. W. Wood, at Honolulu, Lahaina, and Hilo at a cost in excess of $150,000 a year. General Miller selected a spot in Pauoa Valley, back of Honolulu, and built a hospital called Little Greenwich. "There the British tars were provided for in a style that would have made the favored inmates of Great Greenwich complain of neglect," bragged the local press. Later, the number of British ships having fallen off, the hospital was discontinued and their sick were -URN

sent to the American hospital or to private homes liberally compensated for nursing and board. Dr. Smith, having disposed of cattle, et cetera, accumulated by Dr. Lafon, began the year 1844 by advising the Mission business office at Honolulu that "on account of numerous duties" he would not be able thenceforth "to give much attention to raising cane." He complained of sore eyes, probably conjunctivitis, which so many of the missionaries seemed to pick up within a short time after landing; obviously a contagion from the Orient, where ophthalmia was common and chronic.

In February, Dr. Smith was called to the Island of Hawaii and Mrs. Smith and her baby accompanied her brother to Honolulu for the duration of his absence. April 18, she wrote: "My husband is on a professional visit to Hawaii... will probably be gone two months. Dr. Andrews, the physician for that Island, is called to Hilo... at the same time that husband is at Kohala. Dr. Andrews was absent from home eight months, the year that we arrived; Mrs. Andrews sometimes accompanying him, sometimes staying at home alone, though she usually spends the nights, I am told, in Mr. Thurston's family, as they live near together at Kailua." From Dr. Smith at Kohala, April 18, to his mother-in-law in -11841-

Connecticut, a husband's report on the joys of missionary life in the hinterlands: "I am spending a few weeks at the house of Rev. E. Bond [Ninth Company], he is stationed about 25 miles from Waimea. . . . It is considered a back station and the people are much more rude than I have been accustomed to see. Communication with Honolulu is not so frequent as from many other stations. It took me 15 days to come here from Oahu, came first to Lahaina, thence to Kailua, then rode horse back to Kawaihae, the seaport or landing place for Waimea, from there took a canoe 15 or 20 miles up the coast to Mahukona and then overland 10 miles further to Bro. B[ond]'s house. . . . "Perhaps you will ask, what business I have away from my own station and from my family? . . . If I had not been able to visit this place, Mrs. B[ond] would be without a physician in a coming trial, with no mother, no sister, no kind neighbor, no female to be with her, no one but her husband and natives. . . . "Since I have been here I have rode out several times with Bro. B[ond] to distant points of his field to see the sick. It is not often that a physician visits this place and Bro. Bond wished his people to profit by my visit. We found in the course of our ride some of the most horrid cases of old ulcers that I ever saw. . . . The more I see of a heathen state . . . the more I feel we ought to be devoutly thankful that we were born in a christian and enlightened l a n d . . . . "My health is very good, never was more fleshy or looked more healthy. But a sore throat... troubles me some. I do not exactly understand its nature or cause. It appears to be a slight inflammation about the palate. . . . I have given up singing and do not often speak in public. . . . Doct. Andrews has a similar affection of the throat." As office assistant, Dr. Smith had "a remarkable man, Samuel Kahookui," Hawaiian, a graduate of Lahainaluna Seminary. During 1845, Dr. Smith reported influenza prevalent on Kauai, himself among the victims. "But few escape, whether natives or foreigners." April 19, he reminded the Honolulu business office that no medicine had arrived responsive to his order "some weeks since to Bro. Rogers . . . please paipai [prod] him a little. We

are pilikia [in trouble] for Medicine . . . and there are many sick. We want Jalap, Rhubarb, Castor Oil, Sulphur, Calcinated Magnesia. "My throat difficulty has somewhat increased. We have come to the conclusion that it will not be well for me to spend the winter at Koloa." On April 28, the Smiths' second child, Charlotte Elizabeth, was born. Dr. Smith grew testy at times with the brethren at Honolulu for sending heavy freight for him to Nawiliwili, ten miles up the coast. To get it overland was out of the question, and by sea in canoes a dangerous, time-wasting, expensive nuisance. On top of that, his long overdue medicines arrived in bad shape. He fumed: "I find that a quantity of Elixir Vitnol [Vitriol] was put into a bottle with a common cork which of course was soon destroyed by the [Vitriol] and the contents of the bottle poured out among the other medicine—a bottle of Either [Ether] put up in the same way shared the same fate. Both [bottles] were empty, and many of the medicines put up in papers have been destroyed or injured. "It seems to me that the veriest tyro in the drug business ought to know better.... Will you have the kindness to write to Messrs. Maynard & Noyes and ask them to turn the ignorant clerk away who put this box up and to employ some one in his stead that knows something? A'ole pono anei? [That's no good, is it?]" November 20,1845, Dr. Smith wrote the brethren, "You will be surprised to hear that I have gone on a whaling cruise." From a letter to his mother-in-law back home: "In former letters I have several times mentioned that I have been troubled with a sore throat. I have had this difficulty about two years. Well, as the cold and rainy weather of autumn came on it seemed to grow worse: almost every evening I was hoarse, with slight cough, some shortness of breath and wandering pains in the chest. In short I began to feel quite uneasy about myself. . . . I have long expected to die sooner or later of consumption.... I visited Honolulu . . . and was told by the doctors, at least by the one in whom I placed most confidence, that, probably, my lungs were not seriously diseased. . . . He advised me, if possible, to live in a dry •(186)-

