72 in His Name: Reuchlin, Luther, Thenaud, Wolff and the Names of Seventy-Two Angels 9781644692455

Citation preview

72

IN HIS NAME REUCHLIN, LUTHER, THENAUD, WOLFF, AND THE NAMES OF SEVENTY-TWO ANGELS

72

IN HIS NAME REUCHLIN, LUTHER, THENAUD, WOLFF, AND THE NAMES OF SEVENTY-TWO ANGELS

IAN CHRISTIE-MILLER

BOSTON 2019

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Christie-Miller, Ian, author. Title: 72 in His name: Reuchlin, Luther, Thenaud, Wolff and the names of seventy-two angels/Ian Christie-Miller. Other titles: Seventy two is His name Description: Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019033765 (print) | LCCN 2019033766 (ebook) | ISBN 9781644692448 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781644692455 (adobe pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Christianity and other religions--Judaism--History 16th century. | God ( Judaism)--Name. | Cabala--History 16th century. | Antisemitism-History 16th century. | Apologetics--History--16th century. | Judaism-Controversial literature--History 16th century. | Reuchlin, Johann, 1455-1522--Influence. | Luther, Martin, 1483-1546--Influence. | Thenaud, Jean, active 1511--Influence. | Wolff, Philippe, active 15th century--Influence. Classification: LCC BM535 .C5785 2019 (print) | LCC BM535 (ebook) | DDC 261.2/609031--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019033765 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019033766 ©Academic Studies Press, 2019 ISBN 9781644692448 (hardback) ISBN 9781644692455 (electronic) Book design by PHi Business Solutions Cover design by Ivan Grave

Published by Academic Studies Press 1577 Beacon Street Brookline, MA 02446, USA [email protected] www.academicstudiespress.com

Contents

Introduction 

1

1. The Four Authors 2. Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names Reuchlin and the Seventy-Two Names Luther and the Seventy-Two Names Thenaud and the Seventy-Two Names  Thenaud’s Acquaintance with the Kabbalah Thenaud’s Seventy-Two and Thirty-Seven Thenaud and Toledot Jeshu (The Generation of Jesus) Wolff and the Seventy-Two Names 3. Conclusions Reuchlin and the Jews Luther and the Jews Thenaud and the Jews Wolff and the Jews 4. Overview The Four Authors and the Seventy-Two Names—1522 Perspective

3 15 18 23 23 28 30 39 46 57 57 57 61 64 67 67

Notes Bibliography Index

69 73 81

Introduction

T

he Kabbalistic influence in sixteenth-century Europe is undoubted. A major element in Christian circles was interest in the Divine Name as found in Kabbalistic sources. The main focus of this study compares the way in which four authors in sixteenth-century Europe treated one particular Kabbalistic expression of the Divine Name. This is the seventy-two divine names attributed to angels as primarily derived from three verses in the fourteenth chapter of Exodus, each of which has seventy-two letters in Hebrew. The four authors, as they dealt with material that derived from Jewish sources, wrote from different Christian perspectives. Not only did the authors have widely differing backgrounds and readerships, but their own perspectives shifted. Sometimes, those shifts, notably in regard to Jewish-Christian matters, were dramatic. The material considered below derives from the start of the European Re­formation and concerns the overarching issue of Jewish-Christian relationships. Moreover, the long shadow cast by some of those writings continues to our own days. The author is indebted to many digital resources as will be seen from the numerous illustrations. In addition, the inclusion of QR-codes allows the reader immediate access to a fuller investigation of those resources.

CHAPTER ONE

The Four Authors

T

he first of the four authors is Johannes Reuchlin (1455–1522), who was also known as Rabbi Capnion. In 1510 he had been asked, as a lawyer in Pforzheim with a well-informed knowledge of Hebrew, to pronounce on a bitter argument about Jewish books. Reuchlin’s main opponent, Johannes Pfefferkorn (1469–1523), who had converted from Judaism, sought confiscation and destruction of the Talmud. One of Pfefferkorn’s early books was the 1507 Der Juden Spiegel, published in Nuremberg. Images of Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Munich Res/4 Polem, 3340,6 are available at the QR-code below.1

A similarly anti-Jewish book—Handt Spiegel—followed four years later. It is Handt Spiegel (Mainz: Johann Schöffer, 1511, published under the title Handt Spiegel Johannis Pfefferkorn/wider vnd gegen die Jüden/vnd Judischen Thalmudischen schrifften). The digital British Library version is available at the QR-code below.2

Reuchlin, as is well known, followed a more appreciative approach. He decided that a few Hebrew works that were overtly polemical, such as Toledot Jeshu (The Generation of Jesus), should be destroyed. However, Reuchlin willingly accepted the value of many Hebrew works. That appreciative stance

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72 in His Name

was to cause him years of controversy. The opposition was led by Johannes Pfefferkorn and the Cologne Dominicans. They persuaded Emperor Maximilian I to order the destruction of Hebrew books in 1509. Four years later, the Dominican inquisitor Jacob Hochstraten (Hoogstraten) (c. 1460–1527) took action against Reuchlin for heresy, who appealed to Pope Leo X. Finally, in 1516, a papal commission acquitted Reuchlin. The origin of the accusation that Reuchlin was a Judaizer may be traced back to his De Rudimentis Hebraicis, liber primus (-tertius) (Phorce: In aedib. Tho. Anselmi, 1506). A selection of digitised copies is available at the website of Bayerische Staatsbibliothek and they can be accessed via the QR-code below.3

Reuchlin’s first work concerning the Divine Name was his first Kabbalistic work. It is De Verbo Mirifico (On the Wonder-Working Word, Basle: J. Amerbach, 1494?). A digitised copy of the 1514 edition is available at the website of Bayerische Staatsbibliothek via the QR-code below.4

Reuchlin was to give significant coverage to the seventy-two names in his second Kabbalistic work—the 1517 De Arte Caballistica Libri tres (On the Art of the Kabbalah—Three Books). This is considered in detail below. The second author is Martin Luther (1483–1546). Initially, Luther was favourably inclined towards the Jews, as discussed more fully below and as shown by his 1523 Dass Jesus Christus ein geborener Jude sei (That Jesus Christ was born a Jew). Later his attitude hardened, as discussed more fully below and as shown by his January 1543 Von den Juden und ihren Lügen (About the Jews and their Lies). Merely two months later he published Vom Schem Hamphoras und vom Geschlecht Christi (About the Ineffable Name and about the Generation of Christ). This book is available online at the QR-code below.5

The Four Author

At Dii vo Luther states that the seventy-two names are derived from Exodus 14. Dii ro and vo are as below following Es stehet Exodi am 14. ein Text der lautet also (“There is in Exodus 14 a text which states”).

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 3905.dd.86

In Hebrew Exodus 14:19–21 have: ‫יהם ַויּ ִ ֞ ַסּע ע ַּ֤מּוד‬ ְ ִ ‫ ַו ּי ִ ֞ ַ ּסע ַמל ַ ְ֣אְך ָהאֱֹל ִ֗הים הַה ֹ ֵל ְ֙ך ִל ְפנֵ ֙י ַמח ֲֵנ֣ה י‬  ֑ ֶ ‫ש ָׂר ֵ֔אל ַו ּ֖י ֵלְֶך מֵַאח ֲֵר‬ 19 ‫הֶ ֽ ָענָ ֙ן ִמ ְ ּפנֵי ֶ֔הם ַויּ ַֽע ֲ֖מ ֹד מֵַאח ֲֵריהֶ ֽם׃‬ ‫שְׁך ַו ּ֖י ָאֶר אֶת־ ַה ֑ ָ ּליְלָה וְֹלא־‬ ֶ ֹ ‫ש ָׂר ֵ֔אל ַוי ִ ְ֤הי הֶ ֽ ָענָ ֙ן ְוה ַ֔ח‬ ְ ִ ‫ ַוי ָ ּ֞ב ֹא ּ֣ ֵבין׀ ַמח ֲֵנ֣ה ִמצ ְַ֗רי ִם ּובֵי ֙ן ַמח ֲֵנ֣ה י‬  20 ‫ק ַ ָ֥רב ֶז ֛ה אֶל־ ֶז֖ה ָכּל־ ַה ָֽ ּליְלָה׃‬

5

6

72 in His Name ‫שׂם‬ ֶ ָ ‫ְהו֣ה׀ אֶת־ ֠ ַהיָּם ְב ּ֨רּו ַח ק ִ ָ֤דים ַעזָּה֙ ָכּל־ ַה ֔ ַ ּליְלָה ַו ֥ ּי‬ ָ ‫שה אֶת־י ָד ֹ֮ו עַל־ ַהי ָ ּ֒ם ַוּיֹ֣ולְֶך י‬ ׁ ֶ ֣ ֹ ‫ ַו ּ֨י ֵט מ‬  21 ‫אֶת־ ַה ּ֖י ָם ֶלח ָָר ָ ֑בה ַויּ ִ ָ ּבק ְ֖עּו ַה ָֽ ּמי ִם׃‬

New International Version has the following text of Exodus 14: Then the angel of God, who had been traveling in front of Israel’s army, withdrew and went behind them. The pillar of cloud also moved from in front and stood behind them, 20 coming between the armies of Egypt and Israel. Throughout the night the cloud brought darkness to the one side and light to the other side; so neither went near the other all night long.21 Then Moses stretched out his hand over the sea, and all that night the Lord drove the sea back with a strong east wind and turned it into dry land. The waters were divided, … 19 

He then explains how verses 19–21 reveal the seventy-two names as follows:

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 3905.dd.86

This text in Hebrew has 216 letters which are divided into three rows or verses. Thus each verse has seventy-two letters. One can indeed make them into

The Four Author

six verses, but the Rabbis do not accept that. We see that these make the Schem Hamphoras. When one writes the three rows under one another and takes the first letter of the upper row and the last letter of the middle row and the first letter of the third row and then put them together you have a three-letter word. Do the same for all the other letters in the three parts or rows. So you get seventytwo words, each of which each has three letters. Luther does not list the seventy-two names. The third author is a French Franciscan, Jean Thenaud (1474–1484?– 1542?). His birthplace was Melle, near Poitiers, and his upbringing was in the company of the family of Francis I (1494–1547) who reigned from 1515. Thenaud, who entered the Cordeliers d’Angoulême possibly before 1494, remained a trusted friend to Francis I and dedicated manuscripts to him and to the three female members of his family in line with his belief in the significance of the number four. This is typified by the travels recorded in his Explorateur des quatre fleuves—Triumphes de Vertuz. Thenaud customarily described himself in terms connected with his travels, such as “poor pilgrim” (pauvre pèlerin), and “explorer of the earthly Paradise” (explorateur de Paradis terrestre). He was often represented in the illustrations as such a traveller. These images are prominent in his monumental (non-kabbalistic) manuscripts which were destined for the four leading members of the household of Francis I. More­over, Thenaud did not overlook other members of the household. He even used the occasion of the death of the three-months-old Louise, the oldest daughter of Francis, in September 1518 to convey his message to the royal family. In 1519 the imperial ambitions of Francis I were prominent, and Thenaud used the occasion of Louise’s death to bolster them up. Thenaud imagined Charles VIII giving a heavenly reception to the little Louise arriving in paradise under the leadership of Saint Michael and in the company of ten thousand angels. Thenaud imagined God using the occasion to announce not only that Francis I would soon become emperor (de bref empereur), but that the new arrival would herself be enthroned and able to intercede on behalf of the royal family and of France. The four living recipients—Francis himself, his sister Marguerite, the dauphin François (1518–1536), and his mother Queen Claude (1499– 1524)—each had one treatise dedicated to them. Each treatise proclaimed the triumph of the virtue appropriate to the recipient. Marguerite had Prudence, Francis had Force, the dauphin had Justice, and Claude had Temperance. The first two treatises of Explorateur des quatre fleuves are in one volume. The presentation copy is in St. Petersburg (ms. Fr. F. V. XV), but two scribal copies are in