climate (Koloa is rather damp) and if a favorable opportunity offered to take a voyage. "I returned to Kauai and a few days afterwards a whaleship arrived off Koloa and sent a boat ashore to trade with the natives. The captain, though an entire stranger, called at our house and learning the state of my health and my wish to try the effects of a voyage, kindly offered to take me with him on the cruise free from expense. He had a large ship [all of 452 tons] with ample accommodations and expected to be absent from the Islands only about two months. The offer was a generous one. . . . I determined to go. . . . "Since Horton's long continued sore throat terminated so unhappily, she [Dr. Smith's wife] has great dread of that complaint and seems to imagine that all sore throats are likely to end in consumption.... "I went on board the whale ship Niantic, Capt. Slate, of Sag Harbor, Nov. 21st, 1845. . . . When I am absent there is no physician on the Island, and, at the time I left, there was but two white ladies, besides M [elicent] and they both 40 miles distant. . . . I went on board at evening, but even before I reached the ship my old friend of the ocean—seasickness—was upon me and most faithfully did he stick by during the whole cruise. Capt Slate, however, gave me his own state room and did what he could to make me comfortable. . . . We sailed eastward from Kauai, passed island after island. . . . "Almost immediately on getting to sea, owing probably to the constant nausea, my sore throat left me. For this I was truly thankful, but for the most part we had very rugged weather and the seasickness was almost constant. . . . Moreover the water we had to drink was miserably bad, my state room was overrun with bedbugs, and the nights were exceedingly tedious.... I grew thin and feeble, could hardly creep up the cabin stairs, spent most of the day lying on the locker in the cabin and the idea of spending another month at sea had become very formidable to me. The Capt. said I should not live a month longer at sea if the weather continued so rough. . . . The o i l . . . which the ship contained . . . was found leaking and it became necessary for the ship to make the nearest Port. •{ 187 >•

" I might fill a number of pages with incidents of the voyage, with the character of the sailors, the long yarns' the Capt. told about catching whales, but I have not time. . . . Suffice it to say, that I believe, the community at home have little idea of the actual state of things on board whale ships. . . . Dec. 19 in the afternoon, the lofty mountains of Hawaii came in sight and the next day we cast anchor in Hilo bay. I received a hearty wel-

come from the missionaries.... You can hardly imagine how I enjoyed for a f e w days the most common blessings of life I remained in Hilo nearly six weeks." Rested from his recreation, Dr. Smith boarded the Niantic again at Hilo, touched at Lahaina and Honolulu, was back at Koloa February 7, found Melicent and the babies well. They had spent most of the time with the Rowells (Tenth Company) at Waioli. In October the Smiths moved from the old Lafon house to that vacated by the Gulicks. Bachelor boarder Pogue continued to sleep in the Lafon house and boarded with the Smiths. Either Pogue's appetite or hearing seemed defective, for Dr. Smith ordered from the Honolulu depository "a bell of sufficient size to be heard 40 rods against the trade w i n d . . . to call Brother Pogue to dinner." All in all, 1846 seemed to Dr. Smith rather a futile year at

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Koloa, "much time consumed in little matters... getting a dose of medicine for this man, a book for that, a sheet of paper for one, a pen for another, and so on." November 27 brought to the Smiths a measure of compensation for an otherwise futile '46 in the person of their third child, Mary Arabella. Decrease of the native population was gaining headway so rapidly in the 40's that the day seemed near when missionaries need no longer concern themselves with the heathen, for no heathen would remain to work on. Nevertheless, among the American missionaries, the doctors seemed the only ones sincerely concerned and sorry. So emphatic and active were they that their names, Judd, Baldwin, and Smith, were destined to go down in Hawaiian history as valiant fighters for the rescue of the Hawaiian's body, without which there seemed no sense in worrying about his soul. More hotly active, however, than any other was the Scot, Dr. Wyllie. His quarry was prostitution, which was fostered, nay forced, by the whaling interests. Their fleets wintering in Hawaii often numbered 600 ships, their crews, plus hangers-on, more than 30,000 men busily propagating disease and demoralization. Stormed Wyllie: "If that vice, prostitution, subsist, in less than a century... besom of destruction will have removed this people from the face of the earth." In 1846, to all the Mission stations in the kingdom Wyllie sent a questionnaire seeking facts and opinion. Essence of missionary information: the foreign diseases, foreign politics, foreign economy, and foreign philosophy had resulted in physical suffering, mental and spiritual bewilderment, indolence of an habitually industrious people, virtual relinquishment of the will to live. Croaked the Reverend Titus Coan from Hilo, "It is hardly worth while to seek for the best means of preserving a people, when it is a given point that all means for the purpose will be alike unavailing." Some accounted for it simply as manifestation of "the mysterious will of God." Acceptance of the filthy and ramshackle condition of humble Hawaiian huts and premises as "a heathen custom" touched off the indignation of Manley Hopkins, who quoted the two Simp-

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sons. Sir George: "The dwellings of the natives are neat and clean, etc." And Alexander: "The oppressive system of government, the discontinuance of ancient sports and consequent change in the habits of the people, have been powerful agents in this work of depopulation; and the ill-judged enforcement of cruel punishments and heavy penalties for breaches of chastity have much aided it, by giving an additional stimulus to the practice of causing abortion . . . of which practice sterility is the natural result." One reason, perhaps, for the medical missionaries' refusal to accept extinction of the Hawaiian race as a foregone conclusion was their knowledge that back in the hills and the valleys, as yet beyond reach of procurers and poxed foreigners, were fine, strong Hawaiians, the ktta'aina (country folk) who, with the fierce pride of woodsmen, had refused to tolerate intimacies with foreigners. They had no taint of venereal disease. In them, and in a fortunate percentage of high-class Hawaiians who had escaped disease, the doctors saw preservation of the race. Realistic, if ghastly, was the prediction that survivors, if any, could credit their clean blood to the fact that to the Hawaiians of those terrible days infection brought sterility and death. Dr. Smith lamented the rapid diminution of the Hawaiian population. In a letter to his wife's brother, Joseph Knapp, in America, he wrote, June 4,1851, a review of his medical observations among the Hawaiians. ' I t is not so pleasant business prescribing for them as for more civilized people. They, as a general thing, have not patience to follow out a course of treatment. If a few doses of medicine cure a man—it is all well—if not, he is off soon to some native doctor who has about as much correct knowledge of the treatment of diseases as he has of Land in the Moon. A case in point has just occurred: "A man came to me last September with a slight affection of the wrist. . . slight swelling and a small ulcer. I prescribed for him and he left me. Seven months after, he came to me to amputate his hand, it was the most shocking looking hand I ever saw. . . . It seemed he had been off into some back place and had been under the treatment of some native quack. . . . I am i 190)-

trying to heal it up without amputation; it is not certain that I shall succeed. "Another evil among them is this: They are accustomed, when taken ill, to put off taking medicine till often times medicine is of no use. . . . Another difficulty is their imprudence while sick. I saw a man, who had been suffering several days with fever, bathing in the river on a cold, windy afternoon. I expostulated with him, but he only replied that water was comfortable to him. "Sometimes they do more rash things than this. I had a patient near me suffering with dysentery, for several reasons I was exceedingly desirous that nothing should be left undone to save him. I visited him twice and sometimes thrice in a day. I prepared arrow root for his food and took it regularly to him myself. One day when I went in to see him I found a quantity of green 'ohias' or mountain apples, by his pillow and also some unripe Cape gooseberries [poha]. Of these he had been eating. Only think of a patient suffering with a severe dysentery filling his stomach with green apples or with unripe gooseberries. . . . I told the man it was little use for me to attend him... and I told his friends to make preparations to bury him. They were all frightened at this and the patient made most solemn promises to eat no more fruit without my permission. He recovered. "Another trouble is this: very few Hawaiians have any proper food while they are sick. When well, even, they have little variety in their diet; fish and poi are everywhere the principal articles. Sometimes they get pork or beef, but the great mass of people rarely get these articles. They eat fresh fish when they can get them, but for the most part they havefishsalted and dried. Now only think of dried fish and some poi for a sick man." Little did Dr. Smith realize that dieticians and physicians of a later generation were to recognize fish and poi as a well-balanced diet, and poi itself as the best invalid food on earth, ninety-nine per cent digestible, with all the proper vitamins and calories. Dr. and Mrs. Judd were more appreciative of its value than other foreign residents, for, writing of the difficult winter of 1850, Mrs. Judd referred to taro, from which poi is made, as "that nutritious substantial vegetable," and said "thanks to the toil of the kanaka, it did not fail." But Dr. Smith continued: -(191)-

"It is when sick that the difference between natives and foreigners appears most obvious. What a variety of nice articles of food we have when sick, toast, water, rice, panada, soups, etc., etc. Natives might all have arrow root [pia, indigenous], but they are improvident and careless of the future and seldom keep this article on hand.... I think we are not sufficiently thankful that we were born in a christianized and civilized country. We know not how much we owe to civilization for the mere comforts of life." Dr. Smith did, however, grant something to the climate. "I will add . . . that this is the most healthy climate in the world and did the people take proper care of themselves and properly obey the laws of our physical nature there would be but little sickness among them. But, alas for the Hawaiian race! Disease imported by bad foreigners—and bad habits strengthened by foreigners, have rendered them a feeble people, and their numbers are every year diminishing." About this time, the government took first official interest in health and appointed, 1850, the first Board of Health, whose physician was also to visit the prison hospital daily. Members of the first Board of Health, all English or American doctors who had settled in the Islands independently of the Mission, were T. C. B. Rooke, George Lathrop, Benjamin F. Hardy, G. W. Hunter, Edward Hoffman, Richard Hill Smyth, and Wesley Newcomb. Bad as things were, Hawaii was still free of the first instance of several devastating contagious diseases, and daily the doctors prayed that by some miracle they could be kept out. It was to be a vain hope. At Koloa the year 1847 got off to a spectacular start for Dr. Smith and Brother Pogue. At half-past three on the morning of March 21, the gods of old Mt. Waialeale pulled the plug and down upon Koloa swept a wall of water. Brother Pogue, fast asleep in the house that Dr. Lafon built—against the warnings of a kahuna—heard the swish of water and before he hit the floor it was ankle deep; mats and furniture were adrift; then the doors burst and Pogue was swept down the river. Aroused by the roar, Dr. Smith sent a Hawaiian through the flood to Pogue's ruined house. He searched for hours. At day-