7

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72 in His Name

Paris—one is in the Bibliothèque Nationale (BN ms. Fr.443) and the other in the Arsenal (ms. 3358). The third and fourth treatises of Explorateur des quatre fleuves are also in one volume, and the only known copy is in Paris (BN Fr. 144.). Dating of the various copies of Explorateur des quatre fleuves is not straightforward. Despite the mention of the very first, the Triumph of Prudence, in the 1508 Margarite, there is no doubt that the end of Thenaud’s voyage is the earliest possible date for these works. The three extant copies of the first volume all give different dates according to internal evidence. The latest is the Arsenal manuscript which refers to Francis’s twenty-seventh year (between September 12, 1519 and September 12, 1520). It is sufficient for our purposes here to make some general observations about Explorateur des quatre fleuves. The first point to make is that all four works are of enormous length and have numerous full folio illustrations, which would have rendered them unsuited for publication. Moreover, the intended readers were the members of the royal household, so the works may have had relatively limited appeal beyond that circle. Secondly, and notwithstanding the observations just made above, the works do have significance from the literary point of view. Explorateur des quatre fleuves contains the first French translation of Erasmus’s In Praise of Folly. Thenaud’s admiration of Erasmus lead him to make this translation. It also served as a vehicle for Thenaud’s views on Reformation, which was to be mediated by the personification of Prudence and her daughter. Thenaud was equally outspoken on clerical folly. For example he included sections on the folly of those who carried images and relics—“La folie des porteurs dymages et de Reliques,” the folly of Bishops—“La folie des Euesques,” and the folly of Popes—“La folie des Papes.” Thirdly, it is to be noted that there are no evident connections with the Kabbalah. On the other hand, there are evident similarities in style between these works and the overtly kabbalistic ones. First, women play a prominent role in all of them. Secondly, high value is placed on the number four, which in various citations is related to the four members of the family, the four rivers of Paradise, the four worlds, and the Tetragrammaton. The raison d’être of these monumental works was that the souls of the members of the royal household may return safely to God. This motivation was inspired by Ficino’s description in his Commentary on Plato’s Banquet where God, having infused his light into the soul, desires to lead it to the state of blessedness. Ficino describes how this was to be achieved by means of the four virtues of Prudence, Force, Justice, and Temperance. Prudence was the

The Four Author

prime virtue and the one that enabled the others to have effect. Individuals, according to their peculiar constitution which was a function of the infusion of the divine light, would be lead to the state of blessedness by means of these virtues, with Prudence the first among equals. Thenaud adopted this same intent not only in the four non-kabbalistic treatises but also in his kabbalistic ones. Furthermore, he employed the same methodology for both sets of works. Only one of Thenaud’s works was printed.6 It records his journey to Egypt, Sinai, and Israel, but the content has no direct bearing on his consideration of the seventy-two names. Thenaud’s first manuscript (1508) traced the history of France from the Kings of Israel.7 Some of the content reveals his attitude to the Jews and will be duly considered below. The only known copy is in the British Library. Thenaud’s last known manuscript, a horoscope for his beloved Francis I, has no direct input into a consideration of the seventy-two names.8 It does, however, reflect the Europe-wide interest in linking royalty with the occult, magic, and the esoteric, which commonly included the Kabbalah. There are two specifically Kabbalistic works by Thenaud. Both were commanded by Francis I and were dedicated to him. The first is La saincte et très chrestienne cabale metrifiée. The only known copy of this manuscript, which is in verse, is in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It is dated between September 12, 1519 and September 12, 1520. The manuscript is available online at the QR-code below.9

The second is Thenaud’s 1522 Traité de la cabale. The original is in Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, ms. 5061, available at the QR-code below.10

9

10

72 in His Name

The second copy of this second Kabblistic manuscript is in Nantes, known as Introduction en la Cabale. Divisée en sept traictez et par chapitres, Nantes Médiathèque ms. 521, Fr. 355. It is undated, but my watermark-based research strongly suggests the first quarter of the seventeenth century. In the following image of 108, Courtesy of Nantes Médiathèque, the original has been flipped, inverted, and enhanced.

Ville de Nantes—Bibliothèque municipale: Ms 521

The three compasses which can be discerned in the image were the arms used by two papermaking families, the Leclerc and the Denise. In the opinion of Mr. J. S. G. Simmons, formerly of All Souls College, Oxford, the watermark seems to be more “Denise than Leclerc” and the paper is “second quarter of the seventeenth century.” This has been confirmed by reference to Louis Leclert,

The Four Author

Le Papier. Recherches et notes pour servir à l’histoire du papier (Paris: Á l’Enseigne du Pégase, 1926), and by detailed analysis of the watermark. It is immediately evident from the enhanced image above that the watermark incorporates the name “NICOLAS DENISE.” There were two such men. The first Nicolas was the son of Edmond Denise and Anne Nivelle and it is known that he died about 1628–1630. The second Nicolas was baptized on August 4, 1594 and it is known that by 1662 he was already dead (ne vivait plus). It is therefore clear that the late date suggested by Simmons for the Nantes ms. 521 is well-founded, though it could be first quarter of the seventeenth century. The annotations given above are to be considered in the light of the comments in Le Papier which concern two images, both of which closely resemble the Nantes ms. 521 watermark under consideration here. There are some small but significant differences. The first image in Le Papier which concerns us is Plate XXXIV No. 119. This is not a watermark, but was found printed in red on a ream-wrapper. It includes a crescent, it has numerous jewels in the crown, it is use-dated 1629 and it has “NICOLAS DENISE.” The second image is Plate XXXV No. 118 and this is a watermark. However, it shows no crescent, there are three jewels in the crown, it is use-dated 1636–1637, it has “NICOLAS DENISE,” but the N is reversed. The conclusion to be drawn is that the Nantes ms. 521 watermark shown above is undoubtedly the one used by Nicolas Denise and that although it shows minor differences from No. 119 in Le Papier it is datable to the second quarter of the seventeenth century. This discovery rules out the possibility that Nantes ms. 521 was used by the scribe in the preparation of ms. 5061. The significance of this late date is recognized infra in the full treatment of the lists of angels’ names. Additionally, it is to be noted that the front cover of Nantes ms. 521 bears the note: “Ce livre appartient a Claude de Bourges conseiller Secretaire du Roy maison courone de france de ses finances, ancien echevin de la ville de Paris 1654.” To summarize, then, the latest possible date for Nantes ms. 521 is 1654, and the most likely date, based on the watermark study, is second quarter of the seventeenth century. This is a significant discovery, because hitherto no reliable date has been given for Nantes ms. 521. The third copy of the second Kabbalistic manuscript is in Geneva and dated 1536. It is Introduction à la Cabale, ms. Fr. 167 Gen. 1045, available online from Bibliothèque de Genève at the QR-code below.11

11

12

72 in His Name

The spine has “OEUURE CABALIS.” The back cover has “Ce liure a escript francoys gryuel demoua Angiers Pour reuerend pere en Dieu FI Tenaud Abbe de Mellynays 1536 le 19e de May.” All Thenaud’s Kabbalistic manuscripts contain full lists of the seventy-two names and are fully discussed below. The fourth author is Phillipp Wolff of Danzig. The book concerned is Spiegel der Juden darinnen menniglich zu ersehen wie die lieben Patriarchen alle Propheten und Moses so trostlich und klerlich anzeigen, das unnser Herr Jhesus Christus und Heilandt wahrhaffter Messias den Juden verheischen worden ist : sampt der Juden Cabala u. ihrem tegl. Gebett, aus hebreyscher u. chaldeyscher sprach verdeutscht ; neben angeheffter außlegung ihres Semhaphoras, der 72 Namen Gottes / inn d. Dr. geg. durch Phillippum Wolff (Danzig: Hans Weinreich, 1555). The writer has used the British Library General Reference Collection 4033.aa.17 as below. A PDF version up to f. n iii vo is downloadable from Frankfurt-am-Main university library website at the QR-code below.12

In his Spiegel der Juden Wolff describes himself on the title page, shown below, as “Doctor in the Theology of Hebrew and Chaldee / Experienced in Medicine / Born a Jew / Baptized in Christ in the Praiseworthy Royal City of Danzig.”

The Four Author

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

Note that, although the date on this title page is 1554, the colophon has 1555.

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14

72 in His Name

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

He not only lists the seventy-two names but the tri-literal basis of each one is also printed in Hebrew. Wolff ’s list of, and comments on, the seventy-two names are discussed fully below. The languages used are notable: Reuchlin’s manuscripts are in Latin, Luther’s early works were in Latin but his later works, such as those noted above, are in German. Thenaud wrote in French, and Wolff wrote in German.

CHAPTER TWO

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

T

here was widespread use of the number “seventy-two” in Kabbalistic circles and beyond. The interplay of letters and numbers was central to the Kabbalah. Seventy-two was one of the most commonly cited numbers. In one instance (see Reuchlin, De Arte Caballistica Libri tres, referred to below, at L vo) the value of seventy-two was the sum of the fifty gates and the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet. At uero illud literarum collegium si quinquaginta portis diligēnter applicuerimus, inde septuaginta duorum angelorum fœlicem seriem comperiemus quibus Semhamaphores id est nomen expositorium illud magnum summi dei constare perhibetur. Nā ad quinquaginta uiginti duo addita lxxii. procreabunt. If we diligently apply ourselves to combine that alphabet to the fifty gates, we find the happy band of the seventy-two angels of the Semhamaphoras, the expository name of the great high God. For fifty and twenty-two come to seventy-two.

In another instance (see Reuchlin De Arte Caballistica Libri tres Lii ro) the value of seventy-two was the sum of the letters of the Tetragrammaton—‫יהוה‬ (yhṿh). The numerical values of individual letters are the following: ‫ = ה‬5; ‫ = ו‬6; ‫ = י‬10. If ‫ = י‬10

‫ ה‬+ ‫ = י‬15

‫ ו‬+ ‫ ה‬+ ‫ = י‬21

‫ ה‬+ ‫ ו‬+ ‫ ה‬+ ‫ = י‬26

so 10

+15

+ 21

+ 26 = 72.

In another instance (see Jean Thenaud, Introduction à la Cabale, Geneva reference given below, f. 174 ro), the number seventy-two has three justifications.

16

72 in His Name

The first justification follows the customary explanation from Exodus 14 based on the seventy palms plus the cloud and the fire. The second justification, as shown in the upper part of the image below, is that this number of seventy-two is found in the name of God [and] is most appropriate for the angels. I shall prove this because unity and unequality are attributed to God, as is shown in the previous chapter. Thus, parity and duality are primarily attributed to the angels. Therefore, the number of God will be the result of multiplication of the angels. The cubic multiplication of God is made in this way. Twice double two is eight. If in each order of angels there are eight, then eight times nine makes seventy-two.

The third justification, as shown in the lower part of the image below, is: “Alternatively, one can derive seventy-two from the four letters of the name of God by saying, four Iod, three He, two Vau and one He make forty, fifteen, twelve and five which, in sum, come to seventy-two.”

Bibliothèque de Genève, Ms. fr. 167, f. Clxxiiii ro

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

This manuscript is available at the QR-code below.1

It may be noted that the number 72 was used by Pico della Mirandola (1463–1494) in connection with the Kabbalah. Pico studied at Bologna, Paris, Padua, Florence, and Rome. In 1486, at the age of twenty-four, he went to Rome where he published his Nine Hundred Theses in Conclusiones mágicas y cabalísticas and offered to defend them publicly. These propositions were drawn from the lore of all ages and places, Eastern and Western. Seventy-two of the theses were from Kabbalistic sources. He claimed that the main doctrines of Christianity were to be found in the writings of the Kabbalists. Pico sought to show that Zoroaster, Moses, Pythagoras, and Christ all said essentially the same thing. The number 72 pervaded many areas at the time. By way of example, there is Augustin Giustiniani’s Prière pleine de piété composée de soixante-douze noms en hébreu et en latin (Bologna, 1513). In Christian circles there is familiarity with this number dating as far back as Luke 10:1, where Jesus sends out seventy or seventy-two disciples (depending on the source), and 10:17, which tells of their return. See also the section “Wolff and the Jews” below. In Jewish and Christian circles it was widely held that there were seventytwo translators of the Bible translation into Greek, which is commonly known as the Septuagint. Reputedly, there were six translators from each of the twelve tribes of Israel. Jean Thenaud cites the seventy-two translators in his first manuscript, La Margarite de France (1508), BL ms. Add. 13969. For instance, at f. 39 ro he recounts how, during the twenty-two-year reign of Gomer, Eleazarus sent seventy-two sages and savants, that is to say, six from each individual line of Israel, to the king of Egypt called Ptolemy I, so that, in accordance with his desire, they might translate for him the divine law from Hebrew into Greek, which they did and, despite being enclosed in different places and separated, they finished these translations on the same day and there was no single letter of difference in the said translations. There is a particularly noteworthy mention of 70 in Exodus 24:9: ‫ש ָׂראֵ ֽל‬ ְ ִ ‫שׁב ִ ְ֖עים ִמ ּזִקְנֵ ֥י י‬ ִ ‫ִיהּוא ְו‬ ֔ ‫שה וְַאה ֲ֑ר ֹן נָדָ ֙ב ַו ֲאב‬ ׁ ֶ ֖ ֹ ‫“( ַו ֥ ּי ַעַל מ‬Moses and Aaron, Nadab

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72 in His Name

and Abihu, and the seventy elders of Israel went up”). This chapter continues to be much discussed, partly because of the apparent interleaving of different sources. For instance, verse 10 tells that Moses started to go up the mountain accompanied by Joshua, who was not in the previous list. This is not the place for a detailed study of that chapter, but one well-informed source is William M. Schniedewind, How the Bible became a Book (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 121–128. Schniedewind highlights the fact that Exodus 24 is also remarkable for being one of the only two places in the Bible which has ‫( ֵ ֣ספֶר ַה ְב ִּ֔רית‬sfr hbryt, “the scroll of the Covenant”). The other place is II Kings 23:2 and 21, which concern the start of the reforms during the reign of King Josiah. It may be noted in passing that numbers are prominently cited in Exodus 24 as follows: verse   1 seventy of the elders of Israel   3 one voice   4 twelve stone pillars … the twelve tribes of Israel   9 seventy elders of Israel 16 six days 16 seventh day 17 forty days and forty nights As will be shown below, the four authors (Reuchlin, Luther, Thenaud, and Wolff) share the same basic material but there are significant differences in the reputed origin of the names and in the names themselves.