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light they found Pogue's tattered cloak caught among the drift. Pogue was finally discovered wedged among the rocks just short of the beach, bruised, water-soaked, and mud-plastered. For many days he hovered near death. Nothing worth saving was left of Dr. Lafon's fine adobe house; Pogue's books and personal effects were utterly ruined. Dr. Smith's house, on higher ground, escaped; but the basement in which he had his medical supplies and office was flooded and books and medicines were destroyed.

Dr. Smith's order for replenishment of his medical store included a barrel of hau'eli, the native salts which he thought "not too large a quantity for this island. It is a cheap medicine and very useful and no medicine is more popular among the natives. I had rather pay for the barrel myself than not have it." A new baby scheduled for Waimea had the doctor hastily ahorse for several false alarms. Finally there to lie in wait, he found the place "hot, sunburnt, dusty, uninviting; fields of red dust and barren rocks with scarcely a green spot to relieve the aching eye." Measles—frequently fatal to the native Hawaiians, as it had been to Hawaii's king and queen in London in 1824—struck in October 1848. It was brought by the American frigate Independence, in whose barge the First Company of missionaries had gone aboard the Thaddeus at Boston in 1819. For good measure the frigate brought whooping cough also. Though the Hawaiians had no immunity against measles, it did not render them help-{1931-

less. Thus its devastating mortality was furthered. Burning with fever, they would rush into the sea for relief, and died by the thousands. November 13, Dr. Smith wrote from Koloa, "Our children are all sick with the whooping cough, one had the measles last weekothers will probably get it in a few days. Natives sick generally." On December 13, 1848, their third child, baby Mary Arabella, was dead from complications of whooping cough. But there were more devastating diseases yet to come. It would not be long before the dreaded patch of yellow calico would fly above Hawaiian homes.

«Iim

C H A R L E S H I N C K L E Y a n d L U C Y SHELDON T A Y L O R W E T M O K E ,

circa 1840

CHAPTER

XIII

C. H. Wetmore, Herbs and Simples Never have two prescriptions going at once. Of course, if there is an infusion to make, you will set that on — set the jar on one side, marking on a piece of paper what it is, and hold that label between the cover and the jar. You can then go on with another prescription. But, having finished one, clean up all mess, put away bottles, measures and mortars, before beginning anything else. "The Art of Dispensing," Journal of Materia Medica, Pharmacy and Therapeutics, 1880

There had been no doctor in either the Eleventh or Twelfth Company. The Eleventh Company had arrived July 15, 1844, aboard the brig Globe, Captain Doane, 244 days out of Boston, longest by far of all the long missionary trips, bringing six missionaries, one of whom was Maria Kapule Whitney, who twentyfour years before had been brought into the world by Dr. Holman at Waimea, first white child born on Kauai. The Twelfth and final Company, consisting of only three persons, arrived February 26, 1848, after a comfortable run of 126 days in the ship Samoset, Captain Hollis. Dr. Charles Hinckley Wetmore, though sent by the Boston Board, was attached to no missionary company. He had qualified three weeks before sailing day by taking to wife Lucy Sheldon Taylor in whose home, a handsome farm on the Housatonic River, young Wetmore had boarded while attending medical school. She was tiny, weighed eighty pounds, and could walk under his arm. She had handsome eyes and an amiable smile. Further, she and her dashing, blue-eyed, six-footer husband had hobbies in common—botany, astronomy, and mineralogy. Three and one-half months after the First Company had sailed for the Sandwich Islands, Dr. Wetmore was born at Lebanon, Connecticut, February 8, 1820, of a family characterized (states

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Dr. Wetmore's diary) by longevity, piety, hasty tempers, love of kindred . . . spoken of as honest, upright, philanthropic, public minded." Educated in country schools, the boy Wetmore was kept busy with chores at home, "such indulgencies undoubtedly very helpful in giving me a strong and vigorous constitution," he wrote; in later years remembered "I commenced studying medicine in 1843. Studying in Summer, teaching school in Winter finally carried me through my medical course in 1846. After... practicing medicine for awhile in Lowell, Mass., I received during the Summer of 1848 my designation as physician and surgeon for the Sandwich Islands." He narrowly missed going to India instead, because while teaching school to piece out his practice he had to discipline "a very unruly boy" who gave him a shiner. He felt it unwise to appear before the Board on the date set, hence the India job went to a less forthright practitioner. Dr. Wetmore's diary of their 146 days at sea echoes enthusiasm for everything that happened, including dissection of a shark's head. He praises the 349-ton Leland and her skipper, Captain Eldridge, who was "very fond of music and countenances our exercises by his presence and is a member of the choir; he is everything we could wish... kind, accommodating, affectionate and pious." The crew proved a jolly lot; two mates, "eight robust sailors, a cook and a steward... thirteen passengers," all interesting and agreeable. The highlight of the voyage was February 20, when they spoke a ship and confirmed the rumor current before they had left Boston that gold had been discovered in California. "If so," said one, "the Sandwich Islands in a short time will be within ten days of New York!" March 11, 1849, the Leland came to anchor off Waikiki, but there was no aloha committe from the Mission for Dr. Wetmore. He wrote: "None of them had even heard of our appointment ... this intelligence forwarded three months ahead of us [came] six months after our arrival." But they couldn't fool Mrs. Judd, who said, states Wetmore: "As soon as I saw them I knew they were missionaries." Brother Castle (Eighth Company) put them •{ 1961"

up pending assignment to Hilo, which was to get its first resident missionary physician. At Honolulu the Wetmores were presented at court, a new experience of which the doctor wrote: "I was entirely unused to 'court etiquette.' When asked by His Majesty of my plans for the future, I said, 1 expect to reside at the Islands,' *WHAT did you say? asked Mr. Wiley [Wyllie] very gruffly. I replied, at the suggestion of one leaning on my arm, "With Your Majesty's permission/ accompanying the same with a moderate bow, which quite relieved the old gentleman's mind, and put him in a good humor again." Friday, May 18, found the Wetmores at Hilo, where the Lymans (Fifth Company) made them welcome in their home until a house could be prepared. August 31, Mrs. Wetmore wrote to her sister, 1 must tell you what a pleasant home we have. Our house is Hi stories high and has a piazza (or lanai) [verandah] on two sides Now for the yard. This is nearly... as large as our garden and orchard [at home] Between this and the sea there is another piece of land which belongs to the mission premises and we keep our cow tied sometimes in one and sometimes in the other. We have a great many rose bushes in our yard... many kinds of fruit trees.... From our parlor window we can see all the ships which anchor there I am happy in my new home, seldom cast down except when my thoughts wander across the sea A fine little brook runs past our back door of pure soft water.... Sour guavas make very nice jelly, much like currant jelly." Of her first trip with her husband, sometime in the summer of 1849, Mrs. Wetmore wrote, "We started for Kau, 90 miles distant; [the doctor] on a horse, and I on a donkey. . . . [You] will no doubt be filled with surprise at the idea of my starting on a journey of 180 miles all of which was to be performed in this w a y . . . . Charles was very anxious . . . for me to go as I had got rather worn out with getting to housekeeping. Most of the first day . . . was very pleasant.. . with the sweet music of birds . . . tall ferns and underwood.... We passed through a region of lava... passed through one settlement of natives on this dreary region, where no vegetation could be seen, but they had rather -(197}-

live on a rock by the sea, where they can get fish and play in the surf, than in ever so pleasant a country further from [it]. . . . About 2 hours ride after leaving [the village], . . . brought us to the house of our friends [at Waiohinu] Mr. and Mrs. Kinney [Twelfth Company] and Mr. Paris [Ninth Company]. . . . We had a very good visit of 2% weeks. 'The Doctor' had a great deal of practice among the natives. . . . Our journey home was not as pleasant as when we went. During the second day's ride over the sand and lava we had a strong wind which blew the sand in our eyes and was exceedingly uncomfortable, as we proceeded it commenced raining a fine sleet, which drove directly in our faces. . . . It seems to me I never suffered so much in our coldest winters as I did while being pelted by this storm. . . . We remained at the volcano one day . . . my health was improved by the journey, notwithstanding its hardships. . . . I labor under a great disadvantage in not being able to talk much. It is hard enough when one understands the language to get along comfortably." Later, visiting the beautiful district of Puna alone, the doctor was obviously tempted by the same features that have charmed many another. He wrote to his wife, "Yesterday I had several invitations to stay and settle down in Puna—the people promised immediately to go to work and build me a house—they were in real earnest about it. I gave them no direct answer. What do you say to the matter? I will leave it with you to decide in regard to it. . . . We came on about 5 miles through a monotonous region of aa [clinker lava] with a few green spots and an occasional grove or thicket of the Pandanus—the next morning about 10 we entered a cave a few rods from the house that we had lodged in, our guides having previously provided torches for that occasion—it had a wide mouth, but after passing in a few feet the throat of the cave (if I may so speak) . . . became so small that we had to stoop, yes, almost crawl to enter it—we went in about 8 or 10 rods and found the object which we sought —visualize a hot bath, 60 feet long and on the average about 12 feet in breadth—here for more than 20 minutes we enjoyed a most luxurious hot water, and hot vapor bath." The outfit for those trips afoot, as well as her own loneliness, mi8»iooer* cf !he Puhhe Health hereby g»ra ttolic« «hut all able-bodied n»eu, ree f . pre.-t fr Off) the §01 aO PO*, "i already complelelv exposed Ihen-K «1-4 liable to he railed on bv them, by •