REUCHLIN AND THE SEVENTY-TWO NAMES Reuchlin had access to Latin translations, including those of Spanish Kabbalists, Abraham Abulafia and Joseph Gikatilia. Gershom Scholem claimed that Reuchlin made extensive use of the Hebrew manuscript Halberstam 444 in the Jewish Theological Seminary of America.2 Reuchlin refers to the seventy-two names in the 1494 De verbo mirifico (DVM henceforth) and in the 1517 De Arte Caballistica Libri tres (DAC henceforth). In DVM the names themselves are not listed. The origins of the seventy-two names are said to be one verse from Genesis and seventy-one verses from the Psalms.3 The method of obtaining the three-letter names is as follows. The starting point is Exodus 14:19–21. Strikingly, as noted above, all those three verses, in

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Hebrew, have seventy-two letters. The method of gathering the seventy-two triliteral names from Exodus 14 is as given above for the second author, Martin Luther. Reuchlin, however, gathers the same seventy-two sets of three letters, not from Exodus 14, but from seventy-one verses of the Psalms and one verse from Genesis. So, by way of one example, the three letters of the first name are:   ṿ (‫( )ו‬first letter of Exodus 14:19) h(‫( )ה‬last letter of Exodus 14:20)   ṿ (‫( )ו‬first letter of Exodus 14:21) Reuchlin, however, gathers these same three letters, not from Exodus 14 but from Psalm 3:4. This is at f. LIX vo as follows:

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K. But you, Lord, are a shield around me, my glory, the One who lifts my head high.

It will be noted that above three of the letters there are three dots in a triangle shape. The markers are located above the three Hebrew letters ‫והו‬ (ṿhṿ). The Divine Name is marked with three vertically stepped dots:

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K.

Here, by way of a second example, is name 14 (Mebahel) from f. LIX v DAC: o

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K. The LORD is a refuge for the oppressed, a stronghold in times of trouble.

19

20

72 in His Name

The only name, for which the source is not from the Psalms, is number 70 (Iabamiah). This name comes from Genesis 1:1. Here it is from DAC f. LX vo and from f. LXI vo:

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K.

Here it is from DVM f. g ii vo:

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K.

This is a rare instance where the original Hebrew text does not use the Tetragrammaton. In this case, the Latin deus corresponds to the Hebrew ’lhym. Another passage with the same Hebrew word is the source for name 28, Shehiah. This name is derived from Deus ne elongeris a me, deus meus in auxilium meum respice—“God be not far from me. My God come quickly to help me” (Psalm 70:12). DVM g ii ro has:

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K.

21

22

72 in His Name

Similarly, DAC f. LX ro and f. LXI ro have:

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K.

There are two lists using Hebrew letters in DAC. One list, at f. LVI ro, simply gives all seventy-two triliteral forms. This list can be seen below:

Image from De Verbo Mirifico, 1494, De Arte Cabalistica, 1517—Facsimile, 1964. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag e.K.

The other list, which is at f. LVIII vo, gives the fuller form of the names, that is to say, each name has either -IAH or -EL at the end. This list can be seen below:

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

The -IAH ending reflects God’s kindness. The -EL ending reflects God’s strength and virtue. DAC, f. LVIII vo: “Sic Iudæorum natio deum suum propter beneficia vocat Iah, & propter vim ac virtutem appellat El” (“Likewise the Jewish nation call their god Iah because of his beneficience, and El because of his strength and virtue”). The distribution of those endings into thirty-seven groups will be discussed below in connection with Thenaud’s acquaintance with the Kabbalah. At this point it is relevant to note names 1 and 49, where the same triliteral combination occurs. It is ‫( והו‬ṿhṿ) which we have discussed above. (Nantes ms. 521, Fr. 355 is excluded. Name 1 is given there as “Veluiah” and Name 49 follows the others and has “Vehuel.”)

LUTHER AND THE SEVENTY-TWO NAMES Luther, as stated above, does not list the names in Vom Schem Hamphoras und vom Geschlecht Christi. However, in the second part of the work, vom Geschlecht Christi (about the Generation of Christ), he does relate the report about how Jesus stole the ineffable name. This is discussed below in connection with Thenaud.

THENAUD AND THE SEVENTY-TWO NAMES The first kabbalistic manuscript by the third author, Jean Thenaud, is La saincte et très chrestienne cabale metrifiée (BN ms. Fr. 882) of 1519. The seventy-two names are given inside a picture of an amulet at f. xxvii ro as shown on next page. The photo of this amulet is also available at the QR-code below.4

It lists the seventy-two names. This list will now be compared to the list given in the each of the three copies of Thenaud’s second kabbalistic manuscript, Traité de la cabale.

23

24

72 in His Name

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France

The prime copy of the second kabbalistic manuscript was presented to Francis I. It is Traité de la cabale, Arsenal V.31, Côte 5061. The seventy-two names are at lxxxvii vo. They can be seen below and are available at the following QR-code.5

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France

One outstanding feature is that name 26, Haaiah, is missing from ms. 5061. Although ms. 5061 was presented to the king, there is no evidence that he, or anyone else, has ever noticed this omission. The second copy is in Geneva. It is Introduction à la Cabale, Bibliothèque de Genève ms. Fr. 167 Gen. 1045. The seventy-two names are at f. CLxxiiii vo. They are shown below and are available at the following QR-code.6

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72 in His Name

The third copy is in Nantes. It is Introduction en la Cabale. Divisée en sept traictez et par chapitres, ms. 521, Fr. 355. A comparative list of the seventytwo-names in Nantes 521 against Arsenal ms. 5061 is given below: Number

1

Ms. 521

Ms. 5061

Nantes

Arsenal

Veluiah

Vehuiah

Difference

Hebrew

*

ṿhṿ

2

Jeliel

Jeliel

yly

3

Sitael

Sitael

syṭ

4

Elemiach

Elemiach

5

Mahasiah

Mahasiah

6

Jeiahel

Jelael

7

Achaiah

Achaiah

*

’lm mhs

*

hll aka

8

Cahethel

Cahethel

kht

9

Haziel

Haziel

hzy

10

Aladiah

Aladiah

’ld

11

Lauiah

Lauiah

l’ṿ

12

Hahaiah

Hahaiah

hh’

13

Jezalel

Jezabel

14

Mebahel

Mebahel

*

yzl mbh

15

Hariel

Hariel

16

Halhamiah

Hakamiah

hry

17

Louiah

Louiah

l’ṿ

18

Caliel

Caliel

kly

*

hqm

19

Leuuiah

Leuuiah

lṿṿ

20

Pahaliah

Pahaliah

phl

21

Nelchael

Nelchael

nl’

22

Jeiaiel

Jeiaiel

yyy

23

Melahel

Melahel

mlh

24

Haiuiah

Haiuiah

ṿhy

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names Number

Ms. 521

Ms. 5061

25

Nithhaiah

Nithhaiah

Difference

Hebrew

26

Haaiah

ABSENT

27

Jerathel

Jerathel

28

Seeheiah

Seehiah

29

Reiaiel

Reiaiel

ryy

nth *

h’’ yrt

*

s’h

30

Omael

Omael

’ṿm

31

Lecabel

Lecabel

lkb ṿshr

32

Vasariah

Vasariah

33

Jehuiah

Jehmah

*

yyṿ

34

Lehaiah

Lehahiah

*

lhy

35

Chauakiah

Cauakiah

*

36

Manadel

Manadel

kṿq mnd

37

Aniel

Aniel

’ny

38

Haamiah

Haamiah

’my

39

Rehael

Rehahel

40

Jeiazel

Jeiazel

*

rh’

41

Hahahel

Hahael

42

Michael

Michael

my

yyz *

hhh

43

Veualiah

Veualiah

ṿṿl

44

Jelahiah

Jelahiah

ylh

45

Sealaiah

Sealiah

46

Ariel

Ariel

*

s’l ’rl

47

Asaliah

Asaliah

’sl

48

Mihael

Mihael

myh

49

Vehuel

Vehuel

ṿhṿ

50

Daniel

Daniel

dny

51

Hahasiah

Hahasiah

hys

52

Imamiah

Imamiah

’mm

53

Nanael

Nanael

nn’

54

Nithael

Nithael

55

Mebaiah

Mebahiah

nyt *

mbh

56

Poiel

Poiel

57

Nemamiah

Memamiah

*

nmm

pwy

58

Jeiahel

Jeialel

*

yyl

59

Harahel

Harahel

hry

60

Mizrael

Mizrael

mzr

(continued)

27

28

72 in His Name

(continued) Number

Ms. 521

Ms. 5061

Difference

Hebrew

61

Umabel

Vinabel

*

ṿmb

62

Jahhael

Jahhael

yhh

63

Anauel

Ananel

64

Mehiel

Mehiel

*

’nw

65

Damabiah

Damahiah

*

dmb

66

Mauahel

Manakel

*

mnq

myy

67

Eiael

Eiael

’y’

68

Habuiah

Habuiah

ybṿ

69

Roehel

Roehel

70

Jabamiah

Jabamiath

*

ybm

r’h

71

Hahael

Haiael

*

hyy

72

Mumiah

Mumiah

mṿm

Major differences are marked with an asterisk. Comparing Nantes 521 and Arsenal ms. 5061 against the Hebrew gives an intriguing result: in seven cases the Nantes ms. is to be preferred but in the surprisingly large number of six cases the Arsenal ms. 5061 is better.

THENAUD’S ACQUAINTANCE WITH THE KABBALAH Throughout his life Thenaud was devoted to the French royal family: Francis I, his mother, sister, and wife. His attitude to the Jews was ambivalent. In his first manuscript, La Margarite de France, 1508, at f. 63 ro he traced the noble lineage of the kings of France: Finablement est ascauoir que les Roys de France ont este les plus haultz et les plus puissans les plus grans qui aient este en la terre. Et les plus xriens catholicques et augmentateurs de la saincte foy catholique depuys quilz ont receu ladicte saincte foy a loccasion de quoy dieu les a voulu doter et ennoblir de supernaturelz priuileges plus que aultres princes ou roys xriens. Finally, it should be known that the Kings of France have been the most elevated and powerful who have been on earth. And the most Christian Catholics and proponents of the holy Catholic faith since they first received said faith on which occasion God chose to grant to them, and to ennoble them with, supernatural privileges above all other princes or royal Christians.

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Despite being commissioned to investigate the Kabbalah by his beloved king, Thenaud’s intent was always to present his findings in a way which helped to strengthen the Catholic faith of the royal family. His knowledge of Hebrew was minimal as evidenced by the very few recordings of Hebrew letters in Arsenal 5061. An example is at Traité de la cabale, f. lxxi ro:

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France

There are other scattered Hebrew letters in ms. 5061 indicating that Thenaud was not personally familiar with that language. There is evidence that Thenaud did differentiate between branches of Judaism. Thenaud’s attitude to the Jews, or at least to the Kabbalists among them, may be properly regarded as one of increasing respect. This process is indicated by the terms used in the later works, such as the Arsenal ms. 5061 Traité de la cabale, f. lxxviii vo, where he referred to his Hebrew guide as mon rabi et profond docteur, “my Rabbi and profound doctor”:

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France After my Rabbi and profound doctor had declared and interpreted the three holy names of God showing his incomprehensible majesty, he informed me so that I might proceed to the angelic hierarchy and to the spiritual world by ten.

29

30

72 in His Name

There are two most unexpected pieces of evidence that Thenaud was in contact with previously unacknowledged Kabbalistic sources, unwittingly preserved in ms. 5061. First there is the kabbalistic significance of both 72 and 37, while the second concerns the book referred to above in connection with Reuchlin—the Toledot Jeshu (The Generation of Jesus). These two pieces of evidence will now be considered.