trict of Kalihikai near the sea, then isolated, virtually uninhabited, and to leeward of the city. That done, the board investigated several valleys on the windward side of Molokai, selecting Kalaupapa. On the land side an impassable pali (cliff) blocked communication with all other parts of the island. Completing the boundary was a rockbound shore constantly pounded by terrific breakers, thus locking the gate to any who would land or leave without sturdy craft and superb seamanship. Abundantly supplied with water from a clear mountain stream, ample in area, with rich soil and bracing climate, Kalaupapa was, and is, paradoxically, a prison in paradise. The settlement cost the government $1,800 cash plus parcels of government land elsewhere in exchange for 800 acres of "excellent land for cultivation and grazing, with extensive kalo land belonging to i t . . . 15 or 20 good houses." One Louis Lepart was appointed superintendent at $400 a year. One O. Bannister was appointed first superintendent of Kalihikai detention hospital at $900 a year from October 20, 1865; and on November 3, Dr. Edward Hoffman® its physician at $1,200. Lepers throughout the Islands were notified to report themselves for examination on Monday, November 13. Thus, some twenty years too late and a full decade after positive knowledge that leprosy was present, remedial measures got under way. And, as "a stern chase is a long chase," it goes on, albeit for many years incidence has been negligible, and control, treatment, and care so efficient that no phobia exists, and so humane that public conscience is justly at ease.

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CHAPTER

XV

Planning for Posterity Now the laborer's task is o'er; Now the battle day is past; Now upon the farther shore Lands the voyager at last. Father, in Thy gracious keeping Leave we now Thy servant sleeping. REVEREND JOHN EULERTON

Hymn, 1871

The major missionary event of 1854 was the weaning of its Sandwich Island offspring by the American Board, whose milk of mazuma had been gradually drying up since 1840. Named guardian was the Hawaiian Evangelical Association, metamorphosed from the handful of hanai (dependents) who, thirty-eight years before at Boston, had been christened the Mission Church. Cutting them loose to earn their own way, old mother American Board sighed through her secretary, Rufus Anderson, D.D.: "The Sandwich Islands Mission from this year [1853] is no longer an organized body under the direction of the Board.... As it is, the mission is dissolved; the pastors and all the new institutions of the Islands are placed on the footing of a Christian land; the Board ceases to act any longer as principal." Speaking for the weanlings, it was the opinion of ex-missionary Armstrong, who had quit the Mission for government service four years previously, that "the Missionaries will of necessity in this way be more or less engaged in secular pursuits and the tongue of malice will not fail to hurl the most envenomed darts at their reputation, for money getting, world loving &c. as they do now at all of us. But if the welfare of Zion requires them to work . . . for their living . . . they have nothing to fear. Their reputation will not eventually suffer." Circumstantial evidence identifies the motivation of this wean•(221)-

ing procedure as obedience to natural law—malnutrition of the mother and fat feeding in sight for the infant. So far as the missionaries were concerned, it took a lot of filial piety to face their growing families on the one hand and on the other a stipend limited to $50 a month; more especially when, footloose in these lush and lovely islands, one might be sure at least of a reputable living by dint of righteous industry. Many of the brethren were already taking a chance on their own, along with Dr. Judd and Dr. Smith. These included some destined to commercial fame and fortune. On Kauai, Dr. Smith's 1854 pinnacle of achievement came in July, when he was ordained a minister of the gospel. He was now the Reverend James William Smith, M.D., with three churches and a parish a day's ride apart to keep him from boredom with the glut of leisure inevitable as the only physician for 555 square miles. Further, to pay for a church at Koloa, his parishoners had to grow sugar cane, which they did only at the expense of time-consuming prodding on the part of their ministermedico. But he seemed to thrive on it, for in May, Mrs. Smith wrote: "Doctor's health has been good the past year and he very seldom is ill or complains of anything, except sometimes fatigue, for he is so constantly employed that he has but little time to rest." Besides the excitement of being ordained—the first occasion of its kind on Kauai—Dr. Smith attended the General Meeting at Honolulu alone. Lack of decent transportation kept Mrs. Smith at home. She groused: "It has been six years since I have been to any place off the Island." The net gain for the year 1854 came to the Smiths on November 6 in a tiny package, their eighth child, Melicent Philena. Dr. Wetmore on Hawaii was frankly enjoying the new setup by which "the Mission still allows us $650 [a year] for our support. . . . They calculate I should realize $300 of it from my practice. This I not only did but exceed it $56.40. We think I have done pretty well, considering how long I was absent on tours through Kau." He had "saved enough money to buy a good -(2221-