THENAUD’S SEVENTY-TWO AND THIRTY-SEVEN It has been noted above that lists of the seventy-two names end in either -IAH or –EL added to the triliteral stems.7 Before passing to a consideration of these endings, some comments are called for as to the two triliteral combinations which occur twice in the Hebrew list. These are “whw” in names 1 and 49, and “wal” in names 11 and 17. Names 1 and 49 are distinguished by their endings, so that 1 is Vehuiah and 49 is Vehuel. However, names 11 and 17 are not distinguished by their endings: name 11 is Lauiah and name 17 is Louiah. Therefore, the entire list has one name which is outstanding in that it is (essentially) repeated. This triliteral root has the value of 37, according to the traditional system of attaching numerical meanings to the letters of the Hebrew alphabet: l (Hebrew letter ‫ = )ל‬30 ʼ (Hebrew letter ‫ = )א‬1 ṿ (Hebrew letter ‫ = )ו‬6 In kabbalistic terms, the equivalence of lʼṿ to thirty-seven was of particular significance because the numerical value of lṿ ʼdyr ṿgdṿlh (“to him are majesty and greatness”) and also for lshmṿ ʼḥdyt ṿmlṿkhh (“to his name are unity and kingship”).8 Furthermore, the number thirty-seven was of special significance in that it designated the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet, plus the five final forms of the letters, plus the ten numerals. It will be shown below that the number thirty-seven has a very particular significance in this list of angels’ names. The number thirty-seven will now be shown to be the key to understanding the careful distribution of the endings -EL and –IAH.9 The groupings of the endings will now be studied. The first name ends in -IAH, the second and third end in -EL. So there is one name in the first group, and two in the second. The fourth and fifth names end in –IAH, so there are

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

two names in this third group. When all seventy-two names are considered in this fashion, thirty-seven groups can be identified, as shown in the table below: Group ‫=( ז‬7) ‫=( ו‬6) ‫=( ה‬5) ‫=( ד‬4) ‫=( ג‬3) ‫=( ב‬2) ‫=( א‬1) Row Progressive Value Sum  1

1

1

 1

 2

1

2

 3

 3

1

2

 5

 4

1

1

 6

 5

1

1

 7

2

 9

3

12

 6

1

 7

1

 8

1

 9

1

10

1

11

1

3

15

2

17

1

18

2

20

12

1

3

23

13

1

3

26

14

1

1

27

15

1

1

28

3

31

4

35

2

37

1

38

4

42

16

1

17

1

18

1

19

1

20

1

21

1

22 23 24

3

45

1

1

46

1

1

47

3

50

1

25

1

2

52

26

1

2

54

27

1

1

55

28

1

1

56

1

1

57

7

64

29 30

1

31 32

1 1

1

65

2

67

(continued)

31

32

72 in His Name

(continued) Group ‫=( ז‬7) ‫=( ו‬6) ‫=( ה‬5) ‫=( ד‬4) ‫=( ג‬3) ‫=( ב‬2) ‫=( א‬1) Row Progressive Value Sum 33

1

1

68

34

1

1

69

35

1

1

70

36

1

1

71

37

1

1

72

Other numerical aspects of the distribution of the endings are given in the endnote.10 Thenaud, quite unwittingly, recorded kabbalistic information about the number thirty-seven in his Traité de la cabale, Arsenal V.31, Côte 5061. It is prominent in his detailed description of an exorcism, which will now be presented. Thenaud devotes all of chapter 12 to the exorcism. The description runs from f. 90 ro to 94 vo and includes 14 illustrations. The original description of the exorcism in ms. 5061 can be accessed starting at f. lxxxx ro via the QR-code below.11

The description of the exorcism service in Traité de la cabale shows that Thenaud was in touch with hitherto unrecognized kabbalistic sources. The earlier ms. Fr. 882 had no exorcism service, but it did include images of two amulets which reappear in ms. 5061 as part of the exorcism. Geneva ms. Fr. 167 has the same rite of exorcism but the amulets are entirely different. Nantes ms. 521 has no images. This is additional proof that the Genevan copy was not made from ms. 5061. Clearly, the copyist had either acquired additional material or had access to a hitherto unrecorded manuscript. The Geneva amulets are in ms. Fr. 167 at f. 183 ro and may be seen via the QR-code below.12

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

These amulets give clear evidence that Thenaud did indeed have access to a kabbalistic source. Consideration will first of all be given to ms. Fr. 882 and ms. 5061, from which the following images are taken.

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Ms. Fr. 882 f. xxvi vo, available at the QR-code below.13

33

34

72 in His Name

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Arsenal ms. 5061 f. lxxxxiii ro, available at the QR-code below.14

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Thenaud describes the first of the two amulets above as “theomantique” and the second as “arifmantique.” The former are linked to the names of God, and the latter are linked to the names of angels. These two types of amulets in the two manuscripts are clearly drawn from the same models. (The “arifmantique” amulet is so similar in ms. Fr. 882 and in ms. 5061 that only the latter is reproduced here.) There are notable differences, however, in the “theomantique” amulets. One difference is that whereas ms. Fr. 882 has one Hebrew letter of the Tetragrammaton and a letter “T” in each of the four outermost colored sectors, ms. 5061 has only got two letters “T,” at the 2 o’clock and the 10 o’clock positions. Both amulets have the Tetragrammaton at the heart of the innermost five-sided design. As can be seen from the image of ms. Fr. 882, the following names are placed above this five-sided shape starting from the 12 o’clock position: AGLA, RIRI, SERAPIEL, ELIABEL, KAPITIEL, HELY. In ms. 5061, Greek characters appear as in the enlargement panel shown above. There is no evidence that Thenaud was familiar with Greek—the presence of these Greek characters, such as , is evidence that he unwittingly recorded previously unknown information. The name AGLA has a kabbalistic origin but there were occurrences of the word outside the Jewish world. It was the first to be inscribed on an amulet and was to be placed on the forehead of a woman in childbirth. It is also found in connection with a “daughter of Mohialath” on a drinking bowl in the Musée Dieulafoy in the Louvre. It was written on an amulet designed to open the spirit to religious studies, as ‫( אגלא‬ʼaglʼ), followed by the term ‫( רוטא‬rṿṭ’) was believed to be the name of an angel who was invoked at the end of journey. Schwab recorded that it was found on a Judæo-Babylonian vase.15 RIRI is well attested. Schrire noted that it was part of a triangular arrangement of letters which was effective in guarding against thirst at night.16 SERAPIEL, ELIABEL, and KAPITIEL are notable for the manner in which Hebrew and Greek are amalgamated. Another difference is that ms. Fr. 882 contains the names of the ten Sephiroth and four of the names of God: Adonay, Ehieh, Hu, and Esth. These names do not appear on the amulet in ms. 5061, but they are referred to in the text.

35

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72 in His Name

The second of the two amulets has no clear connection to Hebrew kabbalistic tradition, although Thenaud himself referred to it as belonging to “superstitious Kabbalists” (les supersticieux cabalistes). The most obvious connection it has with Thenaud’s thought is that each one of the sixteen symbols includes the “T”-shape. This “T” shape appears not only in the two amulets above but is also prominent in other illustrations in the exorcism. See ms. 5061 f. 90 vo (three altars), f. 90 vo (the ark in connection with the seven Signs of Divine Victory, the nine angelic orders and the Divine/Angelic/Celestial/Elementary Worlds), f. 91 ro (the robes) and in the text itself at f. 90 ro where the “T” is described as the sign of divine victory which signifies that by the effusion of blood all the rebels and those who hold the divine majesty in contempt will be overcome and the penitent will be reconciled. The evidence from the second amulet then is that Thenaud was remote from a true kabbalistic source. On the other hand, the evidence from the first amulet is that he was in touch with a genuinely Kabbalist source quite separate from those written sources which he acknowledged such as Ricius, Pico, and Reuchlin. However, when the time came for the Genevan copy to be made these two amulets discussed above were discarded in favor of other amulets that were of a much more certain Hebrew lineage. These later amulets will now be considered. It is immediately clear from the Genevan ms. that Thenaud continued to acquire kabbalistic information after the writing of ms. 5061. For instance, in f. 147 vo he records the kabbalistic method of starting with a word (in this case, “abracadabra”) and subtracting one letter at a time from the end. The results of the subtraction are written one under another on a special card so that they form a triangle pointing down. Thenaud attributes this magical medicinal method to Serenus Samonicus and claims that the bearer of such a card could be expected to be cured of a fever in ten or eleven days. The following page records “a holy and sacred formula” (ung sainct et sacre signacle) made of the initial and final Hebrew letters of the first five verses of the opening chapter of Genesis. The bearer of this card, living free from all sin, would be preserved from all his visible and invisible enemies at all times and in all places. The Genevan ms. follows closely the description of exorcism in ms. 5061, but the amulets involved are entirely different. Once again, Thenaud nominates one as “theomantique,” and the following one as “arifmantique.” At first sight, Thenaud appears to have derived the form of these two amulets from Reuchlin. In DAC he recorded that the above-mentioned four-square “theomantique” arrangement of hṿhy, ynd’, y’yy, and hyh’ was used to make four seals. This discourse continues by noting the origin of the word ARARYTHA, which

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

may be seen in the middle of the “arifmantique” amulet above. So Reuchlin, tr. Goodman, On the Art of the Kabbalah. Abaris, 1983, page 351: Other Kabbalists enthusiastically put together excellent amulets that use the divine letters (diuinis literis sigilla illustria fabricare) and prove efficacious in continuous use in the combating of ill health and other problems. Here is an example. Rabbi Hama in his Book on Speculation composed it from the four, not magic, but solemn and sacred words. Rather, he had them already composed in the tradition from his predecessors: YHVH ADNY YYAY AHYH. YYAY is the kabbalistic equivalent of El. So, the experts in this art take the first letter of the first name, the first of the second, the first of the third and the first of the fourth and thus make the first seal: YAYA. Then they do the same with the second letters of the four sacred names and get HDYH. They make the third seal by joining every third letter and produce VNAY. And finally, they join the last letters in the same way and get the fourth seal, which is HYYH. The meaning of these four signs is “The Lord our God is One Lord,” and such, they say, is the superscription of the four signs joined together. Lastly, they draw on the back of the parchment ARARYTHA, which is interpreted: “One, the Beginning of his Unity, the beginning of his Oneness, his Exchange is One.” This exchange of letters is understood in accordance with the third part of Kabbalah. The Kabbalists, then, stand with their signs and inscriptions in devotion to the highest God and in every demand for a blessing, whether in the special eighteen blessings or in any other of their just prayers, they hope for infallible success.

Although Thenaud followed Reuchlin in this discourse, it is noteworthy that his amulets include information not found in Reuchlin—the inscriptions around the outer edge of the amulets. Although the letters around the “arifmantique” amulet is not fully legible, the inscription around the “theomantique” one is derived from the well-known Deuteronomy 6:4: “… The LORD is our God, the LORD is one.” The spacing of the Hebrew script for ARARYTHA is to be noted. The two letters “R” (‫ )ר‬and their accompanying letters “A” (‫ )א‬have quite different amounts of space given them. Presuming that the illustrator wrote in the Roman (left-to-right) style, it is evident that he ran out of space at the righthand edge and therefore had to squash the final two letters. It is unlikely that an illustrator, writing in the non-Roman (right-to-left) style would have squashed the first two letters and then have spread the other five letters equally. It is there-

37

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fore evident that the illustrator was not a Hebraist, which is a further indication of the primitive state of the knowledge of Hebrew in Thenaud’s circles. Nevertheless, the inclusion of these amulets shows that he did have access to kabbalistic sources independent of Christian Kabbalists such as Reuchlin. There is a full study of the exorcism in the annotated edition of Traicté de la Cabale, published by Honoré Champion (Paris, 2007).17 The striking reference to thirty-seven is at the end of the exorcism at f. lxxxxiiii vo, which has: En la xxxvii nuyt les cierges cessoyent desclairer tout subit puys lon oyoit une tant doulce et delicieuse armonie qui lon estoit contrainct dentrer en rapt et extase Apres ce le feu celeste descendoit on vaissel de infusion que demouroit la troys jours et troys nuytz puys remontoit es cieulx et les cierges se allumoyent. On the thirty-seventh night the candles ceased shining quite suddenly, and then one heard such a sweet and delicious harmony that one was constrained to enter a state of rapture and ecstasy. After that, the celestial fire descended on the vessel of infusion and stayed there for three days and nights, then reascended to the heavens and the candles relighted themselves.

The text of Traité de la cabale, f. lxxxxiiii vo is also shown below and may also be accessed via the following QR-code:

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Here, the number thirty-seven is prominent. Three and forty were significant numbers in Christian and Hebrew thinking, so thirty-seven, being the difference between them is also notable. Thenaud’s mentions of thirty-seven in this description of exorcism is the first item of evidence that he was in contact with previously unacknowledged kabbalistic sources.

THENAUD AND TOLEDOT JESHU (THE GENERATION OF JESUS) Thenaud’s source of Toledot Jeshu will now be shown to be distinctly different from the sources used by the others. The essence of Toledot Jeshu is that Jesus was said to have achieved his power by stealing the divine name from the temple despite guardians outside. The different source used by Thenaud is simply shown by considering the guardians. Thenaud at Traité de la cabale, f. lx ro–60 vo has deux merveilleux lyons de marbre, “two marvelous lions in marble” as shown below in bold type. Aussi ont ilz deux vies et refferent toutes choses es treshaultes spirituelles Il te conviendra toutefois scavoir que le Thamult que au jourdhuy nous avons est tiellement vicie et corrompu quil na aulcune convenance avecques le premier laquelle corruption a este introduicte pour destruyre ta foy et loy chrestiene ensemble pour vituperer blaphemer et detester ton Christ quilz disent avoir fait miracles non mye pour la sainctete de sa vie filiacion de dieu ou pour son excellence mais par la vertuz du nom de dieu quil avoit desrobe on temple en la maniere qui sensuyt. Salomon avoit escript et engrave le nom de dieu de quatre lettres en une moult riche et precieuse pierre qui estoit a la sime de son temple par le dedans qui entre les soixante et douze noms de dieu estoit le plus glorieux et excellent Ores chascun le povoit lire veoir adorer et regarder en celluy temple mais il estoit impossible lemporter hors icelluy en escript ou en memoire car Salomon avoit mis es portes dudit temple deux merveilleux lyons de marbre qui par art magicque congnoissoient si le susdit nom estoit emporte lesqueulx rugissoient et crieoient si merveilleusement et tant fort que cil qui le vouloit memorer trembloit et sesvanouyssoit de paeur si quil le mettoit en oubly. Et sil estoit trouve sur luy avecques ce quil estoit publicquement et peniblement excommunie et puny ledit nom estoit sans estre regarde reporte au temple et la brusle sur laultier des odeur Ores est il selon leur dire que vostre Christ demoura moult longuement jour et nuict a [60 v°] contempler le susdit nom on temple pour lemporter avecques soy et craignant le mettre en oubly trouva facon davoir une carte vierge semblable a celle

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72 in His Name ou lon escripvoit la loy pour quelle fust digne pour escripre le susdit nom apres ce quil fut escript par luy il ouvrit la peau de sa cuisse dung couteau subtilement tranchant en la quelle il mist et enferma la susdicte carte puys yssit hors avecques aultres plusieurs Et ja soit que lesditz lyons criassent et rugissent moult effrayement toutesfoys il fut prins visite et cherche mais ledit nom ne fut mye trouve Et ainsi par la vertuz dudit nom il feist miracles et lenseigna a ses apostres et disciples. Also they have two lives, and refer all things to the highest spiritual ones. It is right for you all the same to know that the Talmud which we have today was spoiled and corrupted to the extent that it has no [here a comment on the margins has “About the Talmud of the Jews”] relevance to the first. This corruption was introduced to destroy your Christian faith and law, as well as to vituperate, to blaspheme and to detest your Christ, who, they say, did his miracles not only on account of his sanctity of life, sonship from God, or for his excellence, but by the virtue of the name of God, which he had stolen from the temple in the following manner. Solomon had written and had engraved the four letter name of God in a most rich and precious stone which was in the top of the interior of his temple, and which was the most glorious and excellent of the seventy-two names of God. Thus everyone could read, adore and regard it in that temple, but it was impossible to carry it out written or memorised, for Solomon had placed at the doors of the temple two marvellous lions in marble, who by magic art knew if the above mentioned name was carried out; they roared and cried out so marvellously, and so loudly, that he who had wanted to memorise it, would tremble and faint through fear, so that it would be forgotten. And if it was found upon him, he and those with him would be publicly and painfully excommunicated and punished. The name itself, without being regarded, would be carried back into the temple, and burnt there on the altar of the odours. So according to their account, your Christ who stayed a long time day and night in [Folio 60 verso] contemplation of the above mentioned name in the temple so as to carry it out with him, and fearing that he might forget it, found a way by having a blank card similar to those upon which one writes the law, and fitting thereto, to write the self same name and after he had written on it, he opened the skin of his thigh with a knife, subtly cutting into it he placed and shut up the card therein, and then left with some others. And I know that the lions did cry out and roared in a most frightening manner so that he was apprehended, examined and searched,

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names but that name was not found on him anywhere. And thus by the virtue of the name, he did miracles, and taught his apostles and disciples.

Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France

Thenaud’s two marvellous lions in marble are so different from the guardians in Reuchlin (who merely declared that Toledot Jeshu was to be destroyed), in Luther (two bronze/ore dogs as noted below) and in Wolff that further study will now be made. Louis Ginzberg, in recording the tale of Sandalfon and the crown in The Legends of the Jews, stated that the Seraphim roared like lions.18 In antiquity the notion of magic animals which served their masters by warning was not uncommon. Magic dogs are also cited by Ginzberg telling of the legend that the Egyptians had placed two golden dogs at the tomb of Joseph.19 The notion that lions had a role in preserving truth may be related to their presence at the court of the Sanhedrin and the High Priest. These surroundings were designed to terrify the witness into speaking the truth before the royal throne of Solomon. They consisted of turning wheels, a bellowing ox, a roaring lion, a howling wolf, a bleating lamb, a growling leopard, a crying goat, a screaming falcon, a gobbling peacock, a crowing cock, a screeching hawk, and a chirping sparrow.20 The original source of Thenaud’s tale is easily recognized though the direct source is far more problematic. The original source was Toledot Jeshu (The Generation of Jesus). Salo Wittmayer Baron summarized his view about the work as follows: “That the Toledot Jeshu in its present form is a mediæval apocryphon can hardly be subject to doubt, but its ancient antecedents still await elucidation.”21 The most notable assessments of Toledot Jeshu have been Samuel Krauss, Das Leben Jesu nach jüdischen Quellen, Berlin, 1902, Rev. Dr. William Horbury’s

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unpublished 1970 Cambridge University PhD thesis A Critical Examination of the Toledot Jeshu, and Günter Schlichting, Ein jüdisches Leben Jesu—Die verschollene Toledot-Jeschu-Fassung Tam u-mu‘ad (Tübingen, 1982). Schlichting’s 1982 book is mainly a copy and German translation of the probable first Hebrew imprint which he refers to as TA, published in Amsterdam, 1823/1824. The relevant passage for our present purposes from the TA is copied below, in my translation: Then the godless one left Alexandria and hid his face with his mantle so that no one might recognize him and he came to Jerusalem and no-one recognized him. And he went into the midst of those who were entering into the tower. And there was the stone Shetijah, which was the stone upon whose top our father Jacob, blessed be his name, had poured oil. In this stone had been inscribed the divine name. The one who learnt it and its secret and who then knew how to copy it onto duly prepared parchment and who had that name in his breast, he had it in his hand to reorder the order of things to awaken the dead and to do all that came into his heart. All this came into his grasp on account of the holy and terrible name which he bore in his breast. And the men of wisdom were greatly concerned lest anyone who was unworthy of it might learn the name from the inscription and go to his house and write it in its order on a parchment so as to display his wonders to men and to say, “God has sent me to you to do all these deeds,” so that they might believe on him and so that Israel might follow after him, that they might believe in him forever. Then the men of wisdom in Israel, on account of the holy name had made two bronze dogs and secured them with chains of iron before the temple door. And so it was as soon as anyone who had learned the name from the inscription went out of the temple door all the dogs barked; and because of the reverberating noise which came forth from them everything which he had learned left his mind and he was not able to remember again and to recall it for he had quite forgotten it. Now when this godless one came into the temple he wrote for himself, in order, the divine name on a paper with an iron tool which he prepared with his own hand for inscribing. Then he cut his flesh with a knife. However, on account of the holiness of the name which was in his hand he did not harm

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names his flesh when he cut it with the knife. Then he put the paper into the cut and closed the flesh over it, so that no one knew that he had put it inside him. No one knew it or saw anything about it. When he left the temple the dogs did bark at him, he forgot what he had learned, the order of the divine name and was quite unable to recall it. When he arrived at the door of his house he opened up the covering and cut his flesh at the place where the paper was hidden. Then he drew out the paper which was there under his skin and wrote it in its order on a parchment just as he had planned.

The first point to register is that this passage is of central importance in Tam u-muad. Günter Schlichting, in Ein jüdisches Leben Jesu—Die verschollene Toledot-Jeschu-Fassung Tam u-mu‘ad, describes it as Kristallisationspunkt für die Bildung des Volksbuch Toledot Jeschu (“the point of crystallization in the process of the folk narrative Toledot Jeshu”) and points out that it serves as giving the reason not only for the miracles worked by Jesus, but also for his consciousness of Messiahship and for his claim to divinity.22 The second point to note is that there are evident similarities between Thenaud’s account and subsequent Hebrew printed editions. Nevertheless, there are also obvious discrepancies. The most prominent difference is that Thenaud’s ms. 5061 has deux merueilleux lyons de marbre (“two marvellous lions in marble”), where TA has two bronze dogs. It is also to be noted that Thenaud specifies that the divine four-letter name was the most glorious and excellent of the seventy-two names of God. Did Thenaud have a distinctly different source from the writer of TA? The work was certainly known in Christian circles at least as early as the ninth century. Through disputations it was known in Paris (1240), Barcelona (1263) and Tortosa (1413/14). The Spanish Dominican Raymundus Martini included it in his 1278 Pugio Fidei adversus Mauros et Judæos. This Latin translation of the work described it as a fabula (fable, tale). Martini’s work was to become prominent. The Carthusian Porchetus de Salvaticis, who died circa 1315, repeated Martini’s work in Victoria Porcheti adversus impios Hebreos. In 1520 the work was printed in Paris. The importance of this imprint is shown by the fact that it was used by Martin Luther for his 1543 translation entitled Vom Schem Hamphoras und vom Geschlecht Christi. Could this 1520 imprint have been the source for Thenaud’s account? Examination of Victoria Porcheti aduersus impios Hebreos shows that in the two relevant sentences the animals which were to give the alarm and to cause the thief to forget the divine name were dogs (canes). Therefore, Thenaud’s source cannot have

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been this 1520 imprint. As has been shown above, Toledot Jeshu was not unknown in France prior to 1500. For instance, Horbury records in his unpublished 1970 Cambridge University PhD thesis, 6, 7 that from Trévoux in Savoy in 1429 comes an account of the discovery, during an official search by a baptized Jew, of a copy of Toledot. He concluded in the thesis, at 437, that a compilation directly related to the later Toledot existed in the third century in written forms. It formed the core of later texts, to which additions especially in proper names were made. Whereas the sources that have canes (dogs based on the Hebrew khlvym, ‫ )כלבים‬were well-known in Christian circles, there are other Hebrew sources, as noted below, which have ‫( אריות‬ʼryṿt, “lions”). As the following extract from Horbury’s translation at IX shows, lions are attested in the Baghdad Toledot. IX. And the matter was known to the sages, and they wished to slay him, because he taught halakah in the presence of his masters, and he fled to Jerusalem. And there was a woman who wished to go to Jerusalem, and her name was Helen, the Queen. And there was in the temple Eben Shethijah and on it was written the Ineffable Name. And the sages used to warn the young men of Israel not to learn the Ineffable Name and perish from the world. They proceeded to make two brazen lions, and suspended them over the gate opposite the entrance to the Temple. When anyone entered and learned the Ineffable Name and went out the lions used to roar at him, and he would forget what he had learnt. What did Jesus do? He went and wrote it on a piece of parchment in his thigh. When he went out, the lions roared at him, and he forgot what he had learnt in his heart. He went outside and opened his thigh and brought out the Ineffable Name and learnt it. X. And he went and gathered all the young men of Israel and said … and went and did signs and wonders. Is. 11:4

Similarly, Krauss notes that, whereas the Leyden and the Adler mss. refer to two copper dogs, other sources refer to two copper lions bound with iron chains.23 A further observation concerns the material from which the guardian animals were formed. Thenaud’s mention of marble is not attested elsewhere. For instance, in the extract from the Baghdad Toledot given above, the lions are in copper or bronze. Clearly, ms. 5061 did not derive the tale of the theft of the divine name from the most popular Christian source, which was derived from Pugio Fidei. There is, therefore, a sound basis to support the likelihood that Thenaud had his own Hebraic source, quite separate from circles familiar with Pugio Fidei.

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

It should also be noted that whereas dogs were by no means favoured animals in the Hebrew tradition, lions were. In Hebrew eyes, lions would have been far more appropriate to guard Solomon’s temple than dogs. It is, therefore, suggested that the marble lions tradition recorded by Thenaud records a more ancient one than the dogs tradition adopted by Martinius, Porchetus, and Luther. Luther made use of the 1520 printed book Victoria Porcheti aduersus impios Hebr[a]eos by Porchetus which has duos canes ereos, “two bronze dogs.” Porchetus, Victoria Porcheti aduersus impios Hebreos (Paris, 1520), British Library 481.f.19, f. xxx ro col. 2, l. 20 marked below:

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 481.f.19 … they made two bronze dogs and set them on two columns before the doors of the house ….

The marginalia above in British Library 481.f.19 is to be noted “shem hame/pforas.” This copy is heavily annotated. Luther, in Vom Schem Hamphoras, Wittemberg, 1543, at Aiii vo has:

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 3905.dd.86 … So they made two dogs from bronze and set them on two pillars before the door of the Temple. If anyone entered and learned the letters ….