horse," but not enough Hawaiian words to make a vocabulary. Five years of study "an hour every week day with Keaniho, who was very patient," failed to prevent foozles such as "Did the horse catch you?" for "Did you catch the horse?" "This is my harvest time," he wrote in March, when the whaling fleet was getting away for its summer cruise. "I regret I am not better prepared to supply ships with medicine. I have charged for professional services and received for medicine nearly $50 during the past eight days—Sweet Spirits of Nitre is a medicine much called for by the ships. . . . Iodine and potash much in demand; last week I disposed of the last I had." October 16,1854, he wrote to his sister Fannie, "Your last letter brought the past to mind very vividly. You ask if I am greatly changed, after remarking that I was once a funny fellow. Well, dear sister, I must confess that becoming a Missionary has not made me essentially different. . . the old fashioned fun will show itself not infrequently." November 22, he complained that "captains often wait until a day or two before sailing and then bring in their orders for medicine, which, when it is a large one . . . makes night work and more especially so . . . when I have a good deal of practice on hand. Lucy [his wife] lent a helping hand, superintending the boys and assisting in putting up powders, pills, etc." Closing the year 1854, a happy note from Mrs. Wetmore to her sister, December 15. "Our precious boy is the joy of our house, with his round fat face and laughing blue eyes, not that he never causes us sorrow, for he already shows that he is born of corrupt stock; he is warmhearted and affectionate but impulsive in his feelings." On June 29, 1855, came their first daughter, named Frances Matilda, "a delicate bud, so fair as to look pale to her mother when she feels a little anxious about her. . . . I would not have believed I could love a second child so well," wrote the fond mother in August. She reported good news for the family budget through a new law permitting ships to sign seamen on and off at Hilo, consequently a perked up and proficient United States Seamen's Hospital. Dr. Wetmore was named physician and purveyor and, i233Y

chirped his Lucy, "will receive $1.25 per day per man for medical attendance, medicine and all expenses of food, washing, nursing, etc.; the bills to be paid by the United States Government. If the Honolulu and Hilo Consuls make a right estimate Cs salary will be a handsome one, but we are not so sanguine." Pele opened 1856 with a lava flow which Dr. Wetmore found especially interesting, though for days it threatened to turn toward Hilo. April 22, he reported on the hospital: "I have six patients in the Hospital—the average from the commencement has been five; I can't tell how we stand in worldly matters. I hope to get my invoice of Medicine in the course of a month or two, then we shall know just what our condition is. . . . I have not sold as much as I expected, and then again we are expecting that another physician will come to Hilo before my new stock will arrive and of course I shall not need as much as I otherwise should need. . . . The fall will probably be our harvest time." Contrary to opinions voiced by physicians who preceded him in the Hawaiian Mission, Dr. Wetmore favored horseback riding for women, the faster the better. He wrote his sister Fannie, "How I wish Lucy was as courageous a rider as Mrs. Coan is—it would do her good if she could ride daily fast enough to make exercise of it; it would supersede the necessity of her visiting a cooler clime to regain her health—as it is, I expect she will be obliged to go home in the course of a year or two—especially if there should be a change of Consuls and with it a change of physicians for the Hospital." A milepost of American progress was revealed in a letter from Mrs. Wetmore at Hilo, July 24, 1856, to her sister in Massachusetts. "We have received today your letter of June 3. Only think of it. Only 51 days from you to us!" Steamships' first paddlewheels seen in Hawaii May 22, 1846, first screw April 19, 1849, and a short cut by land across Panama or Mexico made that dizzy time possible. September 1856 found Dr. Wetmore building Hilo's first drugstore, probably second in the kingdom. Wrote Mrs. Wetmore, "The Dr. is building a drug store and office upon the beach about thirty rods from our house, it will cost him $900 or $1,000 before he gets it all in order; it is quite an undertaking; but he has been

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advised to do it as his accommodations here were very unsuitable; his business is much with Captains and all think it will increase his business considerably; we think it will also tend to keep other physicians away; if he does not succeed as well as he hopes to, we shall feel that he acted according to his best judgment and to the advice of businessmen here. "The building is finely located and would probably rent if he did not want it for his own use." She continues with observations on her husband's hospital. "It is one year on the 18th of this month since the Dr. received his first patient into the Hospital and since that time he must have made nearly or quite $1,000. About $500 are invested in beds, bedding, furniture, etc., for the Hospital, we now owe between $500 and $600 for medicine; this with the new office will make quite a draught from C's purse but he hopes to be able to meet it in a few months, at the end of September he will receive $425 for the last 3 months services at the Hospital. . . . I suppose you know that we do not receive anything from the American Board now, we have received our dismission dated back to July 1st, 1855." Though a druggist, Dr. Wetmore was sparing in his use of drugs. "Charles is not for making a medicine chest of the human body I assure you; few families take less medicine than we; I have no doubt that his reputation suffers at times because he gives so little medicine, but when he thinks it is needed he gives remedies calculated to assist nature in throwing off disease." Dr. Baldwin had added to his burden of work on Maui as preacher, physician, and relentless nemesis of rum and the weed, a vast amount of agricultural and horticultural experimentation to evolve cash and subsistence crops for the Hawaiians whose simple agricultural life, once so adequate, had been upset by foreign influences. He headed committees "on vine and fig; Fruit and Fruit Trees; Seed from Sugar Cane; Irrigation," and what not. Never robust at best, his health was finally damaged by all this. In order to rest and recuperate, he and Mrs. Baldwin sailed around Cape Horn to their old home in New England, where two of their six children were in school, son Dwight at Yale,