It is to be remembered that Luther’s father was a metal worker, and so it is reasonable to expect that Luther would be well aware of such materials.

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Reuchlin had declared that Toledot Jeshu was one of the books to be burned. Wolff refers to the Toledot Jeshu, but he does not give details, so we do not know whether the guardians in his copy are lions or dogs. It is also to be noted that Wolff refers to the Jews as “blind Jews,” blinden Juden. Wolff ’s passage referred to here, f. a iv ro, can be seen below:

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17 … as the blind Jews believe, say, and write in a booklet ‫ דולדות ישיע‬Doldes Jeschu as it called so they all remain and …

Thenaud’s image of “two marvelous lions in marble” is in notable contrast to the other cited sources. It presents further evidence that Thenaud was in contact with previously unacknowledged Kabbalistic sources. The contrasting attitudes of the four authors are considered in the Conclusion below.

WOLFF AND THE SEVENTY-TWO NAMES In Spiegel der Juden … (1555),24 Wolff starts with many of his reasons why the Jews fail to acknowledge Jesus as Messiah. That section is followed by Jewish prayers. The seventy-two names start at gathering o iii ro. Images of the copy at Frankfurt are available at the QR-code below.25

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

That copy is incomplete. It ends at gathering n iii and therefore does not include the seventy-two names. The British Library copy General Reference Collection 4033.aa.17 used by this writer is complete. Wolff gives the number of the relevant Psalm, a German version of the verse from that Psalm, and the seventy-two triliteral names in Latin and Hebrew starting at o iii ro. The names are given below:

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

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© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

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© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

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© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17

There are errors in the numbers given for the Psalms. Some were evidently made by the printer. In three cases the number 9 is printed as 4, as indicated in large-size font in the table below which shows the number of the names, Wolff ’s Psalm reference number, Wolff ’s German source and the Psalm number from Luther’s German Bible. No.

11

Wolff

Wolff

Luther

Psalm

Text

Psalm No.

8

Der Herr lebet / gelobet sey mein Velts /

18

und der Gott meines Heilts wirdt erhaben werden 15

97

27

104140

44

110

Der Herr ist meine Stercke

94

/mein Got ist ein Velts meiner zuvorsicht. Erlöse mich Herr von den bösen menschen

140

/behüttte mich Herr vor den freueligen mennern Laß dir Herre gefallen die freywilligen opffer

119

meines Mundes/ und lerne mich dein Gerichte/ 45

44

Do ich sprach meins Fuss hat geschlipft / So stercke mich Herre deine Gnade/

94

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names No. 47

Wolff

Wolff

Luther

Psalm

Text

Psalm No.

Herre wie sein deine werke so groß /

92

24

deine gedanken sein so gar tieff 48

48

Der Herr hat sein heyligthumb gemacht /

98

vor den völ-kern hat er eröffnet seine Gerechtigkeit/ 49

65

Got ist groß und sehr löblich /

145

und seine grosse ist nicht aüß zu forschen/ 65

40

Herre kere doch des mahl einns wider her /

90

unnd tröste deine Knechte.

Generally, Wolff ’s wording follows Luther’s translation. Wolff uses the same Psalm sources as Reuchlin with one notable exception. It has been noted above that Reuchlin, for name 70, uses Genesis 1:1. Wolff quotes Psalm 115:1:

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17 Give praise to the Lord, proclaim his name; make known among the nations what he has done.

Wolf has Jofam as name 70, where Reuchlin has Iabamiah. Both make use of yvm. It is possible to derive yvm from Psalms 115:1 as can be seen enlarged below.

ָ ֝ ‫ה ֹ֣ודּו ֭ ַליהוָה ק ְִר ֣אּו ִבּ ְש ׁ֑מ ֹו ה ִ ֹ֥ודיעּו‬ ‫ִיֹלותֽיו‬ ָ ‫ב ַע ֗ ִ ּמים ֲעל‬

This difference in the sources of name 70 shows that Wolf did not rely completely on Reuchlin. Reuchlin’s 1517 DAC included printed Hebrew letters and words. Porchetus’s 1520 Victoria Porcheti aduersus impios Hebreos, on which Luther depended, contained Hebrew words. Thenaud’s first Kabbalistic manuscript, the 1519 La saincte et très chrestienne cabale metrifiée, has no Hebrew. The original of the second Kabbalistic manuscript, the 1522 Traite de la cabale, has only scattered Hebrew letters. By way of example, here is a small part of Thenaud, Traité de la cabale, f. lxxii vo, available at the following QR-code.26

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Source: Bibliothèque Nationale de France By these four letters … they mean: “Who is like you in strength LORD” (Exodus 14:11).

The Latin text of the verse is quis similis tui in fortibus Domine. In the manuscript, the last word of the verse is replaced with a reference to Tetragrammaton, as it appears in the Hebrew text: ‫ מִ ֽי־כ ָ֤מ ֹכָה ָֽ ּב ֵאלִם֙ י ְה ֔ ָוה‬Note that each of the four Hebrew letters is surmounted with three dots in a triangle, similar to DAC.

Luther’s 1543 Vom Schem Hamphoras contained no Hebrew print. Wolff ’s 1555 Spiegel … included printed Hebrew letters and words. The book was printed by Hans Weinreich (ca. 1490–1560) in Danzig. Previously Weinreich had printed other works by Luther in Königsberg, now Kaliningrad, Russia.27 The 1555 Spiegel … is noteworthy because it proves that the Baltic region28 had a genuinely Hebraic Lutheran presence at a fairly early date in the Lutheran Reformation. Thus Spiegel … might have taken a knowledge of the seventy-two names from Danzig out along the Hanseatic trade routes following other books printed by Weinreich and his colleagues, such as Catechismus jn preüßnischer sprach vnd da gegen das deüdsche (Königsberg: Hans Weinreich, 1545). Another notable example is the first book printed in Lithuanian which is Martynas Mažvydas, Catechismvsa Prasty Szadei: Makslas skaitima raschta yr giesmes del kriksczianistes bei del berneliu iaunu nauiej sugulditas (Königsberg, 1547).

Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names

Awareness of Greek and Hebrew in Baltic countries at the early stages of the Lutheran Reformation was scant. One example is from Estonia. Wanradt was one of the two authors of the first book printed in Estonian. In 1531 he was paid 60 Marks from Revel (later Tallinn) for a “Hebrew, Chaldaic, Greek, and Latin Bible,” eyne hebreiische, caldeische, greckshe und lateinishe biblie. See Hellmuth Weiss and Paul Johansen, “Bruchstücke eines niederdeutsch-estnischen Katechismus vom Jahre 1535,” Beitrage zur Kunde Estlands XV, no. 4: 102 who cite Leonid Arbusow, Geistl. XVI. 229. The “Hebrew, Chaldaic, Greek, and Latin Bible,” might have been a copy of the Complutensian Polyglot, though another possibility is the Psalterium in quatuor linguis: Hebraea, Graeca, Chaldaea [i.e. Ethiopic], Latina (Cologne: Soter & Potken, 1518.) This is the first printed polyglot with Ge’ez. For notes about the distribution of this polyglot across the Hanseatic trade routes see Christie-Miller, “Psalterium in quatuor linguis: Hebraea, Graeca, Chaldaea [i.e. Ethiopic], Latina (Cologne, 1518). Baltic Trade and Cultural Connections: Evidence from the Paper,” Electronic British Library Journal (2016), art. 3:1–10, available at the QR-code below.29

Another example of the poor state of Greek is from Sweden. According to the Wolfgang Undorf, From Gutenberg to Luther—Transnational Print Cultures in Scandinavia 1450–1525 (PhD thesis, Humboldt-Universität, Berlin, 2012), available at the QR-code below.30

… a certain Gustaf Trolle, who studied in Cologne, where he received a master’s degree in 1511, returned to Sweden for a career that took him so far as to the see of the archbishop in Uppsala. Undorf reports that Trolle

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72 in His Name “seems to have been proud of what he achieved in his academic studies, especially some proficiency in Greek. This made him write his name in Greek letters in the copy of Chrysoloras.”

Dr. Undorf ’s exhaustive survey of books held in the Finnish/Norwegian/ Danish/Swedish (Scandinavian) area has few other references to Greek works. By way of illustrating this rarity of Greek sources, there is only one mention of Erasmus’s groundbreaking 1522 Novum Testamentum omne ad Graecam, which had been printed in Basle. The owner of this book was Sveno Jacobi. He had been a student in Rostock and became Dean at Skara cathedral in Sweden. He later became Bishop in Skara between 1530 and 1540. Similarly, Dr. Undorf ’s research lists even fewer Judaic/Hebraic works.

CHAPTER THREE

Conclusions

T

he attitudes of the four authors towards the Jews and their sources of their information about the seventy-two names are revealing and each will now be considered.

REUCHLIN AND THE JEWS The attitude of Reuchlin, as shown by the Pfefferkorn affair, has been referred to briefly above. It has been the subject of considerable study. DVM and DAC are written in the form of respectful conversations between three men. The characters in the three books in DAC are a follower of Pythagoreanism (Philolaus), a Moslem (Marranus), and a Jew who is an expert in the Kabbalah (Simon). The overall tone is one of the respectful listening to Simon. They meet, converse, and part on the best of terms. We may also note that, in accordance with Reuchlin’s stance against Toledot Jeshu, there is no mention of that book in either DVM or in DAC. This is noteworthy because Luther, Thenaud and Wolff, as described below, make use of Toledot Jeshu. The mild tone of DVM and DAC towards the Jews could be considered to be favourable to them. However, the silence about Toledot Jeshu in DVM and DAC based on Reuchlin’s decision that it should be burned point in the opposite direction.

LUTHER AND THE JEWS It is well known that Luther moved from a pro-Jewish stance to an anti-Jewish one. This can be dramatically shown by his use of the words “lies” (Lügen) and “sow” (Saw). In 1523 Luther produced the printed book Das Jhesus Christus eyn geborner Jude sey. Doctor Martinus Luther. Vuittemberg. M.D.xxiij (Wittemberg: Melchior Lotter, 1523), British Library 3905.bbb.78, available at the QR-code below.1 Luther’s text is also available online via Google Books.2

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He complained that he had been the target of lies (Lügen). He complained that a new lie was being put out that maligned his preaching and writing about Mary, the mother of God, as may be seen below from the writer’s scan of British Library 3905.bbb.77, August 3, 2018, of f. A i vo, also available at the QR Code below.3

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 3905.bbb.78 But a new lie is being put out about me. I would have preached and written that Mary, the Mother of God …

On the following page he claimed that the progress of Jews towards Christianity was impeded by popes, bishops, sophists, and monks. Luther then declared, as shown below from f. Aii ro, that, were he a Jew, he would rather become a sow than a Christian.

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 3905.bbb.78 … and seen foolish Christian faith ruled and taught / so would I rather become a sow than a Christian.

Conclusions

Clearly, in 1523, Luther sympathised with the Jews.

By 1543 Luther’s attitude had changed. The Jews are linked with a sow as shown below from f. E ii vo and f. E iii ro Vom Schem Hamphoras (Wittemberg, 1544). This text is also available on-line via Google Books.4

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 3905.bbb.78 Here in Wittenberg, in our parish church, there is a sow carved in stone under which lie young pigs and Jews who are sucking / behind the sow stands a rabbi / who is lifting up the right leg of the sow / and with his left hand / he lifts the tail above himself / bows down and looks with great effort into the Talmud / as if he wanted to read and see something most difficult and exceptional / Most certainly they got their Shem Hamphoras from that place ….

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An even more outspoken work is Von den Jüden und jren Lügen (Wittemberg: Hans Lufft, 1543), (About the Jews and their Lies, 1543). By way of example it includes, at line 15 f. C iii ro, a phrase much used by Wolff (see below)—die blinden Jüden, “the blind Jews.”

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, H.misc. Scan 29, also available at the QR Code below.5

Conclusions

Von den Jüden und jren Lügen has justifiably been described by Professor Andrew Pettegree as “Luther’s most notorious work” having a “violent and intemperate tone.”6

THENAUD AND THE JEWS There is clear evidence from Thenaud’s first manuscript, the 1508 La Margarite de France, that his attitude towards the Jews conformed to the prevalent Catholic understanding. Without comment he records that Dagobert expelled from France all the Jews who refused baptism in f. 78 ro: “il dechassa de son royaulme tous les juifz qui ne se voulurent faire baptiser” (“he expelled from his kingdom all the Jews who did not want to be baptized”). He also echoes the notion that the Jews were rich and powerful blasphemers of the name of God in La Margarite de France, f. 111 ro: Phelippes Auguste ordonna loy pour reprimer les blasphemateurs du nom de dieu. … Puys dechassa a sa persuasion de bernard hermite du boys de vincene de paris et de son royaulme les Juifz qui lors estoient riches et puissans. Philip Augustus ordered a law to suppress the blasphemers of the name of God. … Then, persuaded by Bernard the hermit in the Bois de Vincenne, he expelled from Paris and from his kingdom the Jews who then were rich and powerful.

He anchored expulsion of Jews with significant natural disasters in the history of France in La Margarite de France, f. 117 ro: Item la sene fut si grande a paris que lon ne pouuoit aller que par basteaux et les pons qui estoient de pierre cheurent. Lan mil troys cens et six furent les juifz deschassez de france.

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72 in His Name Then the Seine was so high in Paris that one could only get about by boat and the bridges that were made of stone fell. In 1306 the Jews were expelled from France.

More ominously he adopted without comment the ideas that Jews poison wells and act in an unpatriotic manner in La Margarite de France, f. 120 vo: Phelippes le long 1318 empoysonner toutes les fontaines et puyts des x`riens pour les faire mourir. Et se vouloyent faire par le conseil des juifz qui les avoièt subournez par pecune lesquelz juifz faisoyent ce par le enhortement du roy de grenade sarrazin qui souèt auoit este opprime par les francoys. Philip the Tall 1318: to poison all the fountains and wells of the Christians to kill them. And wanted this at the instigation of the Jews who had been bribed to do so with the encouragement of the King of Grenada who often had been oppressed by the French.

There is, on the other hand, a measure of respect for the Jews in that Thenaud defers to their calendar when he considers dating from creation in La Margarite de France, f. 8 ro: Des la creacion du monde jusques au deluge en quel còmence le second eage scelon les hebreux furent mil six cens cinquante et six ans … Mais ie adhere a lopinion des hebreux … From the creation of the world up to the flood when the second age began, according to the Hebrews, there were one thousand six hundred and fifty-six years … But I defer to the opinion of the Hebrews …

Whereas Luther moved in an increasingly anti-Semitic direction, there is evidence that Thenaud became increasingly respectful, at least of the Kabbalists— but he never wavered in his overarching intent of defending and advancing his monarch’s Catholic faith. This increasing respect for Kabbalists is easily seen in the 1522 Traité de la cabale.

Conclusions

First, there are the respectful terms for the individual Kabbalist guide. For instance, in numerous places the term “venerable” is used and at f. 57 bis ro. Thenaud’s pilgrim thanks his guide for instruction in the Speculative Kabbalah and goes on to implore his Raby et seigneur, “Rabbi and master” to instruct him in the Practical Kabbalah. Secondly, some of the weightiest subjects are taught by the Hebrew Kabbalist. For instance, after the first treatise in which the hebreu remply de science humaine et sapience divine (“the Hebrew full of human knowledge and divine wisdom”) has concluded his teaching, Thenaud’s pilgrim asks for lessons about the immortality of the soul. These are given in the second treatise of Traité de la cabale, at 9 r°: “Cy commence le second traicte lequel prouve limmortalite des ames et lexcellence dicelles qui contient huyt chapitres” (“Here starts the second treatise which proves the immortalilty of souls and their excellence which contains eight chapters”). Notwithstanding the favourable movement in Thenaud’s attitude to the Jews, his underlying intent to maintain the Catholic faith of Francis I, his mother, sister, and wife is clear from the fifth treatise of the 1522 Traité de la cabale. Since the first treatise of the book the pilgrim/disciple had been led by Curiosite, who had placed him under the guidance of the Hebrew Kabbalist, as at f. 3 v°: … cestoit Curiosite elle me dist Puys que tu vieulx scavoir que cest des aultres mondes et que desires parvenir a iceulx cest moy que doibs suyvre. O pelerin du monarque trescrestien Car je te donneray en main Hebreux Poetes Philozophes ou bien Machometistes qui te y conduyront ou te enseigneront la voye. En disant ces parolles elle evoqua ung Juif ou Hebreu au quel feist commendement de me enseigner sa Caballe qui est interpretee reception et de me monstrer la voye du ciel. … this was Curiosity. She said to me, “Because you want to know about other worlds and want to come to them it is I whom you must follow. O pilgrim of the Most Christian Monarch, I shall give you into the hand of Hebrews, Poets, Philosophers, or even Moslems who will lead you there or teach you the way.” In saying these words, she summoned a Jew or Hebrew to whom she gave commandment to teach me his Kabbalah, which means Reception, and to show me the way of Heaven.

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The fifth treatise, at f. 95 r°, tells how the pilgrim/disciple is liberated from the hand of the Hebrew Kabbalists by Dame Simplicite. Icy commence la tressaincte Cabale des Chrestiens Chapitre premier. Comment dame simplicite oste le disciple de la main des hebreux cabalistes et le conduict en leglise du sainct sepulchre de iherusalem ou il veoit les noms et livres de tous les scripteurs ecclesiastes Et le laisse pres le mont calvaire luy disant quil trouvera la lart de cabalizer et non ailleurs …. Here starts the most holy Kabbalah of the Christians First Chapter How Dame Simplicity delivers the disciple from the hand of the Hebrew Kabbalists and leads him to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem where he sees the names and books of all holy writers. And she leaves him near to Mount Calvary telling him that he will find the art of kabbalizing there and nowhere else ….

WOLFF AND THE JEWS As noted above, Wolff described himself on the title page of Spiegel as “Born a Jew / Baptized in Christ.” His situation is similar to Pfefferkorn’s. Wolff, unlike Reuchlin, gives Toledot Jeshu prominence in his book. He also refers to the Jews as “blind,” as he does in several other places in Spiegel. At a iv ro: “wie dann die blinden Juden gleuben / sagen und schreiben in einem büchlein ‫דולדות ישיע‬ Doldes Jeschu …” (“as then the blind Jews believe, / say, and write in a little book ‫ דולדות ישיע‬Doldes Jeschu …”). Similarly there is at b iii ro: “die armen unuerstendigen Juden …” (“the poor uncomprehending Jews …”). Wolff claims that the Jews were responsible for the death of Jesus. It is given very evident prominence in being printed as a stand-alone sentence early in the book at C i vo as shown on next page:

Conclusions

© British Library Board—Shelfmark 4033.aa.17 Now it is known that after the 70 years the Temple was built again. Then followed the seventy-two weeks and one Year more which is 4. 33 Years. Then was Jesus killed by the Jews. After that came Emperor Titus Vespasianius …7 Spiegel der Juden …, 4033.aa.17, scanned July 20, 2018.

The reference is to Daniel 9 and the mentions of seventy and seventy-two are to be noted as relevant to this study. Wolff makes other references to seventy and seventy-two in his introduction to the significance of the names. The first reference is to Numbers 11:16, which relates to the consecration of seventy elders who were miraculously given the Spirit. The Spirit was also given (verse 26) to Eldad and Medad, thereby making up the seventy-two. The second reference is to Jesus sending out either seventy or seventy-two disciples on a mission. Wolff wrongly gives the reference as Luke 11, where only twelve disciples are sent out. It is chapter 10 which has seventy or seventy-two, depending on the source. Luke 10:1 and 10:17 both give the number of disciples who were sent out and returned. Some, such as papyrus 75 from Vaticanus, have seventy-two. Some, such as the Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus manuscripts from London, have seventy.

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The third reference is to Numbers 33 where Elim had seventy palms. At f. o ii vo curiously Wolff has “als siebzig Brunn in Helim” (“as seventy fountains in Elim”) whereas Luther at Numbers 33:9 has “Elim; da waren zwölf Wasserbrunnen und siebzig Palmen” (“Elim; there were twelve fountains and seventy palms”). The fourth reference is to the number of people who accompanied Jacob into Egypt. Wolff wrongly has “… Exod 6. 70 Selen oder Leyb, …” “… Exodus 6. 70 Souls or Bodies ….” The correct reference is Exodus 1:5. This might be a simple error by the printer who mistook the combination of 1 and 5 for 6, as appears to have happened, as noted above, in the wrongful numbering of the reference to Psalms. More seriously the claim that the Jews were responsible for the death of Jesus is repeated at b ii ro where Wolff has “… das Jeschua ‫ ישוע‬Jhesus/ der von den Juden unter Pontio Pilato gecreuziget worden/ der rechte Messias sey,” (“… that Jeshua ‫ ישוע‬Jesus/ who was crucified by the Jews under Pontius Pilate/ is the true Messiah”).

CHAPTER FOUR

Overview THE FOUR AUTHORS AND THE SEVENTY-TWO NAMES—1522 PERSPECTIVE 1522 was a most notable year for the development of the Reformation itself. It was in that year that the first major split occurred. Members of the Zurichcentered church, under the leadership of Ulrich Zwingli, broke away. This was dramatically shown by what is known as the “Affair of the Sausages,” when it was declared that because the Bible did not specifically ban eating of meat during Lent, one could eat meat if one so chose. This was represented by Zwingli in his sermon Von Erkiesen und Freiheit der Speisen (“About Choice and Freedom of Food”), as being in line with Martin Luther’s sola scriptura injunction. In 1522 Reuchlin died. He had remained within the Roman Catholic Church. His sympathies with the Jews were not unlimited. On one hand, he made full use of the seventy-two names but on the other hand he wanted some books such as Toledot Jeshu burned. In 1522 Luther produced his celebrated German-language Das Newe Testament Deutzsch. One year later he produced his pro-Semitic Das Jhesus Christus eyn geborner Jude sey. Twenty-one years after that he produced his Von Schem Hamphoras, making use of Toledot Jeshu and of the seventy-two names. That same year he also produced Von den Jüden und jren Lügen (About the Jews and their Lies), thereby revealing his anti-Semitic move. In 1522 Thenaud produced his manuscript Traité de la cabale, in which he made use of Toledot Jeshu and of the seventy-two names, but in distinctly different ways, drawing on some different sources. Thenaud had undoubtedly enlarged his worldview about the Jews since his 1508 manuscript La Margarite de France, but remained firmly committed to interpreting all information so as to bolster the traditional Catholic faith of his beloved royal household. Wolff ’s Spiegel der Juden appeared thirty-three years later in 1555 and is notable for making extensive use of the seventy-two names. Wolff had moved unpleasantly far from his Jewish heritage just as Pfefferkorn had done with his 1507 Der Juden Spiegel.

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Finally, the very different distributions of the four authors’ Kabbalistic works are to be noted. As is well known, the printed works of Reuchlin and Luther continue to be widely known and distributed worldwide. Thenaud’s Kabbalistic manuscripts were destined for the royal family. Copies of the manuscripts now exist only in France and Switzerland but are belatedly receiving attention. Numerous copies of Wolff ’s Spiegel der Juden are held in Germany1 and several are in the UK.2 The National Library of Russia in St. Petersburg has a copy. This shows just how widespread its influence might have been.3

Notes CHAPTER ONE   1 Images of Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Munich Res/4 Polem, 3340,6 are also available at http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00003130/image_1.   2 Digital BL version, accessed January 19, 2018 at http://access.bl.uk/item/viewer/ark:/ 81055/vdc_100032379319.0x000001#ark:/81055/vdc_100032379333.0x000002  3 Also available at Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: https://opacplus.bsb-muenchen.de/ metaopac/search?&query=De%20Rudimentis%20Hebraicis.   4 See website of Bayerische Staatsbibliothek at http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0001/ bsb00018512/images/index.html?id=00018512&groesser=&fip=wqrseayaeayaweneayaeayaxdsyd&no=5&seite=1 (Reuchlin, Johannes: Ioannis Revchlin Phorcensis LL. Doctoris Liber De Verbo Mirifico, Tubingae, 1514 [VD16 R 1301]).  5 Vom Schem Hamphoras: Und vom Geschlecht Christi. Matthei am j. Capitel. D. Mart. Luth. Wittemberg. M.D.xliii. available online at https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=IjtoAAAAcAAJ& printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false.   6 Jean Thenaud, Le Voyage et Itinaire (sic) de oustre mer par Frere Jehá Thenaud Maistre en ars docteur en Theologie & gardien des freres mineurs … (Paris, 1523–1531?), British Library, General Reference Collection G.7064.   7 Jean Thenaud, La Margarite de France, dedicated to the Countess of Angoulesme (1508), BL ms. Add. 13969.   8 Jean Thenaud, Généaltic de la très sacrée majestée du Roy très chrestien (1533), Chantilly, Musée Condé, ms. 420.   9 Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8530359s. 10 Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, ms. 5061, available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b 55008904n. 11 Bibliothèque de Genève at http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/fr/bge/fr0167. 12 Frankfurt-am-Main university library website at: http://sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt. de/freimann/content/titleinfo/260656 under Persistent Identifier (URN) nbn:de:hebis: 30-180014873009.

CHAPTER TWO   1 Accessed August 12, 2018, http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/fr/searchresult/list/one/bge/ fr0167.

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72 in His Name   2 See book review by Professor David B. Ruderman, available online from University of Pennsylvania at http://repository.upenn.edu/history_papers/28.