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daughter Abigail at Holyoke. They returned in 1857 via Panama, the doctor's health bettered, though he had traipsed around with customary vigor, preaching and lecturing his throat sore. Dr. Judd was as active as ever. In September 1855, Sister Lucy Thurston (First Company) was nearing her sixtieth birthday when she made up her mind to have an operation for cancer of the breast, as risk of death seemed preferable to the pestering pain. Not yet was any anesthetic, save chloroform, available. In this case it was barred by idiosyncrasy. It took Spartan courage to face an ordeal the frightfulness of which neither her surgeon, Dr. Judd, nor the other four attending doctors attempted to conceal from her. In a letter to her daughter, Mary, she wrote: "In the room there was a Chinese reclining chair, a table for the instruments, a wash stand with wash bowls, sponges and pails of water. There was a frame with two dozen towels and a table of choice stimulants and restoratives. The instruments were laid upon the table, strings were prepared for tying arteries, needles threaded for sewing up the wound. My shawl was thrown off, exhibiting my left arm, breast and side perfectly bare. "Dr. Judd stood at my left elbow. With great firmness [he] asked, 'Have you made up your mind to have it cut out?' " 'Yes sirl" " 'Are you ready now?' "'Yes sir!' " 'I am going to begin now.' "Then came a gash long and deep, first on one side of my breast, then on the other. I felt every inch of me as though flesh was falling. I had self control over my person and my voice. Every glimpse I happened to have was the doctor's right hand covered with blood up to the very wrist. He was nearly an hour and a half in cutting out the entire breast and the glands beneath the arm. The doctor said to me: "'I want to cut yet more, round under your arm.' I replied, 'Do just what you want to do, only tell me so that I can bear it.' "One [observer] said the wound was more than a foot long. Eleven arteries were taken up, ten stitches were taken—two punctures to each stitch. The following morning the pain had -(226 V

ceased. Surgeons would understand the expression that the wound healed by a 'union of the first intention.' Three weeks later your father for the first time raised me very slowly to the angle of 45 degrees." In 1855, Dr. Judd took his family for a trip home to New York, which Mrs. Judd had not seen in thirty-six years. They now had eight (of nine) children: youngest, Juliette Isabella, born March 28, 1846; eldest, Elizabeth Kinau, born July 5, 1831. Between were Helen Seymour, born August 27, 1833; Charles Hastings

and Laura Fish, twins, born September 8, 1834; Albert Francis, born January 7, 1838; Allan Wilkes, born April 20, 1841; Sybil Augusta, born March 16, 1843. Among the many to bid them bon voyage was Old Hawaii, a native who, in 1829, at about fifty-four years of age, had come to Dr. Judd with a hopelessly ulcerated hand for amputation. Relieved of it, "he recovered his early vigor," wrote Mrs. Judd. "His gratitude . . . was unbounded. . . . For a period of twelve years he did not fail once to bring a weekly token of it, in kalo, sweet potatoes, or sugar cane. The children call him one of their 'institutions.,. . . "I said to him: We are about to . . . visit lands where we shall be strangers. My heart is heavy. I have many fears . . . [that] we will never all meet again in our tropic home.' "He regarded me in a sober, quiet earnestness . . . then he said: *When Dr. Judd and the young princes went to foreign lands, did •(227)-

not we native Christians up the valley here... supplicate unitedly the blessing and protection of God for them? Did they not go and return in health and safety? Now, you go right along. . . . Never fear if the winds blow or the sea rages . . . nothing will harm you, for we shall bear you up like this* (holding up his one hand and mutilated arm). "I felt humbled and comforted by the . . . simple trust in God in this old man, born and trained in heathenish, degrading worship of idols. During fourteen months of absence and travel, often in untried and startling scenes, my mind reverted to Old Hawaii." (He died in 1875—probably a hundred years old.) To questions concerning their heathenish home, the Judds apparently bristled a bit. "No, Hawaiians were never a nation of cannibals. There are ladies, native born, who reside in elegant . . . houses . . . and whose . . . dignified manners would grace any court. In nearly every foreigner's house in town there is a pianoforte and sewing machine. The king? Quite European in his tastes and manners. Few young men are more fortunate in command of ready compliment and good English.... There are about a dozen lawyers . . . and as many more physicians—all of whom manage to live. . . . A little way up Nuuanu Valley is a cemetery for foreigners,. . . with marble monuments. "The great national want is not a standing army nor a foreign loan . . . nor more ample provision for the support of English schools, to urge on the forcing process, nor more liberty, nor better laws, nor lighter taxation; but a generation of uncontaminated Hawaiian mothers . . . unambitious for foreign accomplishments and luxury, and willing to perform with their own hands the humble but elevating duties of the household." The years were fraught with dread of what might come from the tom-tom beating of agitators for annexation to the United States, even for outright statehood. Feverishly following up their advantage gained by Dr. Judd's retirement from active support of the king, on July 4,1854, they staged a big parade, featuring a float bearing "thirty-two girls of American parentage" representing the then thirty-two states of the Union, followed by "Young Hawaii . . . a new star . . . about to be added to the glorious constellation."