  Scholem’s views have been questioned by Moshe Idel, notably in his Kabbalah: New Perspectives (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989).  3 DVM, f. g i vo: “Erit igitur Semhāmaphoras ex libro psalmorū divini nominis revelata expositio” (“Therefore, the Semhammaphoras itself will be revealed from the book of Psalms as the Divine Name”).   4 Also available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8530359s/f78.image.   5 Also available at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b55008904n/f206.image, accessed February 1, 2018.   6 Also available at http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/fr/bge/fr0167/177v/0/Sequence-107.   7 Geneva ms. Fr. 167 and Nantes ms. 521 share an anomaly in that they both have Elemiach as name 4, which indicates the likely dependence of Nantes ms. 521 on Geneva ms. Fr. 167.  8 Numerically, ‫( לגד‬lgd)—“look, behold”—and ‫( בהל‬vhl)—“be thirsty, blaze fiercely”—are also equal to 37.   9 However, Jean Marques-Rivière offered in his Amulettes, Talismans et Pantacles dans les traditions Orientales et Occidentales (Paris: Payot, 1938) an explanation that essentially attaches a geographical significance to the various suffixes. The Eastern and the Western angels had names ending in -EL, -IEL, and –IAEL, whereas the names of the Northern and Southern angels ended in -IAH and -AEL. 10 When each letter is given its own value, starting at 1 for ‫א‬, and so on, the progressive sum may be given. It will be seen that by the time of the eighteenth group the progressive value has reached 37. Similarly, if the process is repeated, but starting at the end, the progressive sum will also be 37 by the time that the same position is reached, the eighteenth from the top, which is the twentieth from the end.   Furthermore, the composition of both sums is notable. Working from the top, the first three are worth 5, the next five are worth 10, the next ten are worth 22. Alternatively, working from the top the first three are worth 5, the next eleven are worth 22, the next four are worth 10. The same system applies when working from the base. The lowest five are worth 5, the next three are worth 10, and the last twelve are worth 22. Alternatively, the lowest five are worth 5, the next eleven are worth 22, and the last four are worth 10. This is an astounding instance of chiasmus.   Incidentally it may be noted there are no groups with 5 (‫ )ה‬or 6 (‫ )ו‬members. It is tentatively suggested that this non-appearance of two letters from the Tetragrammaton might be purposeful. 11 Also available at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b55008904n/f211.image.

Notes 12 13 14 15

Also available at http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/en/bge/fr0167/186r/0/Sequence-107. Also available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b8530359s/f77.image. Also available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b55008904n/f217.image. Moïse Schwab, Les Coupes magiques et l’hydromancie dans l’antiquité orientale (London, 1890), 62, 63. 16 Theodore Schrire, Hebrew Amulets—Their Decipherment and Interpretation (London, 1966), 60. 17 Jean Thenaud, Traicté de la Cabale, Édition établie et annotée par Ian Christie-Miller avec la collaboration de François Roudaut et la participation de Claire César, Pierre Gauthier et Jean Timotéi (Paris: Honoré Champion. 2007), 340–353. 18 Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, vol. 3: Bible Times and Characters from the Exodus to the Death of Moses (Project Gutenberg, 2001), 245, 246. 19 Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, vol. 3: Bible Times and Characters from the Exodus to the Death of Moses. (Project Gutenberg, 2001), 3. 20 Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, vol. 4: Bible Times and Characters from the Exodus to the Death of Moses (Project Gutenberg, 2001), 68. 21 Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews. II (2) (New York, London and Philadelphia, 1952), 384. 22 Günter Schlichting, Ein jüdisches Leben Jesu. Die verschollene Toledot-Jeschu-Fassung Tam u-mu‘ad (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1982), 15–22. 23 Samuel Krauss, Das Leben Jesu nach jüdischen Quellen. (Berlin, 1902), 118, 190. 24 Wolff, Spiegel der Juden …, aii ro. 25 Also available at http://sammlungen.ub.unifrankfurt.de/freimann/content/titleinfo/ 260656. 26 Also available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b55008904n/f176.image. 27 Catechismus jn preüßnischer sprach vnd da gegen das deüdsche (Königsberg: Hans Weinreich, 1545). This was the first book printed in Lithuanian as Martynas Mažvydas, Catechismvsa Prasty Szadei: Makslas skaitima raschta yr giesmes del kriksczianistes bei del berneliu iaunu nauiej sugulditas (Königsberg, 1547). 28 The first book printed in Finnish was Mikael Agricola, ABC-Kirja (Stockholm: Amund Larsson, 1543), available at https://www.dropbox.com/s/7cr5efc0an1r0pr/ABC%20Date.pdf? dl=0. This writer’s watermark research casts doubt on the publication date. The first book printed in Estonian was Simon Wanradt and Johann Koell, Katekismus (Wittenberg, 1535). 29 Also available at http://www.bl.uk/eblj/2016articles/article3.html. 30 Also available at https://edoc.hu-berlin.de/bitstream/handle/18452/17107/undorf.pdf? sequence=1&isAllowed=y.

CHAPTER THREE   1 Also available at http://access.bl.uk/item/viewer/ark:/81055/vdc_100032638548.0x000 001#ark:/81055/vdc_100032638562.0x000002, accessed February 23, 2018.   2 Also available at https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=90toAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false.

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72 in His Name   3 Also available at https://books.google.co.uk/books?vid=BL:A0021303869&redir_esc=y.   4 Also available at https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=MztoAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false.   5 Alsoavailableathttp://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10910807_ 00029.html, accessed August 12, 2018.   6 Andrew Pettegree, Brand Luther: How an Unheralded Monk Turned His Small Town into a Center of Publishing, Made Himself the Most Famous Man in Europe and Started the Protestant Reformation (New York: Penguin Books, 2016), 296.   7 Titus Vespasianus Augustus, original name Titus Flavius Vespasianus (39–81 AD), Roman emperor (79–81), conquered Jerusalem in 70.

CHAPTER FOUR   1 Berlin, Darmstadt, Frankfurt/Main, Fulda, Germersheim, Gießen, Göttingen, Kassel, Mainz (2), Marburg/Lahn, Rostock. The Berlin copy was part of the Kirchenministerialbibliothek in Celle, Germany. Fuller provenance information is at https://provenienz.gbv.de/index. php?title=Kirchenministerialbibliothek_(Celle)&oldid=13370.   2 Oxford Hebrew and Jewish Studies Library, British Library.  3 Russian National Library, St. Petersburg, Shelf Number: 16.65.4.73, as part of collection: “Knigi XVI veka na evropeiskikh iazykakh” (Sixteenth-Century Books in European Languages).

Bibliography PRE-1700 Agricola, Mikael. ABC-Kirja. Stockholm: Amund Larsson, 1543. Agrippa, Henricus Cornelius von Nettesheim. Opera in duos tomos concinne DL. Lyon, 1531. ———. De occulta philosophia libri tres. Cologne, 1533. ———. In artem brevem Raymundi Lullii commentaria expostrema auctoris recognitione. Cologne, 1568. ———. Three books of occult philosophy. London, 1651. Aleandro, Girolamo. Alphabetum hebraicum et graecum. Paris, 1510 (?). ———. Lexicon græco-latino. Paris, 1512. Baynes, Ralph (also known as Rodoplhe Baynardus or Raoul Beyne). Prima Rudimenta in Linguam Hebræam nunc primum ædita. Paris, 1550. ———. Compendium Michlol, hoc est absolutiss. grammaticis Davidiis Chimhi. Paris, 1554. ———. In proverbia Salomnis tres libri commentariorim ex ipsis Hebræorum fontibus manantium. Paris, 1555. Catechismus jn preüßnischer sprach vnd da gegen das deüdsche. Königsberg (now Kaliningrad, Russia): Hans Weinreich, 1545. Chevalier, Antoine Rodolphe (also known as Cevallerius). Alphabetum Hebraicum […]. Paris, 1566. Cheradame, Jean Ioannis (also known as Cheradamus). Rudimenta quædam hebraicæ grammaticæ. Paris, 1523. ———. Ioannis Cheradami Alphabetum linguæ sanctæ mystico intellectu refertum. Paris, 1532. ———. Introductio alphabetica sane quam utilis græcarum musarum adyta compendio. Lyon, 1537. ———. De coelesti hierarchia. Paris, 1542. Ficino, Marsilio. Platonica Theologia. Florence, 1482. ——— (trans.). Platonis Opera Omnia. Florence, 1484. ———. Naldus Nandius Florentinus in hujus operis laudem […] divinus Plato. Venice, 1491. ———. Pimander Mercurii Trismegisti liber de sapientia et potestate dei. Venice, 1505. ———. De Religione christiana Marcili Ficini Opusculum: una cum Xenocrate de morte Marsilio interprete finit […]. Paris, 1510. ——— (trans.). Platonis Opera. Venice, 1517. ——— (trans.). Dionysii Areopagitæ episcopi Atheniensis libri duo, alter de Mystica Theologia, alter de Diuinis Nominibus. Venice, 1538. ———. Marsilii Ficinii Florentini, insignis Philosophi Platonici, Medici atque Theologi clarissimi, Opera […]. Basle, 1576.

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Index Abulafia, Abraham, 18 Agricola, Mikael, 71n28 Amulets, 23, 32–38 angels, 1, 6, 15 names, 30–31, 35, 70n9 number of, 16, 36 Bible, 17, 18, 55, 67 Genesis, 18–20, 36, 53 Exodus, 5–6, 16, 17, 18, 19, 54, 66 II Kings, 18 Psalms, 18–20, 47, 52–53, 66 Charles VIII (king of France), 7

Jews attitude towards, 4, 9, 28–29, 46, 57–61, 61–64, 64–66 contact with, 29, 30, 36, 38, 39, 46 well poisoning, 62 Kabbalah, 4, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15, 17, 18, 23, 29, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 53, 57, 62–64 knowledge of languages Greek, 35, 36, 55–56 Hebrew, 3, 12, 14, 18, 29, 36, 38, 42–43, 53, 54–55 Koell, Johann Katekismus (with Simon Wanradt), 71n28

Exorcism, rite of, 32, 36, 38–39 Francis I (king of France), 7–8, 9, 24, 28, 63 Ficino, Marcilio, 8 Gikatilia, Joseph, 18 Hama (Rabbi), 37 Hochstraten (Hoogstraten), Jacob, 4 Idel, Moshe, 70n2 Jesus Christ, 3–4, 17, 23, 39–41, 43, 44, 46, 64, 65, 66

Leo X (Pope), 4 Luther, Martin, 4, 14, 52–53 knowledge of Hebrew, 53, 54–55 treatment of seventy-two names, 5–6, 23, 41, 43, 45 and the Jews, 4, 57–61, 67 Vom Schem Hamphoras und vom Geschlecht Christi, 4, 7, 23, 43, 45, 54, 59, 67 Martini, Raymundus, 43, 45 Maximilian I, 4 Mažvydas, Martynas, 54, 71n27 Mirandola, Pico della, 17, 36

82

72 in His Name Names of God, 4–6, 23–28, 29, 35, 37, 59 Jesus stealing the divine name, 39–44 number of letters, 14, 15, 18–19, 30, 35, 43, 47 Tetragrammaton, 8, 15, 19, 20, 35, 37, 43, 54, 70n10 suffixes, 22–23, 30–32, 70n9 Pfefferkorn, Johannes, 3, 4, 57, 64, 67 Porchetus, 43 Victoria Porcheti aduersus impios Hebr[a]eos, 43, 45, 53 Reuchlin, Johannes (Capnion), 3, 14, 36 DAC (De Arte Caballistica Libri tres), 4, 15, 18, 20, 37, 57 De Rudimentis Hebraicis, 4 DVM (De verbo mirifico), 4, 18, 20, 57 knowledge of Hebrew, 20, 53 treatment of seventy-two names, 18–23 and the Jews, 3–4, 9, 57–58 Scholem, Gershom, 18, 70n2 Septuagint, 17 seventy, 18 Talmud, 3, 40, 59 Thenaud, Jean, 7, 9, 12, 14, 28, 68 knowledge of Hebrew, 29–30, 35, 38, 53

treatment of seventy-two names, 15, 23–28, 30–39 and the Jews, 28–29, 61–64 Explorateur des quatre fleuves, 7–9 Introduction à la Cabale, 10–12, 15, 23–28 La Margarite de France, 17, 61–62, 67 La saincte et très chrestienne cabale metrifiée, 9, 53 Traité de la cabale, 9, 23–25, 53–54, 62–64, 67 Toledot Jeshu, 39–44, 46, 67 thirty-seven, 23, 30–32, 38–39 Titus Vespasianus, 65, 72n7 Toledot Jeshu, 3, 30, 39–44, 46, 57, 64, 67 Trolle, Gustaf, 55–56 Wanradt, Simon  Katekismus (with Johann Koell), 71n28 watermark dating, 10–11, 71n28 Weinreich, Hans,12, 54, 71n27 Wolff, Philipp, 12, 46, 60 Spiegel der Juden, 12–14 knowledge of Hebrew, 47, 54 treatment of seventy-two names, 14, 46–54, 65–66 and the Jews, 46, 60, 64–66 Zwingli, Ulrich, 67